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Tag: Johns Hopkins University

  • Where the DC region’s universities rank in online degree offerings – WTOP News

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    Online degree programs at D.C.-area schools are among the highest ranked in the country, according to U.S. News and World Report’s 2026 Best Online Programs.

    Many students earn bachelor’s and master’s degrees from the University of Maryland, Virginia Tech and George Washington University without setting foot on campus — except at graduation.

    Online degree programs at these and other regional schools make it possible to go to college without moving or commuting. They are also among the highest ranked in the country, according to U.S. News and World Report’s 2026 Best Online Programs.

    “Virtually all U.S. colleges and universities have some form of online or remote education,” said LaMont Jones, U.S. News and World Report’s managing editor for education. “Often it’s completely remote.”

    In the overall bachelor’s degree category, only George Washington University is in the top 30. Its School of Medicine and Health Sciences is in a nine-way tie for 29th place.

    The online master’s programs at Maryland, D.C. and Virginia universities fare better.

    For example, five local universities are in the top 20 for online master’s in engineering: George Washington (number 5), Johns Hopkins University (tied at number 6), University of Maryland-College Park (tied at number 11), Virginia Tech (number 14), and Virginia Commonwealth University (tied at number 18).

    “A correlation between schools that have strong residential programs and strong online programs is that they are not trying to create an entirely new curriculum from scratch,” Jones said.

    “They are using what works in their traditional programs, in their in-person programs, and making that into an online format so that students are getting the same quality of education.”

    Online colleges attract students of all ages and backgrounds. Jones said the largest share of remote graduate students are older, and require more flexibility because of their jobs and families.

    And in online bachelor’s programs, “you also have some more traditional college-age who maybe want to save money and don’t want to spend the money to live on a campus and the related costs,” Jones said.

    The flexibility also extends to admissions deadlines. At many schools, the deadline for in-person enrollment this fall has passed, but their online programs typically accept applications all year.

    Once admitted, students’ start dates are not tied to the traditional academic calendar. Jones said there are programs, using asynchronous learning, with as many as 12 start dates in a year.

    The full Best Online Programs report is at USNews.com.

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    © 2026 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

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    Ciara Wells

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  • Johns Hopkins University eliminating tuition for most students – WTOP News

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    Johns Hopkins University will be eliminating tuition for undergraduate students from families that make up to $200,000 a year, starting next year, the university announced Thursday.

    Johns Hopkins University will be eliminating tuition for undergraduate students from families that make up to $200,000 a year, starting next year, the university announced Thursday.

    Thanks to a $1.8 billion donation in 2018 by Michael Bloomberg, an alumnus of the Baltimore university, and continued donations up to $240 million since then, the university will now be tuition-free for qualifying undergraduate students. In a release, the university said students from families that earn up to $100,000 a year will ” receive additional aid to cover tuition, fees, and living expenses,” meaning they can attend the school with zero parental contribution.

    The tuition change will go into effect in the spring of 2026 and for new students in the fall of 2026. The school’s application deadline is Jan. 2.

    “Trying to understand financial aid offers can be overwhelming,” said David Phillips, vice provost for admissions and financial aid. “A big goal here is to simplify the process.”

    For families that earn more than $200,000, the university will continue to provide financial aid “to meet 100% of need.”

    JHU President Ron Daniels said in a statement Thursday that the change “will further strengthen our capacity to deploy this gift, and many others, in recruiting the best and brightest students to Johns Hopkins irrespective of their financial wherewithal.”

    Students who apply for financial aid to the university will be considered for the new aid.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

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    Ciara Wells

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  • On the Move: As DC region gets older, talent supply isn’t growing – WTOP News

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    The D.C. region is aging, a shift that experts say is the result of a declining birth rate, expensive housing and flexibility that comes with hybrid or remote work opportunities.

    This story is Part 2 of WTOP’s three-part series “On the Move: The D.C. region’s population trends.” Read Part 1 on the D.C. region becoming more diverse here

    The D.C. region is aging, a shift that experts say is the result of a declining birth rate, expensive housing and flexibility that comes with hybrid or remote work opportunities.

    Neighborhoods across the area added more people 65 and older than under 18, according to a WTOP analysis of local census data from the midway point of 2024. The data, released this summer, showed similar trends nationally. Overall, the U.S. population 65 and older rose by over 3%, while the under 18 population decreased by 0.2%, the Census Bureau said.

    In some cases, the result is a war for talent, according to Hamilton Lombard, a demographer at the University of Virginia’s Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service.

    “The talent supply is not really growing,” Lombard said. “We have some immigration, but the number of people turning 18 is going to start shrinking. You’re having communities focusing more on trying to attract workers, and some areas have historically done better than the D.C. area, at least the last decade or so, because they have a lower cost of living, and it makes them more attractive.”

    Major metropolitan areas across the country are aging in similar ways, and it’s a shift that’s partially the result of losing families. The increase in housing prices during the pandemic “just didn’t come back down, and that’s made the D.C. area particularly unaffordable for a lot of families,” Lombard said.

    Some families are moving to the outskirts of the D.C. region, to places such as Hagerstown, Fredericksburg or Maryland’s Eastern Shore. In some cases, those places are seeing a drop in median age, which Lombard described as unusual.

    “There’s just not enough housing, and so housing costs have gotten really expensive in Maryland as a whole, and especially in some of the D.C. suburbs, but also in many of the Baltimore suburbs as well,” said Michael Bader, director of the 21st Century Cities Initiative at Johns Hopkins University. “So that has diminished opportunities here.”

    According to census data as of July 1, 2024, in D.C. 2,013 more people over 65 were added last year, compared to 499 people under 18. In Montgomery County, Maryland, there were over 7,000 more people 65 and older compared to 2023. There were over 1,200 more people under 18 added in 2024. Prince George’s County reported over 350 more people under 18 compared to 2023. Conversely, it added over 6,100 people 65 and older.

    In Fairfax County, Virginia, there were almost 7,000 more people 65 and older compared to 2023. There were 751 more people under 18. Loudoun County reported over 3,017 more people 65 and older, and a drop of over 800 people under 18.

    In Fairfax, Lombard said the number of births is down 20% over the last eight years of data available, double what’s been reported in Virginia.

    “That’s really been driven by families moving out,” Lombard said. “Fairfax County has some of the highest housing prices in the country, definitely some of the highest on the East Coast.”

    Remote and hybrid work schedules provide more flexibility, but Lombard said the region aging comes with consequences.

    “That’s going to be a really big issue when you look at the D.C. area going forward, is how can they continue to bring in young workers when you have all these other areas really competing effectively,” Lombard said.

    When the D.C. area reaches the point when the number of people turning 18 is declining, “if you don’t have more immigration, ultimately you’re going to see the labor force shrink,” Lombard said.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

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    Scott Gelman

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  • America Is Having a Senior Moment on Vaccines

    America Is Having a Senior Moment on Vaccines

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    For years now, health experts have been warning that COVID-era politics and the spread of anti-vaxxer lies have brought us to the brink of public-health catastrophe—that a Great Collapse of Vaccination Rates is nigh. This hasn’t come to pass. In spite of deep concerns about a generation of young parents who might soon give up on immunizations altogether—not simply for COVID, but perhaps for all disease—many of the stats we have are looking good. Standard vaccination coverage among babies and toddlers, including the pandemic babies born in 2020, is “high and stable,” the CDC reports. And kindergarteners’ immunization rates, which dipped after the pandemic started, are no longer losing ground.

    Whatever gaps in early childhood vaccination were brought on by the chaos of early 2020 have since been reversed, Alison Buttenheim, a professor of nursing and health policy at the University of Pennsylvania, told me: “We’ve substantially caught up, which is incredible. It’s actually an amazing feat.”

    But even in the shadow of this triumph, a more specific crisis in vaccine acceptance has emerged. Americans aren’t now suspicious of inoculations on the whole—the nation isn’t anti-vax—but we have lost faith in yearly COVID shots. Barely any children have been getting them. Among adults, the drop in uptake has been rapid and relentless: By the spring of 2022, 56 percent of all adults had received their initial booster shot; a year later, just 28 percent were up to date; so far this COVID season, just 19 percent can say the same.

    Of course, the dangers from infection have been dropping too. Almost all of us have been exposed to COVID at this point, either through prior immunization, natural infection, or—most likely—both. That makes the disease much less deadly than it’s ever been before. (Among kids, the CDC now attributes “0.00%” of weekly deaths to COVID.) But for one age group in particular—people over 65—the crashing vaccination rates should inspire dread. More than 1,500 deaths each week are still associated with COVID, and almost all of them are senior citizens; current data hint that COVID has been killing seniors at seven times the rate of flu. Across the nation’s nursing homes and retirement communities, the Great Collapse is real.

    Like younger American adults, seniors haven’t been avoiding all recommended immunizations, just the ones for COVID. Their flu-shot rates have gone down a little in the past few years, but only by a handful of percentage points from a pandemic-driven, all-time high of 75 percent. This season, about 70 percent of people over 65 have received their flu vaccine, in line with average rates that haven’t changed that much for decades. In the meantime, seniors’ uptake of the latest COVID shots has fallen off by more than half since 2022, to just 38 percent. These diverging rates—steady for the flu, plummeting for COVID—are notably at odds with the attendant risks. Seniors seem to understand the value of inoculating themselves against the flu. So why do they forgo the same precaution against something so much worse?

    One might blame the toxic political battles around vaccines, and rampant misinformation about their ill effects. “Something terrible has happened to broaden and intensify public rejection of vaccines and other biomedical innovations in the United States,” the vaccine expert Peter Hotez wrote in his recent book The Deadly Rise of Anti-science. Certainly, toxic politics and rampant misinformation exist, but the turn against the experts that Hotez and others have decried doesn’t really fit the emergency described above. Taken as a whole, the population of Americans over 65 is hardly soured on vaccines. Nor are they afraid of COVID vaccination in particular: Though political divides persist, more than 95 percent of seniors received their initial round of shots. More than 95 percent!

    Echoing Hotez in an opinion piece for JAMA that came out last week, the FDA commissioner, Robert Califf, and a senior FDA official named Peter Marks cited the abysmal uptake of COVID shots by senior citizens as one of several signs that the country is nearing “a dangerous tipping point” on vaccination, driven by an oceanic online tide of vaccine misinformation. (Health-care providers should try to stem that tide, they wrote, with “large amounts of truthful, accessible scientific evidence.”) But the volume and intensity of anti-vaccine rhetoric seems to have diminished somewhat since 2022, Buttenheim told me: “You’d have to come up with some reason why it’s having more of an effect now than it did over the past couple of years.”

    Confusion and fatigue may well be bigger factors here than fear or false beliefs. Many Americans, young and old, have long since moved beyond the pandemic in their daily life, and may not want to think about the topic long enough to schedule another shot. The fact that people are fed up with COVID and all of the arguments it spawned is a “major drag on uptake of the vaccine,” Noel Brewer, a professor who studies health behavior at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, told me. Along with many other adults, seniors have also been thrown off by changes in what the shot is called and when it’s recommended for which groups. Buttenheim doesn’t think that people are particularly afraid of this year’s dose. “This is not, like, Back off,” she said. “It’s like, Oh, there is one?

    Another theory holds that the CDC is responsible for this indifference, by pushing yearly COVID shots on people of all ages, including those for whom the net benefits of further vaccination are hard to see. In the U.K., where a much narrower group of people is eligible for updated COVID shots, uptake among seniors has been almost double what it is in the U.S., at 70 percent. That’s not because the British health-care system is better organized than ours—or not only on account of that. Even in that context, British seniors only get their flu shots at a rate that’s slightly higher than American seniors do.

    The broader rollout could contribute to the problem, Rupali Limaye, an epidemiologist who studies health communication at Johns Hopkins University, told me: “When it’s a blanket recommendation, it does dilute the message.” The CDC’s messaging on COVID shots has the benefit of being simple, but at the cost of being less persuasive for the people who are at highest risk. Then again, all Americans above the age of six months are advised to get the flu shot, and more or less the same proportions do so every year. That’s a product of our training, Brewer told me: “The U.S. has invested for decades in developing the habit of getting an annual flu shot. Older adults know that this is the thing they need to do, and they are used to it.”

    Even more important than the habit of getting flu shots is the habit of supplying them. Local clinics, businesses, and retirement communities know how to give these vaccinations (and they understand how the costs will be covered); they’ve been doing this for years. Buttenheim told me that her university sets up a flu-shot clinic every fall, where she can usually get immunized in less than 90 seconds. But the equivalent for COVID shots is yet to become routine. Where the vaccines are available, appointments have been canceled over missing doses or mix-ups with insurance. Government efforts to improve access were delayed.

    With the end of the pandemic emergency, obtaining a COVID shot has simply gotten harder, no matter your intentions or beliefs. “The very well-structured and scaffolded process for getting those vaccines before has just evaporated,” Buttenheim said. For the uptake rates to turn around, a new, post-emergency system for delivery might have to be established, with less confusion over cost and coverage. Even that development alone would do a lot to end the geriatric vaccine crash. If COVID shots could be made as standardized and reflexive as the ones for flu, seasonal vaccination rates might start rising once again, at least until about two-thirds of people over 65 are getting shots. That’s the rate we see for flu shots, and probably an upper limit, Brewer said: “We won’t do better than that.”

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    Daniel Engber

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  • We Have No Drugs to Treat the Deadliest Eating Disorder

    We Have No Drugs to Treat the Deadliest Eating Disorder

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    In the 1970s, they tried lithium. Then it was zinc and THC. Anti-anxiety drugs had their turn. So did Prozac and SSRIs and atypical antidepressants. Nothing worked. Patients with anorexia were still unable to bring themselves to eat, still stuck in rigid thought patterns, still chillingly underweight.

    A few years ago, a group led by Evelyn Attia, the director of the Center for Eating Disorders at New York Presbyterian Hospital and the New York State Psychiatric Institute, tried giving patients an antipsychotic drug called olanzapine, normally used to treat schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, and known to cause weight gain as a side effect. Those patients in her study who were on olanzapine increased their BMI a bit more than others who were taking a placebo, but the two groups showed no difference in their cognitive and psychological symptoms. This was the only medication trial for treating anorexia that has shown any positive effect at all, Attia told me, and even then, the effects were “very modest.”

    Despite nearly half a century of attempts, no pill or shot has been identified to effectively treat anorexia nervosa. Anorexia is well known to be the deadliest eating disorder; the only psychiatric diagnosis with a higher death rate is opioid-use disorder. A 2020 review found people who have been hospitalized for the disease are more than five times likelier to die than their peers without it. The National Institutes of Health has devoted more than $100 million over the past decade to studying anorexia, yet researchers have not found a single compound that reliably helps people with the disorder.

    Other eating disorders aren’t nearly so resistant to treatment. The FDA has approved fluoxetine (a.k.a. Prozac) to treat bulimia nervosa and binge-eating disorder (BED); doctors prescribe additional SSRIs off-label to treat both conditions, with a fair rate of success. An ADHD drug, Vyvanse, was approved for BED within two years of the disorder’s official recognition. But when it comes to anorexia, “we’ve tried, I don’t know, eight or 10 fundamentally different kinds of approaches without much in the way of success,” says Scott Crow, an adjunct psychology professor at the University of Minnesota and the vice president of psychiatry for Accanto Health.

    The discrepancy is puzzling to anorexia specialists and researchers. “We don’t fully understand why medications work so differently in this group, and boy, do they ever work differently,” Attia told me. Still, experts have some ideas. Over the past few decades, they have been learning about the changes in brain activity that accompany anorexia. For example, Walter Kaye, the founder and executive director of the Eating Disorders Program at UC San Diego, told me that the neurotransmitters serotonin and dopamine, both of which are involved in the brain’s reward system, seem to act differently in anorexia patients.

    Perhaps some underlying differences in brain chemistry and function play a role in anorexia patients’ extreme aversion to eating. Or perhaps, the experts I spoke with suggested, these brain changes are at least in part a result of patients’ malnourishment. People with anorexia suffer from many effects of malnutrition: Their bones are more brittle; their brain is smaller; their heart beats slower; their breath comes shorter; their wounds fail to heal. Maybe their neurons respond differently to psychoactive drugs too.

    Psychiatrists have found that many patients with anorexia don’t improve with treatment even when medicines are prescribed for conditions other than their eating disorder. If an anorexia patient also has anxiety, for example, taking an anti-anxiety drug would likely fail to relieve either set of symptoms, Attia told me. “Time and again, investigators have found very little or no difference between active medication and placebo in randomized controlled trials,” she said. The fact that fluoxetine seems to help anorexia patients avoid relapse—but only when it’s given after they’ve regained a healthy weight—also supports the notion that malnourished brains don’t respond so well to psychoactive medication. (In that case, the effect might be especially acute for people with anorexia nervosa, because they tend to have lower BMIs than people with other eating disorders.)

    Why exactly this would be true remains a mystery. Attia noted that proteins and certain fats have been shown to be crucial for brain function; get too little of either, and the brain might not metabolize drugs in expected ways. Both she and Kaye suggested a possible role for tryptophan, an amino acid that humans get only from food. Tryptophan is converted into serotonin (among other things) when we release insulin after a meal, Kaye said, but in anorexia patients, whose insulin levels tend to be low, that process could end up off-kilter. “We suspect that that might be the reason why [SSRIs] don’t work very well,” he said, though he emphasized that the theory is very speculative.

    In the absence of meaningful pharmacologic intervention, doctors who treat anorexia rely on methods such as nutrition counseling and psychotherapy. But even non-pharmaceutical interventions, such as cognitive behavioral therapy, are more effective at treating bulimia and binge-eating disorder than anorexia. Studies from around the world have shown that as many as half of people with anorexia relapse.

    Colleen Clarkin Schreyer, a clinical psychologist at Johns Hopkins University, sees both patients with anorexia nervosa and those with bulimia nervosa, and told me that the former can be more difficult to treat—“but not just because of the fact that we don’t have any medication to help us along. I often find that patients with anorexia nervosa are more ambivalent about making behavior change.” Bulimia patients, she said, tend to feel shame about their condition, because binge eating is stigmatized and, well, no one likes vomit. But anorexia patients might be praised for skipping meals or rapidly losing weight, despite the fact that their behaviors can be just as dangerous over the long term as binging and vomiting.

    Researchers are still trying to find substances that can help anorexia patients. Crow told me that case studies testing a synthetic version of leptin, a naturally occurring human hormone, have produced interesting data. Meanwhile, some early research into using psychedelics, including ketamine, psilocybin, and ayahuasca, suggests that they may relieve some symptoms in some cases. But until randomized, controlled trials are conducted, we won’t know whether or how well any psychedelic really works. Kaye is currently recruiting participants for such a study of psilocybin, which is planned to have multiple sites in the U.S. and Europe.

    Pharmaceutical companies just don’t seem that enthusiastic about testing treatments for anorexia, Crow said. “I think that drug makers have taken to heart the message that the mortality is high” among anorexia patients, he told me, and thus avoid the risk of having deaths occur during their clinical trials. And drug development isn’t the only area where the study of anorexia has fallen short. Research on eating disorders tends to be underfunded on the whole, Crow said. That stems, in part, from “a widely prevailing belief that this is something that people could or should just stop … I wish that were how it works, frankly. But it’s not.”

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    Rachel Gutman-Wei

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  • Fall’s Vaccine Routine Didn’t Have to Be This Hard

    Fall’s Vaccine Routine Didn’t Have to Be This Hard

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    In an ideal version of this coming winter, the United States would fully revamp its approach to respiratory disease. Pre-pandemic, fall was just a time for flu shots, if that. Now, hundreds of millions of Americans have at their fingertips vaccines that can combat three cold-weather threats at once: flu, COVID, and, for a subset of us, respiratory syncytial virus. If everyone signed up to get the shots they qualified for, “it would be huge,” says Ofer Levy, the director of the Precision Vaccines Program at Boston Children’s Hospital. Hospital emergency rooms and intensive-care units wouldn’t fill; most cases of airway illness would truly, actually feel like “just” a common cold. “We would save tens of thousands of lives in the United States alone,” Levy told me.

    The logic of the plan is simple: Few public-health priorities are more pressing than getting three lifesaving vaccines to those who need them most, ahead of winter’s viral spikes. The logistics, however, are not as clear-cut. The best way to get vaccines into as many people as possible is to make getting shots “very, very easy,” says Chelsea Shover, an epidemiologist at UCLA. But that’s just not what we’ve set up this fall lineup of shots to do.

    Convenience isn’t the only issue keeping shots out of arms. But move past fear, distrust, or misinformation, solve for barriers such as insurance coverage, and getting a vaccine in the United States still means figuring out when shots are available and which you qualify for, finding and booking appointments, carving out the time to go. For adults, especially, who don’t routinely visit their doctor for wellness checkups, and whose workplaces don’t require vaccines to the extent that schools do, vaccination has become an onerous exercise in opt-ins.

    Bundling this year’s flu, COVID, and RSV vaccines into a single visit could, in theory, help ease the way to becoming a double or triple shotter. “Any time we can cut down on the number of visits for a patient to take care of them, we know that’s a big boost,” says Tochi Iroku-Malize, the president of the American Academy of Family Physicians. But the easiest iteration of that strategy, a three-in-one shot, similar to the MMR and DTaP vaccines of childhood, doesn’t yet exist (though some are in trials). Even the shorter-term solution—giving up to three injections at once—is hitting stumbling blocks. Pharmacies started receiving flu vaccines earlier this summer and are already giving them out to anyone over the age of six months. RSV vaccines, too, have hit shelves, and have been approved for people over the age of 60 and those 32 to 36 weeks pregnant; so far, however, they are being offered only to the first group. And although nearly all Americans are expected to be eligible for autumn’s updated COVID vaccines, those shots aren’t slated to make an appearance until mid-September or so, according to Kevin Griffis, a CDC spokesperson.

    Timing two or three shots together isn’t a perfect plan. Get them all too early, and some people’s protections against infection might fade before the season gets into full swing; get all of them too late, and a virus might beat the vaccine to the punch. Respiratory viruses don’t coordinate their seasons: Right now, for instance, COVID cases are on a sharp rise, but flu and RSV ones are not. Some data on the new RSV vaccines also suggests that co-administering them with other shots might trigger slightly worse side effects, or mildly curb the number of antibodies that the injections raise. Still, Levy argues that those theoretical downsides are outweighed by known benefits. “If someone is at clinic in the fall, they should get all the vaccines they’re eligible for,” he told me. Getting a slightly less effective, slightly more ornery shot a few months early is better than never getting a shot at all.

    All of that supposes that people understand that they are eligible for these shots. But already, family-medicine physicians such as Iroku-Malize, who practices in Long Island, have been fielding queries about the RSV vaccines from confused patients. Some new parents, for instance, have gotten the impression that the RSV vaccines are designed to be administered to infants, which isn’t quite right: Babies are the target of protection for the shots for pregnant people, but only because they temporarily inherit antibodies—not because they can get the injections themselves. Regulators also haven’t yet nailed down how often older adults might need the shot, though the current thinking is that the vaccine’s protection will last at least a couple of years. “It’s very hard to tell people, ‘I don’t know,’” says Jacinda Abdul-Mutakabbir, an infectious-disease pharmacist at UC San Diego.

    Other parts of the RSV-shot messaging are peppered with even more unknowns. The CDC has yet to release its final recommendation for pregnant people; for people over 60, the agency’s language has been “noncommittal,” says Rupali Limaye, a behavioral scientist at Johns Hopkins University. Unlike past guidelines that have straightforwardly recommended flu shots or most doses of the COVID-19 vaccine, RSV guidance says that eligible people may protect themselves against the virus—and are urged to first consult a health-care provider, which not all people have. The wishy-washiness is partly about safety: A few rare but serious medical events cropped up during the RSV vaccines’ clinical trials, including abnormal heartbeats and neurological complications. None of the experts I spoke with had qualms about recommending the shots anyway. Even so, some private health-insurance companies have seized on the CDC’s watered-down recommendation—and the fact that the agency hasn’t yet included RSV in its annual vaccine schedule for adults—as an excuse to not cover the shot, leaving some patients paying $300-plus out of pocket.

    For any of these shots, viral reputation matters too. Despite hospitalizing tens of thousands of Americans each year, especially at age extremes—numbers that, in some years, nearly rival those linked to flu—RSV is a lesser-known winter disease. People tend to take it less seriously, if it’s on their radar at all, Abdul-Mutakabbir told me. Which bodes poorly for future RSV-shot uptake. Annual flu shots have been recommended for 13 years for every American over the age of six months for 13 years. And still, just half the eligible population gets them in any given year. People tend to dismiss shots as subpar interventions against a disease that they don’t much fear, Limaye told me. With COVID, too, “people think it’s gotten mild,” she said. Only 28 percent of American adults are currently up to date on their COVID vaccine. And although older people have historically been more vigilant about nabbing shots, even vaccines against shingles—a notoriously painful disease—have reached just over a third of people who are 60-plus.

    To establish fall as an immunity-seeking season, shots would need to become an annual habit, ideally one easy to form. Mandates and financial incentives do prod people toward vaccines, but smaller nudges can persuade people to take initiative on their own. Some strategies may be as simple as semantic tweaks. Studies on HPV and flu vaccines suggest that telling patients they are “due” for a shot is better than offering it as an optional choice, says Gretchen Chapman, a behavioral scientist at Carnegie Mellon University. Other research suggests that carefully worded text-message reminders can evoke ownership—noting that a shot is “waiting for you,” or that the time has come to “claim your dose.” Noel Brewer, a behavioral scientist at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, also thinks that vaccine deliverers could take inspiration from dentists who gently dog their patients with phone calls and postcards.

    Other interventions could be aimed at streamlining delivery. Government funding could make shots more available in rural regions, ensure access for those who lack insurance, and help local health departments offer shots in churches and hair salons, or even bring them door to door. More schools and workplaces, too, might try boosting uptake among students and employees. And although most shots are already given within the health-care system, there’s sludge to clear from that pipeline too. Better universal recordkeeping could help track people’s vaccination status through their lifetime. Kimberly Martin, a behavioral scientist at Yale, is researching ways to revamp medical training to help health-care providers earn their patients’ trust—especially among populations that remain marginalized by systemic racism. “The single biggest impact on vaccine uptake,” Brewer told me, “is a health-care provider recommendation.”

    An ideal vision of a fall in the future, then, would be turning vaccines into a default form of prevention—a more typical part of this country’s wellness workflow, says Saad Omer, the dean of the Peter O’Donnell Jr. School of Public Health, at UT Southwestern. After getting their vital signs checked, patients could have their vaccination status reviewed. “And then, if they’re eligible, you vaccinate them,” Omer told me. It’s a routine that pediatricians already have down pat. If adult health care follows suit, regular immunization is a habit we may never have to outgrow.

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    Katherine J. Wu

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  • One More COVID Summer?

    One More COVID Summer?

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    Since the pandemic’s earliest days, epidemiologists have been waiting for the coronavirus to finally snap out of its pan-season spree. No more spring waves like the first to hit the United States in 2020, no more mid-year surges like the one that turned Hot Vax Summer on its head. Eventually, or so the hope went, SARS-CoV-2 would adhere to the same calendar that many other airway pathogens stick to, at least in temperate parts of the globe: a heavy winter peak, then a summer on sabbatical.

    But three and a half years into the outbreak, the coronavirus is still stubbornly refusing to take the warmest months off. Some public-health experts are now worried that, after a relatively quiet stretch, the virus is kick-starting yet another summer wave. In the southern and northeastern United States, concentrations of the coronavirus in wastewater have been slowly ticking up for several weeks, with the Midwest and West now following suit; test-positivity rates, emergency-department diagnoses of COVID-19, and COVID hospitalizations are also on the rise. The absolute numbers are still small, and they may stay that way. But these are the clear and early signs of a brewing mid-year wave, says Caitlin Rivers, an epidemiologist at Johns Hopkins University—which would make this the fourth summer in a row with a distinct coronavirus bump.

    Even this far into the pandemic, though, no one can say for certain whether summer waves are a permanent COVID fixture—or if the virus exhibits a predictable seasonal pattern at all. No law of nature dictates that winters must come with respiratory illness, or that summers will not. “We just don’t know very much about what drives the cyclical patterns of respiratory infections,” says Sam Scarpino, an infectious-disease modeler at Northeastern University. Which means there’s still no part of the year when this virus is guaranteed to cut us any slack.

    That many pathogens do wax and wane with the seasons is indisputable. In temperate parts of the world, airborne bugs get a boost in winter, only to be stifled in the heat; polio and other feces-borne pathogens, meanwhile, often rise in summer, along with gonorrhea and some other STIs. But noticing these trends is one thing; truly understanding the triggers is another.

    Some diseases lend themselves a bit more easily to explanation: Near the equator, waves of mosquito-borne illness, such as Zika and Chikungunya, tend to be tied to the weather-dependent life cycles of the insects that carry them; in temperate parts of the world, rates of Lyme disease track with the summertime activity of ticks. Flu, too, has pretty strong data to back its preference for wintry months. The virus—which is sheathed in a fragile, fatty layer called an envelope and travels airborne via moist drops—spreads best when it’s cool and dry, conditions that may help keep infectious particles intact and spittle aloft.

    The coronavirus has enough similarities to flu that most experts expect that it will continue to spread in winter too. Both viruses are housed in a sensitive skin; both prefer to move by aerosol. Both are also relatively speedy evolvers that don’t tend to generate long-lasting immunity against infection—factors conducive to repeat waves that hit populations at a fairly stable clip. For those reasons, Anice Lowen, a virologist at Emory University, anticipates that SARS-CoV-2 will continue to show “a clear wintertime seasonality in temperate regions of the world.” Winter is also a time when our bodies can be more susceptible to respiratory bugs: Cold, dry air can interfere with the movement of mucus that shuttles microbes out of the nose and throat; aridity can also make the cells that line those passageways shrivel and die; certain immune defenses might get a bit sleepier, with vitamin D in shorter supply.

    None of that precludes SARS-CoV-2 spread in the heat, even if experts aren’t sure why the virus so easily drives summer waves. Plenty of other microbes manage it: enteroviruses, polio, and more. Even rhinoviruses and adenoviruses, two of the most frequent causes of colds, tend to spread year-round, sometimes showing up in force during the year’s hottest months. (Many scientists presume that has something to do with these viruses’ relatively hardy outer layer, but the reason is undoubtedly more complex than that.) An oft-touted explanation for COVID’s summer waves is that people in certain parts of the country retreat indoors to beat the heat. But that argument alone “is weak,” Lowen told me. In industrialized nations, people spend more than 90 percent of their time indoors.

    That said, an accumulation of many small influences can together create a seasonal tipping point. Summer is a particularly popular time for travel, often to big gatherings. Many months out from winter and its numerous infections and vaccinations, population immunity might also be at a relative low at this time of year, Rivers said. Plus, for all its similarities to the flu, SARS-CoV-2 is its own beast: It has so far affected people more chronically and more severely, and has generated population-sweeping variants at a far faster pace. Those dynamics can all affect when waves manifest.

    And although certain bodily defenses do dip in the cold, data don’t support the idea that immunity is unilaterally stronger in the summer. Micaela Martinez, the director of environmental health at WE ACT for Environmental Justice, in New York, told me the situation is far more complicated than that. For years, she and other researchers have been gathering evidence that suggests that our bodies have distinctly seasonal immunological profiles—with some defensive molecules spiking in the summer and another set in winter. The consequences of those shifts aren’t yet apparent. But some of them could help explain when the coronavirus spreads. By the same token, winter is not a time of disease-ridden doom. Xaquin Castro Dopico, an immunologist at the Karolinska Institute, in Sweden, has found that immune systems in the Northern Hemisphere might be more inflammation-prone in the winter—which, yes, could make certain bouts of illness more severe but could also improve responses to certain vaccinations.

    All of those explanations could apply to COVID’s summer swings—or perhaps none does. “Everybody always wants to have a very simple seasonal answer,” Martinez told me. But one may simply not exist. Even the reasons for the seasonality of polio, a staunch summertime disease prior to its elimination in the U.S., have been “an open question” for many decades, Martinez told me.

    Rivers is hopeful that the coronavirus’s permanent patterns may already be starting to peek through: a wintry heyday, and a smaller maybe-summer hump. “We’re in year four, and we’re seeing the same thing year over year,” she told me. But some experts worry that discussions of COVID-19 seasonality are premature. SARS-CoV-2 is still so fresh to the human population that its patterns could be far from their final form. At an extreme, the patterns researchers observed during the first few years of the pandemic may not prelude the future much at all, because they encapsulate so much change: the initial lack and rapid acquisition of immunity, the virus’s evolution, the ebb and flow of masks, and more. Amid that mishmash of countervailing influences, says Brandon Ogbunu, an infectious-disease modeler at Yale, “you’re going to get some counterintuitive dynamics” that won’t necessarily last long term.

    With so much of the world now infected, vaccinated, or both, and COVID mitigations almost entirely gone, the global situation is less in flux now. The virus itself, although still clearly changing at a blistering pace, has not pulled off an Omicron-caliber jump in evolution for more than a year and a half. But no one can yet promise predictability. The cadence of vaccination isn’t yet settled; Scarpino, of Northeastern University, also isn’t ready to dismiss the idea of a viral evolution surprise. Maybe summer waves, to the extent that they’re happening, are a sign that SARS-CoV-2 will remain a microbe for all seasons. Or maybe they’re part of the pandemic’s death rattle—noise in a system that hasn’t yet quieted down.

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    Katherine J. Wu

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  • Colleges Acted to Rein In Their Police. Then They Backtracked.

    Colleges Acted to Rein In Their Police. Then They Backtracked.

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    This spring, amid a spate of mass shootings and rising concern about gun crime, two universities made plans to fortify their campus-police forces.

    George Washington University’s police department will begin arming some officers this fall for the first time. Portland State University quietly moved away from a 2021 policy change that had restricted its officers’ ability to patrol with weapons.

    The backlash was swift. George Washington students marched to the interim president’s on-campus residence; more than 200 faculty members signed a letter chastising the university’s board for failing to gather enough community input. Portland State students and faculty said the move felt like an invalidation of what activists had fought for and, in 2021, got closer to achieving: a campus without armed law enforcement.

    Three years ago this week, the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer galvanized a national conversation about law enforcement and systemic racism. Students and others on campuses became increasingly adamant that higher education needed to rethink its approach to policing. Many college leaders were receptive: They acknowledged that a significant police presence could make people of color feel unsafe and agreed to make certain changes.

    But even though some college leaders gestured toward broader plans to reform their police departments, sweeping changes haven’t occurred — and in fact, George Washington and Portland State have moved in the opposite direction.

    The leaders of these two universities have focused their rhetoric on concerns over increased crime and gun violence. To the activists who have, for years, pushed their institutions to imagine campuses without police, those arguments are misguided.

    These developments highlight a persistent tension in the policing debate: College administrators aren’t going to eliminate law enforcement. Activists aren’t going to give up the fight to abolish the campus police. What does that mean for future conversations about campus safety?

    When Floyd was murdered, colleges were put in the hot seat. Some activists demanded their colleges abolish their police departments altogether. (Experts told The Chronicle they weren’t aware of any institution that actually did that.)

    From the jump, campus officials resisted the most far-reaching of activists’ demands. At the University of Louisville, the Black Student Union demanded the institution cut all ties with the Louisville Metro Police Department, whose officers had shot and killed Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old Black woman, in March 2020. Neeli Bendapudi, the president at the time, explained to the Black Student Union’s president that the university could not agree to sever ties, because of overlapping jurisdictions and a reliance on the Louisville police for support.

    Still, institutions quickly made smaller changes to demonstrate a commitment to racial justice and progressive policing. They restricted the kinds of force police officers could use and distanced themselves from municipal departments that were accused of brutality.

    The Johns Hopkins University, for example, paused its plans to create an armed police force. The University of Minnesota-Twin Cities severed some of its ties with the Minneapolis Police Department. And the University of Michigan, like many institutions, assembled a task force to reconceptualize campus safety.

    A lot can change in three years.

    Hopkins is preparing to roll out its police department in the fall. Minnesota has rekindled its relationship with the Minneapolis police. And the Michigan task force disbanded with little to show for its work.

    Charles H.F. Davis III, an assistant professor in the Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education at the University of Michigan, said the backpedaling on reform efforts “communicates a lack of political commitment” to the racial-justice priorities colleges identified in 2020. Davis served on the aforementioned Michigan task force.

    Universities decided to wait it out until activism died out.

    To be sure, many of the changes colleges made to their police departments in 2020 are still in effect, such as a ban at all California State University campuses on the carotid hold, which restricts the flow of blood to the brain. Colleges emphasize their continued commitment to racial justice in campus communications.

    George Washington rolled out a new training program for officers, including lessons on de-escalation and identifying unconscious bias. The department added body-worn cameras and increased student participation in the officer-hiring process.

    But colleges today can increase policing with less fanfare than they might have faced in 2020, Davis said. Most of the undergraduates who led protests against the police in 2020 have since graduated, taking with them that institutional memory.

    “Universities decided to wait it out until activism died out,” Davis said.

    Even if some of campus policing’s largest critics are gone, though, there are plenty of students, and faculty and staff members who have taken on the issue of armed officers.

    “My goal right now is to make sure that Portland State University is able to hear the student voice,” said Hannah Alzgal, a senior and organizer with Disarm PSU, an activist group. “It’s unmistakable that this is not a decision that students have been vying for, and that we’re not being included in it.”

    Kristen Roman, police chief at the University of Wisconsin at Madison and the director at large of the International Association of Campus Law Enforcement Administrators, said activism on her campus has been more prominent in the last three years she has been on the job than in her first three years.

    “That’s one of the wonderful things about higher-education communities is that mobilization and activism is not uncommon for these communities — it’s encouraged,” Roman said. “It’s in terms of the relationship between police and communities, and some of those trust issues we’ve seen with greater visibility over the last three years — that has certainly prompted an increase in activism on our campuses.”

    The leaders of George Washington and Portland State say they’re acting now because they have no choice.

    They’re concerned about crime near campus, for one. But also, they don’t want to be the next Virginia Tech, the next Umpqua Community College, the next Michigan State — institutions whose academic reputations are entangled with their legacies as the sites of massacres. If a shooter does come to campus, they want to be prepared.

    At George Washington, “specially trained” officers will be given 9-millimeter handguns with which they can respond to emergencies, The GW Hatchet reported. Currently, the police department defers to other police agencies — and there are a number flanking the downtown Washington campus — when an emergency requires an armed response.

    “Immediacy of response to life-threatening incidents is critical, but whenever weapons are involved, unarmed officers cannot respond and must rely instead on other armed law enforcement,” Mark Wrighton, interim president of George Washington University, explained in an email to the campus community.

    Meanwhile, Portland State made the decision to increase armed patrols because officers were seeing more weapons on campus. In 2020, Portland State police officers seized three weapons on campus, said Willie Halliburton, the director of public safety. In 2021, they seized six. Last year, officers seized 13.

    “I’m not talking just knives — I’m talking guns, semiautomatic pistols, long guns, rifles,” Halliburton told The Chronicle. “These are serious weapons that we were beginning to encounter pretty commonly. We are trying to do our job in a respectful manner and respect people’s liberties out there. But also we have to respect our officers, and their livelihood, and our campus.”

    Portland State first created an armed police department in 2014. Campus activists protested the decision. Then the 2018 police killing of a 45-year-old Black man, Jason Washington, at a bar off campus further galvanized them. Washington, a Navy veteran, was armed as he tried to break up a fight.

    The university’s move to disarm police patrols in 2021 appeared at first to be a step toward curtailing campus law enforcement. Yet the university never fully disarmed its patrols. Officers just had to receive permission from senior campus-safety leaders in order to carry weapons.

    While the primary purpose of arming more patrols is to protect officers who encounter weapons, Halliburton said the number of mass shootings also factored into the decision.

    “One way to be prepared is to have our officers have the appropriate tools to respond in an expedient manner to a situation like that,” Halliburton said. “We just keep our fingers crossed that it doesn’t happen, but we wouldn’t want to be unprepared if it does happen.”

    There have been 237 mass shootings in the U.S. so far in 2023, according to the Gun Violence Archive, which defines a mass shooting as four or more people shot or killed, excluding the shooter. There were 647 mass shootings in all of 2022.

    It is unclear how many of those occurred on college campuses, but experts say such tragedies remain relatively rare. As for whether crime is on the rise in general, a complicated picture emerges.

    In Washington, D.C., violent crime — which the Federal Bureau of Investigation considers to include forcible rape, aggravated assault, robbery, and murder or nonnegligent manslaughter — is up 15 percent over the same time period last year. Property crime is up 31 percent.

    In Portland, Ore., violent crime was down 5.8 percent in the first four months of the year compared with the same time period in 2022. Property crime was down 9.7 percent.

    Data collected under the federal Clery Act does not reveal significant patterns in on-campus crime at either George Washington or Portland State Universities. The numbers for both violent and property offenses have fluctuated since 2014, the first year for which the current methodology was used.

    William Pelfrey Jr., a professor in Virginia Commonwealth University’s L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs who studies policing and public safety, said it is unusual for institutions of George Washington University’s size — 26,457 students and 6,030 staff members — not to have armed police departments. Portland State, which employs nine armed police officers, has 22,858 students and 3,047 staff members.

    “It would be very difficult for a large college or university to claim that they have an orientation toward the safety of their faculty, staff, and students without an armed police department,” Pelfrey said. “If you have 40,000, 50,000, 60,000 people on your campus — there’s very few cities of that size that don’t have an armed police department.”

    Relying on the local police to respond when incidents require armed officers can delay response times, Pelfrey said.

    “We determined it is critical to equip our highly trained police supervisors who know our campuses best with the ability to quickly respond to such emergencies in situations where seconds matter most,” Joshua Grossman, a spokesperson for George Washington, said in a statement.

    Relatedly, many municipal police departments are understaffed, including the Portland Police Bureau and Washington’s Metropolitan Police Department, and therefore can’t respond to all the calls they get.

    “That’s what led us back to armed patrols,” Halliburton said. “We can’t depend on Portland to take those calls which were previously agreed upon.”

    Those who oppose arming campus police are also afraid of gun violence. But they don’t believe that giving police officers firearms will protect their campuses.

    “That argument is short-sighted,” said Emily Ford, the president of Portland State’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors. “There is a plethora of evidence that when cops carry weapons, it doesn’t do anything to stop crime or violence.”

    Ford, a librarian, cited the AAUP’s 2021 report on campus police forces, which asserted that there is “little evidence to justify such a large outlay of the campus budget.” Research on shootings in K-12 schools has found that armed police officers are not effective at preventing school shootings.

    Instead, Ford and others argue, armed officers make campuses less safe, especially for members of marginalized groups.

    Research has shown that people of color are disproportionately stopped by police, on and off campuses. A 2021 report by the University of Southern California found that 31.7 percent of stops by USC police officers in the 2019-2020 academic year involved Black people, who made up only 5.5 percent of the student body and 8.8 percent of its staff. Latino people were also disproportionately stopped by police.

    Brendan Hornbostel, a Ph.D. student at George Washington who studies the histories of U.S. policing, characterized the university’s decision to arm some officers as extending a “velvet glove” to tuition-paying students and an “iron fist” to the homeless population around the urban campus.

    Like the activists at Portland State, Hornbostel is skeptical of the mass-shootings argument.

    “It’s a hell of a gotcha tactic on their part,” Hornbostel said. “Who is going to argue with, ‘What are you going to do with a mass shooting?’ Maybe the better question is, for all of the days that there is not a mass shooting on campus, there will be armed cops. That to me is just as terrifying.”

    At Portland State, one of activists’ main complaints is that the campus community was not sufficiently consulted before the university decided to increase armed patrols.

    Stephen Percy, president of the university, knows that many people on his campus are frustrated. “As often as I heard, ‘We didn’t like the decision,’ I more often heard, ‘We didn’t know it was coming. It’s kind of a surprise. Why didn’t we know that?’”

    He added: “I had to make the decision as president, given the safety of our officers and the situation we face, that on this limited period, to move forward.” Percy is retiring in July.

    He said he assembled an ad-hoc committee to come up with a communication plan for public safety. He also changed the charge of the university’s public-safety oversight committee so that it is consulted not just on policy changes, but also changes in practice, such as the decision to increase armed patrols.

    “If we do something like this again, we’ll actually consult with [the oversight committee] prior to making the decision,” Percy said.

    The goal, Percy said, is still to fully disarm patrols. But that’s just not feasible at the moment.

    Activists say they will keep the pressure on.

    “Our demands remain the same, but we’re not focused on the continued disappointments,” said Katie Cagle, a staff member at Portland State and organizer with Disarm PSU. “We’re instead focused on having conversations with people about, ‘What does safety mean for you?’”

    Ford, the campus AAUP president, said that Portland State’s chapter is strongly supportive of de-escalation teams patrolling campus, instead of armed police officers. Cagle added that community members would like more de-escalation training to help them respond to people in crisis.

    Activists have had a few wins, Cagle said. One was getting the campus police department to publish its policy manual online, for anyone to view.

    Still, she said, “That feels like feeling grateful for crumbs.”

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    Kate Hidalgo Bellows

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  • Norovirus Is Almost Impossible to Stop

    Norovirus Is Almost Impossible to Stop

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    In one very specific and mostly benign way, it’s starting to feel a lot like the spring of 2020: Disinfection is back.

    “Bleach is my friend right now,” says Annette Cameron, a pediatrician at Yale School of Medicine, who spent the first half of this week spraying and sloshing the potent chemical all over her home. It’s one of the few tools she has to combat norovirus, the nasty gut pathogen that her 15-year-old son was recently shedding in gobs.

    Right now, hordes of people in the Northern Hemisphere are in a similarly crummy situation. In recent weeks, norovirus has seeded outbreaks in several countries, including the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States. Last week, the U.K. Health Security Agency announced that laboratory reports of the virus had risen to levels 66 percent higher than what’s typical this time of year. Especially hard-hit are Brits 65 and older, who are falling ill at rates that “haven’t been seen in over a decade.”

    Americans could be heading into a rough stretch themselves, Caitlin Rivers, an infectious-disease epidemiologist at Johns Hopkins University, told me, given how closely the U.S.’s epidemiological patterns tend to follow those of the U.K. “It does seem like there’s a burst of activity right now,” says Nihal Altan-Bonnet, a norovirus researcher at the National Institutes of Health. At her own practice, Cameron has been seeing the number of vomiting and diarrhea cases among her patients steadily tick up. (Other pathogens can cause gastrointestinal symptoms as well, but norovirus is the most common cause of foodborne illness in the United States.)

    To be clear, this is more a nauseating nuisance than a public-health crisis. In most people, norovirus triggers, at most, a few miserable days of GI distress that can include vomiting, diarrhea, and fevers, then resolves on its own; the keys are to stay hydrated and avoid spreading it to anyone vulnerable—little kids, older adults, the immunocompromised. The U.S. logs fewer than 1,000 annual deaths out of millions of documented cases. In other high-income countries, too, severe outcomes are very rare, though the virus is far more deadly in parts of the world with limited access to sanitation and potable water.

    Still, fighting norovirus isn’t easy, as plenty of parents can attest. The pathogen, which prompts the body to expel infectious material from both ends of the digestive tract, is seriously gross and frustratingly hardy. Even the old COVID standby, a spritz of hand sanitizer, doesn’t work against it—the virus is encased in a tough protein shell that makes it insensitive to alcohol. Some have estimated that ingesting as few as 18 infectious units of virus can be enough to sicken someone, “and normally, what’s getting shed is in the billions,” says Megan Baldridge, a virologist and immunologist at Washington University in St. Louis. At an extreme, a single gram of feces—roughly the heft of a jelly bean—could contain as many as 5.5 billion infectious doses, enough to send the entire population of Eurasia sprinting for the toilet.

    Unlike flu and RSV, two other pathogens that have bounced back to prominence in recent months, norovirus mainly targets the gut, and spreads especially well when people swallow viral particles that have been released in someone else’s vomit or stool. (Despite its “stomach flu” nickname, norovirus is not a flu virus.) But direct contact with those substances, or the food or water they contaminate, may not even be necessary: Sometimes people vomit with such force that the virus gets aerosolized; toilets, especially lidless ones, can send out plumes of infection like an Air Wick from hell. And Altan-Bonnet’s team has found that saliva may be an unappreciated reservoir for norovirus, at least in laboratory animals. If the spittle finding holds for humans, then talking, singing, and laughing in close proximity could be risky too.

    Once emitted into the environment, norovirus particles can persist on surfaces for days—making frequent hand-washing and surface disinfection key measures to prevent spread, says Ibukun Kalu, a pediatric infectious-disease specialist at Duke University. Handshakes and shared meals tend to get dicey during outbreaks, along with frequently touched items such as utensils, door handles, and phones. One 2012 study pointed to a woven plastic grocery bag as the source of a small outbreak among a group of teenage soccer players; the bag had just been sitting in a bathroom used by one of the girls when she fell sick the night before.

    Once a norovirus transmission chain begins, it can be very difficult to break. The virus can spread before symptoms start, and then for more than a week after they resolve. To make matters worse, immunity to the virus tends to be short-lived, lasting just a few months even against a genetically identical strain, Baldridge told me.

    Day cares, cruise ships, schools, restaurants, military training camps, prisons, and long-term-care facilities can be common venues for norovirus spread. “I did research with the Navy, and it just goes through like wildfire,” often sickening more than half the people on tightly packed ships, says Robert Frenck, the director of the Vaccine Research Center at Cincinnati Children’s Hospital. Households, too, are highly susceptible to spread: Once the virus arrives, the entire family is almost sure to be infected. Baldridge, who has two young children, told me that her household has weathered at least four bouts of norovirus in the past several years.

    (A pause for some irony: In spite of norovirus’s infectiousness, scientists did not succeed in culturing it in labs until just a few years ago, after nearly half a century of research. When researchers design challenge trials to, say, test new vaccines, they still need to dose volunteers with norovirus that’s been extracted from patient stool, a gnarly practice that’s been around for more than 50 years.)

    Norovirus spread doesn’t have to be a foregone conclusion. Some people do get lucky: Roughly 20 percent of European populations, for instance, are genetically resistant to common norovirus strains. “So you can hope,” Frenck told me. For the rest of us, it comes down to hygiene. Altan-Bonnet recommends diligent hand-washing, plus masking to ward off droplet-borne virus. Sick people should isolate themselves if they can. “And keep your saliva to yourself,” she told me.

    Rivers and Cameron have both managed to halt the virus in their homes in the past; Cameron may have pulled it off again this week. The family fastidiously scrubbed their hands with hot water and soap, donned disposable gloves when touching shared surfaces, and took advantage of the virus’s susceptibility to harsh chemicals and heat. When her son threw up on the floor, Cameron sprayed it down with bleach; when he vomited on his quilt, she blasted it twice in the washing machine on the sanitizing setting, then put it through the dryer at a super high temp. Now a couple of days out from the end of their son’s sickness, Cameron and her husband appear to have escaped unscathed.

    Norovirus isn’t new, and this won’t be the last time it hits. In a lot of ways, “this is back to basics,” says Samina Bhumbra, the medical director of infection prevention at Riley Children’s Hospital. After three years of COVID, the world has gotten used to thinking about infections in terms of airways. “We need to recalibrate,” Bhumbra told me, “and remember that other things exist.”

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    Katherine J. Wu

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  • The Future of Long COVID

    The Future of Long COVID

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    In the early spring of 2020, the condition we now call long COVID didn’t have a name, much less a large community of patient advocates. For the most part, clinicians dismissed its symptoms, and researchers focused on SARS-CoV-2 infections’ short-term effects. Now, as the pandemic approaches the end of its third winter in the Northern Hemisphere, the chronic toll of the coronavirus is much more familiar. Long COVID has been acknowledged by prominent experts, national leaders, and the World Health Organization; the National Institutes of Health has set up a billion-dollar research program to understand how and in whom its symptoms unfurl. Hundreds of long-COVID clinics now freckle the American landscape, offering services in nearly every state; and recent data hint that well-vetted drugs to treat or prevent long COVID may someday be widespread. Long COVID and the people battling it are commanding more respect, says Hannah Davis, a co-founder of the Patient-Led Research Collaborative, who has had long COVID for nearly three years: Finally, many people “seem willing to understand.”

    But for all the ground that’s been gained, the road ahead is arduous. Long COVID still lacks a universal clinical definition and a standard diagnosis protocol; there’s no consensus on its prevalence, or even what symptoms fall under its purview. Although experts now agree that long COVID does not refer to a single illness, but rather is an umbrella term, like cancer, they disagree on the number of subtypes that fall within it and how, exactly, each might manifest. Some risk factors—among them, a COVID hospitalization, female sex, and certain preexisting medical conditions—have been identified, but researchers are still trying to identify others amid fluctuating population immunity and the endless slog of viral variants. And for people who have long COVID now, or might develop it soon, the interventions are still scant. To this day, “when someone asks me, ‘How can I not get long COVID?’ I can still only say, ‘Don’t get COVID,’” says David Putrino, a neuroscientist and physical therapist who leads a long-COVID rehabilitation clinic at Mount Sinai’s Icahn School of Medicine.

    As the world turns its gaze away from the coronavirus pandemic, with country after country declaring the virus “endemic” and allowing crisis-caliber interventions to lapse, long-COVID researchers, patients, and activists worry that even past progress could be undone. The momentum of the past three years now feels bittersweet, they told me, in that it represents what the community might lose. Experts can’t yet say whether the number of long-haulers will continue to increase, or offer a definitive prognosis for those who have been battling the condition for months or years. All that’s clear right now is that, despite America’s current stance on the coronavirus, long COVID is far from being beaten.


    Despite an influx of resources into long-COVID research in recent months, data on the condition’s current reach remain a mess—and scientists still can’t fully quantify its risks.

    Recent evidence from two long-term surveys have hinted that the pool of long-haulers might be shrinking, even as new infection rates remain sky-high: Earlier this month, the United Kingdom’s Office for National Statistics released data showing that 2 million people self-reported lingering symptoms at the very start of 2023, down from 2.3 million in August 2022. The U.S. CDC’s Household Pulse Survey, another study based on self-reporting, also recorded a small drop in long-COVID prevalence in the same time frame, from about 7.5 percent of all American adults to roughly 6. Against the massive number of infections that have continued to slam both countries in the pandemic’s third year and beyond, these surveys might seem to imply that long-haulers are leaving the pool faster than newcomers are arriving.

    Experts cautioned, however, that there are plenty of reasons to treat these patterns carefully—and to not assume that the trends will be sustained. It’s certainly better that these data aren’t showing a sustained, dramatic uptick in long-COVID cases. But that doesn’t mean the situation is improving. Throughout the pandemic, the size of the long-COVID pool has contracted or expanded for only two reasons: a change in the rate at which people enter, or at which they exit. Both figures are likely to be in constant flux, as surges of infections come and go, masking habits change, and vaccine and antiviral uptake fluctuates. Davis pointed out that the slight downward tick in both studies captured just a half-year stretch, so the downward slope could be one small portion of an undulating wave. A few hours spent at the beach while the tide is going out wouldn’t be enough to prove that the ocean is drying up.

    Recent counts of new long-COVID cases might also be undercounts, as testing slows and people encounter more challenges getting diagnosed. That said, it’s still possible that, on a case-by-case basis, the likelihood of any individual developing long COVID after a SARS-CoV-2 infection may have fallen since the pandemic’s start, says Deepti Gurdasani, a clinical epidemiologist at Queen Mary University of London and the University of New South Wales. Population immunity—especially acquired via vaccination—has, over the past three years, better steeled people’s bodies against the virus, and strong evidence supports the notion that vaccines can moderately reduce the risk of developing long COVID. Treatments and behavioral interventions that have become more commonplace may have chipped away at incidence as well. Antivirals can now help to corral the virus early in infection; ventilation, distancing, and masks—when they’re used—can trim the amount of virus that infiltrates the body. And if overall exposure to the virus can influence the likelihood of developing long COVID, that could help explain why so many debilitating cases arose at the very start of the pandemic, when interventions were few and far between, says Steven Deeks, a physician researcher at UC San Francisco.

    There’s not much comfort to derive from those individual-level stats, though, when considering what’s happening on broader scales. Even if immunity makes the average infected person less likely to fall into the long-COVID pool, so many people have been catching the virus that the inbound rate still feels like a flood. “The level of infection in many countries has gone up substantially since 2021,” Gurdasani told me. The majority of long-COVID cases arise after mild infections, the sort for which our immune defenses fade most rapidly. Now that masking and physical distancing have fallen by the wayside, people may be getting exposed to higher viral doses than they were a year or two ago. In absolute terms, then, the number of people entering the long-COVID pool may not really be decreasing. Even if the pool were getting slightly smaller, its size would still be staggering, an ocean of patients with titanic needs. “Anecdotally, we still have an enormous waitlist to get into our clinic,” Putrino told me.

    Deeks told me that he’s seen another possible reason for optimism: People with newer cases of long COVID might be experiencing less debilitating or faster-improving disease, based on what he’s seen. “The worst cases we’ve seen come from the first wave in 2020,” he said. But Putrino isn’t so sure. “If you put an Omicron long-COVID patient in front of me, versus one from the first wave, I wouldn’t be able to tell you who was who,” he said. The two cases would also be difficult to compare, because they’re separated by so much time. Long COVID’s symptoms can wax, wane, and qualitatively change; a couple of years into the future, some long-haulers who’ve just developed the condition may be in a spot that’s similar to where many veterans with the condition are now.

    Experts’ understanding of how often people depart the long-COVID pool is also meager. Some long-haulers have undoubtedly seen improvement—but without clear lines distinguishing short COVID from medium and long COVID, entry and exit into these various groups is easy to over- or underestimate. What few data exist on the likelihood of recovery or remission is inconsistent, and not always rosy: Investigators of RECOVER, a large national study of long COVID, have calculated that about two-thirds of the long-haulers in their cohort do not return to baseline health. Putrino, who has worked with hundreds of long-haulers since the pandemic began, estimates that although most of his patients experience at least some benefit from a few months of rehabilitation, only about one-fifth to one-quarter of them eventually reach the point of feeling about as well as they did before catching the virus, while the majority hit a middling plateau. A small minority of the people he has treated, he told me, never seem to improve at all.

    Letícia Soares, a long-hauler in Brazil who caught the virus near the start of the pandemic, falls into that final category. Once a disease ecologist who studied parasite transmission in birds, she is now mostly housebound, working when she is able as a researcher for the Patient-Led Research Collaborative. Her days revolve around medications and behavioral modifications she uses for her fatigue, sleeplessness, and chronic pain. Soares no longer has the capacity to cook or frequently venture outside. And she has resigned herself to this status quo until the treatment landscape changes drastically. It is not the life she pictured for herself, Soares told me. “Sometimes I think the person I used to be died in April of 2020.”

    Even long-haulers who have noticed an improvement in their symptoms are wary of overconfidence. Some absolutely do experience what could be called recovery—but for others, the term has gotten loaded, almost a jinx. “If the question is, ‘Are you doing the things you were doing in 2019?’ the answer is largely no,” says JD Davids, a chronic-illness advocate based in New York. For some, he told me, “getting better” has been more defined by a resetting of expectations than a return to good health. Relapses are also not uncommon, especially after repeat encounters with the virus. Lisa McCorkell, a long-hauler and a co-founder of the Patient-Led Research Collaborative, has felt her symptoms partly abate since she first fell ill in the spring of 2020. But, she told me, she suspects that her condition is more likely to deteriorate than further improve—partly because of “how easy it is to get reinfected now.”


    Last week, in his State of the Union address, President Joe Biden told the American public that “we have broken COVID’s grip on us.” Highlighting the declines in the rates of COVID deaths, the millions of lives saved, and the importance of remembering the more than 1 million lost, Biden reminded the nation of what was to come: “Soon we’ll end the public-health emergency.”

    When the U.S.’s state of emergency was declared nearly three years ago, as hospitals were overrun and morgues overflowed, the focus was on severe, short-term disease. Perhaps in that sense, the emergency is close to being over, Deeks told me. But long COVID, though slower to command attention, has since become its own emergency, never formally declared; for the millions of Americans who have been affected by the condition, their relationship with the virus does not yet seem to be in a better place.

    Even with many more health-care providers clued into long COVID’s ills, the waiting lists for rehabilitation and treatment remain untenable, Hannah Davis told me. “I consider myself someone who gets exceptional care compared to other people,” she said. “And still, I hear from my doctor every nine or 10 months.” Calling a wrap on COVID’s “emergency” phase could worsen that already skewed supply-demand ratio. Changes to the nation’s funding tactics could strip resources—among them, access to telehealth; Medicaid coverage; and affordable antivirals, tests, and vaccines—from vulnerable populations, including people of color, that aren’t getting their needs met even as things stand, McCorkell told me. And as clinicians internalize the message that the coronavirus has largely been addressed, attention to its chronic impacts may dwindle. At least one of the country’s long-COVID clinics has, in recent months, announced plans to close, and Davis worries that more could follow soon.

    Scientists researching long COVID are also expecting new challenges. Reduced access to testing will complicate efforts to figure out how many people are developing the condition, and who’s most at risk. Should researchers turn their scientific focus away from studying causes and cures for long COVID when the emergency declaration lifts, Davids and others worry that there will be ripple effects on the scientific community’s interest in other, neglected chronic illnesses, such as ME/CFS (myalgic encephalomyelitis or chronic fatigue syndrome), a diagnosis that many long-haulers have also received.

    The end of the U.S.’s official crisis mode on COVID could stymie research in other ways as well. At Johns Hopkins University, the infectious-disease epidemiologists Priya Duggal, Shruti Mehta, and Bryan Lau have been running a large study to better understand the conditions and circumstances that lead to long COVID, and how symptoms evolve over time. In the past two years, they have gathered online survey data from thousands of people who both have and haven’t been infected, and who have and haven’t seen their symptoms rapidly resolve. But as of late, they’ve been struggling to recruit enough people who caught the virus and didn’t feel their symptoms linger. “I think that the people who are suffering from long COVID will always do their best to participate,” Duggal told me. That may not be the case for individuals whose experiences with the virus were brief. A lot of them “are completely over it,” Duggal said. “Their life has moved on.”

    Kate Porter, a Massachusetts-based marketing director, told me that she worries about her family’s future, should long COVID fade from the national discourse. She and her teenage daughter both caught the virus in the spring of 2020, and went on to develop chronic symptoms; their experience with the disease isn’t yet over. “Just because the emergency declaration is expiring, that doesn’t mean that suddenly people are magically going to get better and this issue is going to go away,” Porter told me. After months of relative improvement, her daughter is now fighting prolonged bouts of fatigue that are affecting her school life—and Porter isn’t sure how receptive people will be to her explanations, should their illnesses persist for years to come. “Two years from now, how am I going to explain, ‘Well, this is from COVID, five years ago’?” she said.

    A condition that was once mired in skepticism, scorn, and gaslighting, long COVID now has recognition—but empathy for long-haulers could yet experience a backslide. Nisreen Alwan, a public-health researcher at the University of Southampton, in the U.K., and her colleagues have found that many long-haulers still worry about disclosing their condition, fearing that it could jeopardize their employment, social interactions, and more. Long COVID could soon be slated to become just one of many neglected chronic diseases, poorly understood and rarely discussed.

    Davis doesn’t think that marginalization is inevitable. Her reasoning is grim: Other chronic illnesses have been easier to push to the sidelines, she said, on account of their smaller clinical footprint, but the pool of long-haulers is enormous—comprising millions of people in the U.S. alone. “I think it’s going to be impossible to ignore,” she told me. One way or another, the world will have no choice but to look.

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    Katherine J. Wu

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  • How Heterodox Academy Hopes to Change the Campus Conversation

    How Heterodox Academy Hopes to Change the Campus Conversation

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    Heterodox Academy is starting a new program that will provide support for a network of groups on college campuses to further the organization’s mission of promoting “open inquiry, viewpoint diversity, and constructive disagreement.” The first 23 campuses in the program, called Campus Communities, will receive funding over the next three years to host events and bring in speakers with the goal of affecting “campus culture and policy.”

    What exactly that means, and what influence those groups will have, remains to be seen, but the program is an attempt by Heterodox to exert its influence at a more grass-roots level. Founded in 2015, Heterodox — which now has more than 5,000 members, including professors, educators, administrators, and students — began as a response to what its founders saw as a growing tendency on campuses to quash dissent and shy away from controversial topics. In the years since, the conversation about how to navigate potentially offensive topics — and how to balance the concerns of students with a commitment to academic freedom — has, if anything, only become more combustible.

    One of Heterodox’s co-founders, Jonathan Haidt, detailed what he believes is the sorry state of American higher education at a much-talked-about Stanford conference on academic freedom last November. Haidt told those assembled that presidents have in recent years endeavored to “convert the university over from a truth-seeking institution to a social justice institution.” He pointed to how readily some administrators have acceded to student demands to have, say, a professor fired or a course cancelled. Haidt, who is chairman of Heterodox’s board of directors, also referred to the organization’s new program: “We’ll be working a lot more on campuses and helping our members to create groups that will directly influence policy.”

    If you’re a college administrator, that might be cause for worry. Do you really want another organization complaining about your policies and actions? But John Tomasi, who became the first president of Heterodox last year after a quarter-century as a political philosopher at Brown University, sees the mission of Campus Communities as more collaborative than confrontational. “We’re not critics who are from the outside. We’re insiders who love our universities and are trying to make them better,” he told me. “Our mission is to improve the culture of teaching and research, and I think to improve that culture, you really need to be working on the campuses where that culture exists.”

    Michael Regnier, who took over as Heterodox’s executive director in August, hopes Campus Communities will provide a better model for dealing with the inevitable conflicts that arise at any college. “We can show what disagreement in constructive ways can look like, and then hopefully that can be the new normal,” Regnier says. “I think so many people in academia are tired of shout-downs and other kinds of efforts to stop expression instead of engaging with it.”

    The Johns Hopkins University is among the campuses that will host a Campus Communities group in this initial phase. One of the leaders of that group, Dylan Selterman, an associate professor of psychology, notes that Johns Hopkins did poorly on the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression’s free speech rating (its current rating is yellow, which means it has a policy that “too easily encourages administrative abuse.”) Selterman, who describes himself politically as “very left of center,” says he’s concerned about the anxieties some students have about expressing themselves. “The goal is diversity of thought,” he says. “I hope that it will be received as ‘Oh, this is a place that is receptive to my needs and concerns and includes me in the conversation.’” Selterman wants to hear from students and faculty members to see what their concerns are, to determine if there are common threads, and then to “translate those into things that are actionable.”

    The mission, as Regnier sees it, is to nudge higher education in a direction that’s more tolerant of opposing views, less quick to condemn others, and more willing to embrace difficult conversations: “I think it opens up an opportunity to do some course correction, because the faculty, the students, and sometimes the leadership all agree that the status quo of walking on eggshells is not really serving the university’s purpose.”

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    Tom Bartlett

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  • How Worried Should We Be About XBB.1.5?

    How Worried Should We Be About XBB.1.5?

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    After months and months of SARS-CoV-2 subvariant soup, one ingredient has emerged in the United States with a flavor pungent enough to overwhelm the rest: XBB.1.5, an Omicron offshoot that now accounts for an estimated 75 percent of cases in the Northeast. A crafty dodger of antibodies that is able to grip extra tightly onto the surface of our cells, XBB.1.5 is now officially the country’s fastest-spreading coronavirus subvariant. In the last week of December alone, it zoomed from 20 percent of estimated infections nationwide to 40 percent; soon, it’s expected to be all that’s left, or at least very close. “That’s the big thing everybody looks for—how quickly it takes over from existing variants,” says Shaun Truelove, an infectious-disease modeler at Johns Hopkins University. “And that’s a really quick rise.”

    All of this raises familiar worries: more illness, more long COVID, more hospitalizations, more health-care system strain. With holiday cheer and chilly temperatures crowding people indoors, and the uptake of bivalent vaccines at an abysmal low, a winter wave was already brewing in the U.S. The impending dominance of an especially speedy, immune-evasive variant, Truelove told me, could ratchet up that swell.

    But the American public has heard that warning many, many, many times before—and by and large, the situation has not changed. The world has come a long way since early 2020, when it lacked vaccines and drugs to combat the coronavirus; now, with immunity from shots and past infections slathered across the planet—porous and uneven though that layer may be—the population is no longer nearly so vulnerable to COVID’s worst effects. Nor is XBB.1.5 a doomsday-caliber threat. So far, no evidence suggests that the subvariant is inherently more severe than its predecessors. When its close sibling, XBB, swamped Singapore a few months ago, pushing case counts up, hospitalizations didn’t undergo a disproportionately massive spike (though XBB.1.5 is more transmissible, and the U.S. is less well vaccinated). Compared with the original Omicron surge that pummeled the nation this time last year, “I think there’s less to be worried about,” especially for people who are up to date on their vaccines, says Mehul Suthar, a viral immunologist at Emory University who’s been studying how the immune system reacts to new variants. “My previous exposures are probably going to help against any XBB infection I have.”

    SARS-CoV-2’s evolution is still worth tracking closely through genomic surveillance—which is only getting harder as testing efforts continue to be pared back. But “variants mean something a little different now for most of the world than they did earlier in the pandemic,” says Emma Hodcroft, a molecular epidemiologist at the University of Bern, in Switzerland, who’s been tracking the proportions of SARS-Cov-2 variants around the world. Versions of the virus that can elude a subset of our immune defenses are, after all, going to keep on coming, for as long as SARS-CoV-2 is with us—likely forever, as my colleague Sarah Zhang has written. It’s the classic host-pathogen arms race: Viruses infect us; our bodies, hoping to avoid a similarly severe reinfection, build up defenses, goading the invader into modifying its features so it can infiltrate us anew.

    But the virus is not evolving toward the point where it’s unstoppable; it’s only switching up its fencing stance to sidestep our latest parries as we do the same for it. A version of the virus that succeeds in one place may flop in another, depending on the context: local vaccination and infection histories, for instance, or how many elderly and immunocompromised individuals are around, and the degree to which everyone avoids trading public air. With the world’s immune landscape now so uneven, “it’s getting harder for the virus to do that synchronized wave that Omicron did this time last year,” says Verity Hill, an evolutionary virologist at Yale. It will keep trying to creep around our defenses, says Pavitra Roychoudhury, who’s monitoring SARS-CoV-2 variants at the University of Washington, but “I don’t think we need to have alarm-bell emojis for every variant that comes out.”

    Some particularly worrying variants and subvariants will continue to arise, with telltale signs, Roychoudhury told me: a steep increase in wastewater surveillance, followed by a catastrophic climb in hospitalizations; a superfast takeover that kicks other coronavirus strains off the stage in a matter of days or weeks. Omens such as these hint at a variant that’s probably so good at circumventing existing immune defenses that it will easily sicken just about everyone again—and cause enough illness overall that a large number of cases turn severe. Also possible is a future variant that is inherently more virulent, adding risk to every new case. In extreme versions of these scenarios, tests, treatments, and masks might need to come back into mass use; researchers may need to concoct a new vaccine recipe  at an accelerated pace. But that’s a threshold that most variations of SARS-CoV-2 will not clear—including, it seems so far, XBB.1.5. Right now, Hodcroft told me, “it’s hard to imagine that anything we’ve been seeing in the last few months would really cause a rush to do a vaccine update,” or anything else similarly extreme. “We don’t make a new flu vaccine every time we see a new variant, and we see those all through the year.” Our current crop of BA.5-focused shots is not a great match for XBB.1.5, as Suthar and his colleagues have found, at least on the antibody front. But antibodies aren’t the only defenses at play—and Suthar told me it’s still far better to have the new vaccine than not.

    In the U.S., wastewater counts and hospitalizations are ticking upward, and XBB.1.5 is quickly elbowing out its peers. But the estimated infection rise doesn’t seem nearly as steep as the ascension of the original Omicron variant, BA.1 (though our tracking is now poorer). XBB.1.5 also isn’t dominating equally in different parts of the country—and Truelove points out that it doesn’t yet seem tightly linked to hospitalizations in the places where it’s gained traction so far. As tempting as it may be to blame any rise in cases and hospitalizations on the latest subvariant, our own behaviors are at least as important. Drop-offs in vaccine uptake or big jumps in mitigation-free mingling can drive spikes in illness on their own. “We were expecting a wave already, this time of year,” Hill told me. Travel is up, masking is down. And just 15 percent of Americans over the age of 5 have received a bivalent shot.

    The pace at which new SARS-CoV-2 variants and subvariants take over could eventually slow, but the experts I spoke with weren’t sure this would happen. Immunity across the globe remains patchy; only a subset of countries have access to updated bivalent vaccines, while some countries are still struggling to get first doses into millions of arms. And with nearly all COVID-dampening mitigations “pretty much gone” on a global scale, Hodcroft told me, it’s gotten awfully easy for the coronavirus to keep experimenting with new ways to stump our immune defenses. XBB.1.5 is both the product and the catalyst of unfettered spread—and should that continue, the virus will take advantage again.

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    Katherine J. Wu

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  • Will Nasal COVID Vaccines Save Us?

    Will Nasal COVID Vaccines Save Us?

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    Since the early days of the coronavirus pandemic, a niche subset of experimental vaccines has offered the world a tantalizing promise: a sustained slowdown in the spread of disease. Formulated to spritz protection into the body via the nose or the mouth—the same portals of entry most accessible to the virus itself—mucosal vaccines could head SARS-CoV-2 off at the pass, stamping out infection to a degree that their injectable counterparts might never hope to achieve.

    Now, nearly three years into the pandemic, mucosal vaccines are popping up all over the map. In September, India authorized one delivered as drops into the nostrils; around the same time, mainland China green-lit an inhalable immunization, and later on, a nasal-spray vaccine, now both being rolled out amid a massive case wave. Two more mucosal recipes have been quietly bopping around in Russia and Iran for many months. Some of the world’s largest and most populous countries now have access to the technology—and yet it isn’t clear how well that’s working out. “Nothing has been published; no data has been made available,” says Mike Diamond, an immunologist at Washington University in St. Louis, whose own approach to mucosal vaccines has been licensed for use in India via a company called Bharat. If mucosal vaccines are delivering on their promise, we don’t know it yet; we don’t know if they will ever deliver.

    The allure of a mucosal vaccine is all about geography. Injectable shots are great at coaxing out immune defenses in the blood, where they’re able to cut down on the risk of severe disease and death. But they aren’t as good at marshaling a protective response in the upper airway, leaving an opening for the virus to still infect and transmit. When viral invaders throng the nose, blood-borne defenses have to scamper to the site of infection at a bit of a delay—it’s like stationing guards next to a bank’s central vault, only to have them rush to the entrance every time a robber trips an external alarm. Mucosal vaccines, meanwhile, would presumably be working at the door.

    That same logic drives the effectiveness of the powerful oral polio vaccine, which bolsters defenses in its target virus’s preferred environment—the gut. Just one mucosal vaccine exists to combat a pathogen that enters through the nose: a nasal spray made up of weakened flu viruses, a version of which is branded as FluMist. The up-the-nose spritz is reasonably protective in kids, in some cases even outperforming its injected counterparts (though not always). But FluMist is much less potent for adults: The immunity they accumulate from a lifetime of influenza infections can wipe out the vaccine before it has time to lay down new protection. When it comes to cooking up a mucosal vaccine for a respiratory virus, “we don’t have a great template to follow,” says Deepta Bhattacharya, an immunologist at the University of Arizona.

    To circumvent the FluMist problem, some researchers have instead concocted viral-vector-based vaccines—the same group of immunizations to which the Johnson & Johnson and AstraZeneca COVID shots belong. China’s two mucosal vaccines fall into this category; so does India’s nose-drop concoction, as well as a nasal version of Russia’s Sputnik V shot. Other researchers are cooking up vaccines that contain ready-made molecules of the coronavirus’s spike protein, more akin to the shot from Novavax. Among them are Iran’s mucosal COVID vaccine and a newer, still-in-development candidate from the immunologist Akiko Iwasaki and her colleagues at Yale. The Yale group is also testing an mRNA-based nasal recipe. And the company Vaxart has been tinkering with a COVID-vaccine pill that could be swallowed to provoke immune cells in the gut, which would then deploy fighters throughout the body’s mucosal surfaces, up through the nose.

    Early data in animals have spurred some optimism. Trial versions of Diamond’s vaccine guarded mice, hamsters, and monkeys from the virus, in some cases seeming to stave off infection entirely; a miniaturized version of Vaxart’s oral vaccine was able to keep infected hamsters from spreading the coronavirus through the air. Iwasaki is pursuing an approach that deploys mucosal vaccines exclusively as boosters to injected shots, in the hopes that the initial jab can lay down bodywide immunity, a subset of which can then be tugged into a specialized compartment in the nose. Her nasal-protein recipe seems to trim transmission rates among rodents that have first received an in-the-muscle shot.

    But attempts to re-create these results in people yielded mixed results. After an intranasal version of the AstraZeneca vaccine roused great defenses in animals, a team at Oxford moved the immunization into a small human trial—and last month, published results showing that it hardly triggered any immune response, even as a booster to an in-the-arm shot. Adam Ritchie, one of the Oxford immunologists behind the study, told me the results don’t necessarily spell disaster for other mucosal attempts, and that with more finagling, AstraZeneca’s vaccine might someday do better up the nose. Still, the results “definitely put a damper on the excitement around intranasal vaccines,” says Stephanie Langel, an immunologist at Case Western Reserve University, who’s partnering with Vaxart to develop a COVID-vaccine pill.

    The mucosal COVID vaccines in India and China, at least, have reportedly shown a bit more promise in small, early human trials. Bharat’s info sheet on its nasal-drop vaccine—the Indian riff on Diamond’s recipe—says it bested another locally made vaccine, Covaxin, at tickling out antibodies, while provoking fewer side effects. China’s inhaled vaccine, too, seems to do reasonably well on the human-antibody front. But antibodies aren’t the same as true effectiveness: Vaccine makers and local health ministries, experts told me, have yet to release large-scale, real-world data showing that the vaccines substantially cut down on transmission or infection. And although some studies have hinted that nasal protection can stick around in animals for many, many months, there’s no guarantee the same will be true in humans, in whom mucosal antibodies, in particular, “are kind of known to wane pretty quickly,” Langel told me.

    SARS-CoV-2 infections have offered sobering lessons of their own. The nasal immune response to the virus itself is neither impenetrable nor particularly long-lived, says David Martinez, a viral immunologist at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Even people who have been both vaccinated and infected can still get infected again, he told me, and it would be difficult for a nasal vaccine to do much better. “I don’t think mucosal vaccines are going to be the deus ex machina that some people think they’re going to be.”

    Mucosal vaccines don’t need to provide a perfect blockade against infection to prove valuable. Packaged into sprays, drops, or pills, immunizations tailor-made for the mouth or the nose might make COVID vaccines easier to ship, store, and distribute en masse. “They often don’t require specialized training,” says Gregory Poland, a vaccinologist at the Mayo Clinic—a major advantage for rural or low-resource areas. The immunizing experience could also be easier for kids or anyone else who’d rather not endure a needle. Should something like Vaxart’s encapsulated vaccine work out, Langel told me, COVID vaccines could even one day be shipped via mail, in a form safe and easy enough to swallow with a glass of water at home. Some formulations may also come with far fewer side effects than, say, the mRNA-based shots, which “really kick my ass,” Bhattacharya told me. Even if mucosal vaccines weren’t a transmission-blocking knockout, “if it meant I didn’t have to get the mRNA vaccine, I would consider it.”

    But the longer that countries such as the U.S. have gone without mucosal COVID vaccines, the harder it’s gotten to get one across the finish line. Transmission, in particular, is tough to study, and Langel pointed out that any new immunizations will likely have to prove that they can outperform our current crop of injected shots to secure funding, possibly even FDA approval. “It’s an uphill battle,” she told me.

    Top White House advisers remain resolute that transmission-reducing tech has to be part of the next generation of COVID vaccines. Ideally, those advancements would be paired with ingredients that enhance the life span of immune responses and combat a wider swath of variants; skimp on any of them, and the U.S. might remain in repeat-vaccination purgatory for a while yet. “We need to do better on all three fronts,” Anthony Fauci, the outgoing director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, told me. But packaging all that together will require another major financial investment. “We need Warp Speed 2.0,” says Shankar Musunuri, the CEO of Ocugen, the American company that has licensed Diamond’s recipe. “And so far, there is no action.” When I asked Fauci about this, he didn’t seem optimistic that this would change. “I think that they’ve reached the point where they feel, ‘We’ve given enough money to it,’” he told me. In the absence of dedicated government funds, some scientists, Iwasaki among them, have decided to spin off companies of their own. But without more public urgency and cash flow, “it could be years to decades to market,” Iwasaki told me. “And that’s if everything goes well.”

    Then there’s the issue of uptake. Musunuri told me that he’s confident that the introduction of mucosal COVID vaccines in the U.S.—however long it takes to happen—will “attract all populations, including kids … people like new things.” But Rupali Limaye, a behavioral scientist at Johns Hopkins University, worries that for some, novelty will drive the exact opposite effect. The “newness” of COVID vaccines, she told me, is exactly what has prompted many to adopt an attitude of “wait and see” or even “that’s not for me.” An even newer one that jets ingredients up into the head might be met with additional reproach.

    Vaccine fatigue has also set in for much of the public. In the United States, hospitalizations are once again rising, and yet less than 15 percent of people eligible for bivalent shots have gotten them. That sort of uptake is at odds with the dream of a mucosal vaccine that can drive down transmission. “It would have to be a lot of people getting vaccinated in order to have that public-health population impact,” says Ben Cowling, an epidemiologist at the University of Hong Kong. And there’s no guarantee that even a widely administered mucosal vaccine would be the population’s final dose. The pace at which we’re doling out shots is driven in part by “the virus changing so quickly,” says Ali Ellebedy, an immunologist at Washington University in St. Louis. Even a sustained encampment of antibodies in the nose could end up being a poor match for the next variant that comes along, necessitating yet another update.

    The experts I spoke with worried that some members of the scientific community—even some members of the public—have begun to pin all their hopes about stopping the spread of SARS-CoV-2 on mucosal vaccines. It’s a recipe for disappointment. “People love the idea of a magic pill,” Langel told me. “But it’s just not reality.” The virus is here to stay; the goal continues to be to make that reality more survivable. “We’re trying to reduce infection and transmission, not eliminate it; that would be almost impossible,” Iwasaki told me. That’s true for any vaccine, no matter how, or where, the body first encounters it.

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    Katherine J. Wu

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  • Expiration Dates Are Meaningless

    Expiration Dates Are Meaningless

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    For refrigerators across America, the passing of Thanksgiving promises a major purge. The good stuff is the first to go: the mashed potatoes, the buttery remains of stuffing, breakfast-worthy cold pie. But what’s that in the distance, huddled gloomily behind the leftovers? There lie the marginalized relics of pre-Thanksgiving grocery runs. Heavy cream, a few days past its sell-by date. A desolate bag of spinach whose label says it went bad on Sunday. Bread so hard you wonder if it’s from last Thanksgiving.

    The alimentarily unthinking, myself included, tend to move right past expiration dates. Last week, I considered the contents of a petite container in the bowels of my fridge that had transcended its best-by date by six weeks. Did I dare eat a peach yogurt? I sure did, and it was great. In most households, old items don’t stand a chance. It makes sense for people to be wary of expired food, which can occasionally be vile and incite a frenzied dash to the toilet, but food scientists have been telling us for years—if not decades—that expiration dates are mostly useless when it comes to food safety. Indeed, an enormous portion of what we deem trash is perfectly fine to eat: The food-waste nonprofit ReFED estimated that 305 million pounds of food would be needlessly discarded this Thanksgiving.

    Expiration dates, it seems, are hard to quit. But if there were ever a moment to wean ourselves off the habit of throwing out “expired” but perfectly fine items because of excessive caution, it is now. Food waste has long been a huge climate issue—rotting food’s annual emissions in the U.S. approximate that of 42 coal-fired power plants—and with inflation’s brutal toll on grocery bills, it’s also a problem for your wallet. People throw away roughly $1,300 a year in wasted food, Zach Conrad, an assistant professor of food systems at William and Mary, told me. In this economy? The only things we should be tossing are expiration dates themselves.

    Expiration dates, part of a sprawling family of labels that includes the easily confused siblings “best before,” “sell by,” and “best if used by,” have long muddled our conception of what is edible. They do so by insinuating that food has a definitive point of no return, past which it is dead, kaput, expired—and you might be, too, if you dare eat it. If only food were as simple as that.

    The problem is that most expiration dates convey only information about an item’s quality. With the exception of infant formula, where they really do refer to expiration, dates generally represent a manufacturer’s best estimate of how long food is optimally fresh and tasty, though what this actually means varies widely, not least because there is no federal oversight over labeling. Milk in Idaho, for example, can be “sold by” grocery stores more than 10 days later than in neighboring Montana, though the interim makes no difference in terms of quality. Some states, such as New York and Tennessee, don’t require labels at all.

    Date labels have been this haphazard since they arose in the 1970s. At the time, most Americans had begun to rely on grocery stores to get their food—and on manufacturers to know about its freshness. Now “the large majority of consumers think that these [labels] are related to safety,” Emily Broad Leib, a Harvard Law Professor and the founding director of its Food Law and Policy Clinic, told me. A study she co-authored in 2019 found that 84 percent of Americans at least occasionally throw out food close to the date listed on the package. But quality and safety are two very different things. Plenty of products can be edible, if not tasty, long past their expiration date. Safety, to food experts, refers to an item’s ability to cause the kind of food poisoning that sends people to the hospital. It’s “no joke,” Roni Neff, a food-waste expert at Johns Hopkins University, told me.

    Consider milk, which is among the most-wasted foods in the world. Milk that has already soured or curdled can—get this—still be perfectly safe to consume. (In fact, it makes for fluffy pancakes and biscuits and … skin-softening face masks.) “If you take a sip of that milk, you’re not going to end up with a foodborne illness,” Broad Leib said, adding that milk is one of the safest foods on the market because pasteurization kills all of the germs. Her rule of thumb for other refrigerated items is that anything destined for the stove or oven is safe past its expiration date, so long as it doesn’t smell or look odd. In industry speak, cooking is a “kill step”—one that destroys harmful interlopers—if done correctly. And then there is the pantry, an Eden of forever-stable food. Generally, dry goods never become unsafe, even if their flavor dulls. “You’re not taking your life into your hands if you’re eating a stale cracker or cereal,” said Broad Leib.

    Of course it would just be easier if labels were geared toward safety, but for the majority of food, the factors are too complex to sum up in a single date. Food is considered unsafe if it carries pathogens such as listeria, E. coli, or salmonella that can cause foodborne illness. These sneak into food through contamination, like when E. coli–tainted water is used to grow romaine lettuce. Proper storage, which means temperatures colder than 40 degrees Fahrenheit or hotter than 140 degrees Fahrenheit, inhibits their growth (except for listeria, which is particularly scary because it can thrive during refrigeration). It would be extremely difficult for a label to reflect all of this information, especially given that unsafe storage and contamination tend to occur after purchase, in hot car trunks and on unsanitized countertops. But as long as food doesn’t carry these germs to begin with, pathogens won’t suddenly appear the moment the clock strikes midnight on the expiration date. “They’re not spontaneous. Your crackers aren’t, like, contracting salmonella from the shelf,” said Broad Leib.

    There is, however, one category of food that should be labeled. Sometimes referred to as “foods pregnant women should avoid,” it includes certain ready-to-eat products such as deli meats, raw fish, sprouted vegetables, and unpasteurized milk and cheese, Brian Roe, a professor at Ohio State University’s Food Innovation Center, told me. These require extra caution because they can carry listeria, which is invisible to the senses, and are usually served cold—that is, they don’t go through a kill step before serving. Experts I spoke with agreed that high-risk foods should be identified as such, because there’s no way to tell if they’ve become unsafe. As things stand, the date label is the only information available, and it is “not helping people protect themselves from that handful of foods,” said Broad Leib. To overcome this setback, efforts are under way in the Senate and the House to replace all date labels with two phrases: best if used by to denote quality and use by for safety.

    But it’s one thing to know expiration dates are bogus and another to live accordingly. In America, dates have become a tradition we can’t escape, Neff said, adding that the stickler of each household usually gets to set the rules. And even for more adventurous eaters, date labels serve a purpose: They’re a tool for calibrating judgment, or merely for providing the comfort of a reference point. “There’s something about seeing a number there that we think tells us something that gives us a sense of security,” Neff said. Manufacturers, meanwhile, maintain date labels because they don’t want to risk consumers buying products past their prime, even if they are safe and still (mostly) tasty.

    Although there’s no perfect way to know whether food is safe or not, there are better ways than expiration dates to tell. The adage “When in doubt, throw it out” doesn’t cut it anymore, said Neff; if you’re not sure, just look it up. Good tools are available online: She recommends FoodKeeper, an app developed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which lets users look up roughly how long food lasts. The Waste-Free Kitchen Handbook, by the food-waste pioneer Dana Gunders, gives detailed practical advice, such as scraping a half-inch below blue-green mold on hard cheese to safely recover the rest. Leftovers require slightly more caution, noted Broad Leib, because reheating, transferring between containers, and frequent touching with utensils (which, admit it, have been in your mouth) introduces more risk for contamination; her recommendation is to eat them within three to five days, and reheat them well—to a pathogen-killing internal temperature of 165 degrees Fahrenheit. And if doing so proves tedious, consider Roe’s take on the old saying: “When in doubt, cover it with panko, fry it up, and give it to your kids.”

    Yet for most foods, one tactic reigns supreme: the smell test. Your senses can give you most of the information you need. “If something smells off, you know,” said Broad Leib. Humans evolved disgust because it taught us to avoid the stench of pathogen-tainted food. But because most people are out of practice, they struggle to tell good from bad or don’t trust their senses. To be fair, it can be hard to discern whether weird smells are coming from the milk or the carton. To restore the food knowledge that has been lost since Americans shifted away from agriculture, all of the experts I spoke with supported the revival of home-economics classes—albeit with different branding and less sexism. Teaching students how to handle perishable food means teaching them what perished looks and smells like. Adults can learn this at home, of course, by opening that milk carton and daring to sniff deeply. It may be the first sniff of the rest of your life.

    It’s unlikely that we’ll ever return en masse to the pre-1970s idyll of purchasing food directly from farmers or growing it ourselves. Americans are “several generations removed now from agriculture and food production, so we don’t know our food as well as they once did,” Jackie Suggitt, the director of capital, innovation, and engagement at ReFED, told me. A smell rebellion, if you will, can’t restore our severed relationship with food, but hey, it’s a start. The lonely items lingering in one’s post-Thanksgiving fridge may be one inhale away from renewed relevance. If I deigned to sniff that “expired” heavy cream, I might be delighted to encounter a future garnish for pumpkin pie. And what is wilted spinach anyway but a can of artichokes away from dip?

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    Yasmin Tayag

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  • What Does It Mean to Care About COVID Anymore?

    What Does It Mean to Care About COVID Anymore?

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    After nearly three years of constantly thinking about COVID, it’s alarming how easily I can stop. The truth is, as a healthy, vaxxed-to-the-brim young person who has already had COVID, the pandemic now often feels more like an abstraction than a crisis. My perception of personal risk has dropped in recent months, as has my stamina for precautions. I still care about COVID, but I also eat in crowded cafés and go mask-free at parties.

    Heading into the third pandemic winter, things have changed. Most Americans seem to have tuned out COVID. Precautions have virtually disappeared; except for in the deepest-blue cities, wearing a mask is, well, weird. Reported cases are way down since the spring and summer, but perhaps the biggest reason for America’s behavioral let-up is that much of the country sees COVID as a minor nuisance, no more bothersome than a cold or the flu.

    And to a certain degree, they’re right: Most healthy, working-age adults who are up-to-date on their vaccinations won’t get severely ill—especially now that antivirals such as Paxlovid are available. Other treatments can help if a patient does get very sick. “People who are vaccinated and relatively healthy who are getting COVID are not getting that sick,” Lisa Lee, an epidemiologist at Virginia Tech, told me. “And so people are thinking, Wow, I’ve had COVID. It wasn’t that bad. I don’t really care anymore.”

    Still, there are many reasons to continue caring about COVID. About 300 people are still dying every day; COVID is on track to be the third-leading cause of death in the U.S. for the third year running. The prospect of developing long COVID is real and terrifying, as are mounting concerns about reinfections. But admittedly, these sometimes manifest in my mind as a dull, omnipresent horror, not an urgent affront. Continuing to care about COVID while also loosening up behaviors is an uncomfortable position to be in. Most of the time, I just try to ignore the guilt gnawing at my brain. At this point, when so few people feel that the potential benefit of dodging an infection is worth the inconvenience of precautions, what does it even mean to care about COVID?

    In an ideal epidemiological scenario, everyone would willingly deploy the full arsenal of COVID precautions, such as masking and forgoing crowded indoor activities, especially during waves. But that kind of all-out response no longer makes sense. “It’s probably not realistic to expect people to take precautions every time, perpetually, or even every winter or fall, unless there is a particularly concerning reason to do that,” Jennifer Nuzzo, an epidemiologist at Brown University, told me.

    But, now more than ever, we must remember that COVID is not just a personal threat but a community one. For older and immunocompromised people, the risks are still significant. For example, people over 50 account for 93 percent of COVID-related deaths in the U.S., even though they represent just 35.7 percent of the population. As long as the death rate remains as high as it is, caring about COVID should mean orienting precautions to protect them. This idea has been around since the pandemic began, but its prominence faded as Americans put their personal health first. “If you’re otherwise healthy, it’s so easy just to think about yourself,” Lee said. “We have to think very carefully about that other part of infectious disease, which is the part where we can potentially hurt other people.”

    Orienting behavior in this way gives low-risk people a way to care about COVID that doesn’t entail constant masking or skipping all indoor activities: They can relax when they know they aren’t going to encounter vulnerable people. Like the productivity adage “work smarter, not harder,” this perspective allows people to take precautions strategically, not always. In practice, all it takes is some foresight. If you don’t live with vulnerable people, make it second nature to ask: Will I be seeing vulnerable people anytime soon? If the answer is no, do whatever you’re comfortable with given your own risk. If you are a healthy 30-something who lives alone, going to a Friendsgiving with other people your age is different from spending Thanksgiving dinner with parents and grandparents.

    If you will be seeing someone vulnerable, the most straightforward way to avoid giving them COVID is to avoid getting infected yourself, which means wearing a good mask in public settings and minimizing your interactions with others the week before, in what some experts have called a “mini-quarantine.” Not everyone has that luxury: Parents, for example, have to send their kids to school.

    Spontaneous interactions with vulnerable people are trickier to plan for, but they follow the same principle. On a crowded bus, for example, “there’s no question that if you’re close enough to someone who could be hurt by getting COVID and you could have it, then, yeah, a mask is the way to go,” Lee said. Of course, it isn’t always possible to know when someone is high-risk; young people, too, can be medically vulnerable. There’s no clear guidance for those situations, but remaining cautious doesn’t require much effort. “Carry a mask with you,” Lee said. “It’s not a big lift.”

    Get boosted—if not for yourself, then for them. Just 11.3 percent of eligible Americans have gotten the latest, bivalent shot, which potentially reduces your chances of getting COVID and passing it along. It also means getting tested, so you know when you’re infectious, and being aware of respiratory symptoms—of any kind. Alongside COVID, the flu and RSV are putting many people in the hospital, especially the very young and the very old. No matter how low your personal risk, if you have symptoms, avoiding transmission is crucial. “A reasonable thing to prioritize is: If you have symptoms, take care to prevent it from spreading,” Caitlin Rivers, an epidemiologist at Johns Hopkins University, told me.

    As we move away from a personal approach to COVID, we have an opportunity to expand the idea of what caring looks like. Low-risk people can, and should, take an active role in bolstering the protection of vulnerable people they know. In practical terms, this means ensuring that people in your life who are over 50—especially those over 65—are boosted and have a plan to get Paxlovid if they fall sick, Nuzzo said. “I think our biggest problem right now is that not everybody has enough access to the tools, and that’s a place where people can help.” She noted that she is particularly concerned about older people who struggle to book vaccine appointments online. Caring “doesn’t mean abstaining, per se. It means facilitating. It means enabling and helping people in your community.” This holiday season, caring could mean sitting down at a computer to make Grandma’s booster appointment, or driving her to the drugstore to get it.

    If you have lost your motivation to care about COVID, you might find it in the people you love. I didn’t feel a personal need to wear a mask at the concert I attended yesterday, but I did it because I don’t want to accidentally infect my partner’s 94-year-old grandfather when I see him next week. To have this experience of the pandemic is a privilege. Many don’t have the option to stop caring, even for a moment.

    Barring another Omicron-esque event, we thankfully won’t ever return to a moment where Americans obsess over COVID en masse. But this virus isn’t going away, so we can’t escape having a population that is split between the high-risk minority and the low-risk majority. Rethinking what it means to care allows for a more nuanced and liveable idea of what responsible behavior looks like. Right now, Nuzzo told me, the language we use to describe one’s position on COVID is “black-and-white, absolutist—you either care or you don’t.” There is space between those extremes. At least for now, it’s the only way to compromise between the world we have and the world we want.

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    Yasmin Tayag

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  • Will We Get Omicron’d Again?

    Will We Get Omicron’d Again?

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    In COVID terms, the middle of last autumn looked a lot like this one. After a rough summer, SARS-CoV-2 infections were down; hospitalizations and deaths were in a relative trough. Kids and workers were back in schools and offices, and another round of COVID shots was rolling out. Things weren’t great … but they weren’t the most terrible they’d ever been. There were vaccines; there were tests; there were drugs. The worst winter development the virus might produce, some experts thought, might involve the spawning of some nasty Delta offshoot.

    Then, one year ago this week, Omicron appeared. The first documented infection with the variant was identified from a specimen collected in South Africa on November 9, 2021; by December 1, public-health officials had detected cases in countries all around the globe, including the United States. Twenty days later, Omicron had unseated Delta as America’s dominant SARS-CoV-2 morph. The new, highly mutated variant could infect just about anyone it encountered—even if they’d already caught a previous version of the virus or gotten several shots of a vaccine. At the beginning of December, and nearly two years into the pandemic, researchers estimated that roughly one-third of Americans had contracted SARS-CoV-2. By the middle of February this year, that proportion had nearly doubled.

    Omicron’s arrival and rapid spread around the world was, and remains, this crisis’s largest inflection point to date. The variant upended scientists’ expectations about SARS-CoV-2’s evolution; it turned having COVID into a horrific norm. Now, as the U.S. approaches its Omicronniversary, conditions may seem ripe for an encore. Some experts worry that the emergence of another Greek-letter variant is overdue. “I’m at a loss as to why we haven’t seen Pi yet,” says Salim Abdool Karim, an epidemiologist at the Centre for the AIDS Programme of Research in South Africa. “I think there’s a chance we still will.”

    A repeat of last winter seems pretty unlikely, experts told me. But with a virus this unpredictable, there’s no guarantee that we won’t see disaster unspool again.

    A lot has changed since last year. For one thing, population immunity to SARS-CoV-2 is higher. Far more people have received additional doses of vaccine, many of them quite recently, with an updated formula that’s better tailored to the variants du jour. Plus, at this point, nearly every American has been infected at least once—and most of them with at least some subvariant of Omicron, says Shaun Truelove, an epidemiologist and a modeler at Johns Hopkins University. These multiple layers of protection make it more challenging for the average SARS-CoV-2 spin-off to severely sicken people. They also raise transmission obstacles for the coronavirus in whatever form it takes.

    Omicron does seem to have ushered in “a different phase of the pandemic,” says Verity Hill, an evolutionary virologist at Yale. The variants that took over different parts of the world in 2021 rose in a rapid succession of monarchies: Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta. But in the U.S. and elsewhere, 2022 has so far been an oligarchy of Omicron offshoots. Perhaps the members of the Omicron lineage are already so good at moving among hosts that the virus hasn’t needed a major upgrade since.

    If that’s the case, SARS-CoV-2 may end up a victim of its own success. The Omicron subvariants BQ.1 and BQ1.1 appear capable of spreading up to twice as fast as BA.5, according to laboratory data. But their takeover in the U.S. has been slow and halting, perhaps because they’re slogging through a morass of immunity to the Omicron family. That alone makes it less likely that any single Omicron subvariant will re-create the sudden surge of late 2021 anytime soon. In South Africa and the United Kingdom, for instance, different iterations of Omicron seem to have triggered just modest bumps in sickness in recent months. (That said, those countries—with their distinct demographics and vaccination and infection histories—aren’t a perfect bellwether for the U.S.)

    For an Omicron 2021 redux to happen, SARS-CoV-2 might need to undergo a substantial genetic makeover—which Abdool Karim thinks would be very difficult for the virus to manage. In theory, there are only so many ways that SARS-CoV-2 can scramble its appearance while retaining its ability to latch onto our cells; by now, its options should be somewhat slimmed. And the longer the Omicron line of succession persists, the tougher it may be to upend. “It’s just getting harder to compete,” Hill told me.

    But the world has gotten overconfident before. Even if SARS-CoV-2 doesn’t produce a brand-new version of itself, low uptake of the bivalent vaccine could allow our defenses to wither, driving a surge all the same, Truelove told me. Our transmission-dampening behaviors too are slacker than they’ve been since the pandemic’s start. This time last year, 50 to 60 percent of Americans were regularly wearing masks. The latest figures, many of them several months old, are closer to 30 percent. “The more opportunities you give the virus to get into somebody,” Hill said, “the more chances you give it to get the group of mutations that could help it take off.” Immunocompromised people who remain chronically infected with older variants, such as Alpha or Delta, could also become the sites of new viral offshoots. (That may be how the world got Omicron to begin with.)

    Going on probability alone, “it seems more likely that we’ll keep going with these subvariants of Omicron rather than dealing with something wholly brand-new,” says Maia Majumder, an epidemiologist at Boston Children’s Hospital. But Lauren Ancel Meyers, an infectious-disease modeler at the University of Texas at Austin, warns that plenty of uncertainty remains. “What we don’t have is a really data-driven model right now that tells us if, when, where, and what kind of variants will be emerging in the coming months and years,” she told me. Our window into the future is only getting foggier too as fewer people submit their test results—or take any test at all—and surveillance systems continue to go offline.

    It wouldn’t take another Omicron-type event to hurl us into disarray. Maybe none of the Omicron subvariants currently jockeying for control will surge ahead of the pack. But several of them might yet drive regional epidemics, Majumder told me, depending on the local nitty-gritty of who’s susceptible to what. And as winter looms, some of the biggest holes in our COVID shield remain unpatched. People who are immunocompromised are losing their last monoclonal-antibody treatments, and although powerful drugs exist to slash the risk of severe disease and death, useful preventives and treatments for long COVID remain sparse.

    Our nation’s capacity to handle new COVID cases is also low, Majumder said. Already, hospitals around the country are being inundated with other respiratory viruses—RSV, flu, rhinovirus, enterovirus—all while COVID is still kicking in the background. “If flu has taken over hospital beds,” says Srini Venkatramanan, an infectious-disease modeler at the University of Virginia, even a low-key wave will “feel like it’s having a much bigger impact.”

    As the country approaches its second holiday season with Omicron on deck, this version of the virus may “feel familiar,” Majumder pointed out. “I think people perceive the current circumstances to be safer than they were last year,” she said—and certainly, some of them are. But the fact that Omicron has lingered is not entirely a comfort. It is also, in its way, a reminder of how bad things once were, and how bad they could still get.

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    Katherine J. Wu

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  • Computers May Have Cracked the Code to Diagnosing Sepsis

    Computers May Have Cracked the Code to Diagnosing Sepsis

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    This article was originally published in Undark Magazine.

    Ten years ago, 12-year-old Rory Staunton dove for a ball in gym class and scraped his arm. He woke up the next day with a 104-degree Fahrenheit fever, so his parents took him to the pediatrician and eventually the emergency room. It was just the stomach flu, they were told. Three days later, Rory died of sepsis after bacteria from the scrape infiltrated his blood and triggered organ failure.

    “How does that happen in a modern society?” his father, Ciaran Staunton, asked me.

    Each year in the United States, sepsis kills more than a quarter million people—more than stroke, diabetes, or lung cancer. One reason for all this carnage is that if sepsis is not detected in time, it’s essentially a death sentence. Consequently, much research has focused on catching sepsis early, but the condition’s complexity has plagued existing clinical support systems—electronic tools that use pop-up alerts to improve patient care—with low accuracy and high rates of false alarm.

    That may soon change. Back in July, Johns Hopkins researchers published a trio of studies in Nature Medicine and npj Digital Medicine showcasing an early-warning system that uses artificial intelligence. The system caught 82 percent of sepsis cases and significantly reduced mortality. While AI—in this case, machine learning—has long promised to improve health care, most studies demonstrating its benefits have been conducted using historical data sets. Sources told me that, to the best of their knowledge, when used on patients in real time, no AI algorithm has shown success at scale. Suchi Saria, the director of the Machine Learning and Healthcare Lab at Johns Hopkins University and the senior author of the studies, said in an interview that the novelty of this research is how “AI is implemented at the bedside, used by thousands of providers, and where we’re seeing lives saved.”

    The Targeted Real-Time Early Warning System scans through hospitals’ electronic health records—digital versions of patients’ medical histories—to identify clinical signs that predict sepsis, alert providers about at-risk patients, and facilitate early treatment. Leveraging vast amounts of data, TREWS provides real-time patient insights and a unique level of transparency in its reasoning, according to the Johns Hopkins internal-medicine physician Albert Wu, a co-author of the study.

    Wu says that this system also offers a glimpse into a new age of medical electronization. Since their introduction in the 1960s, electronic health records have reshaped how physicians document clinical information; nowadays, however, these systems primarily serve as “an electronic notepad,” he added. With a series of machine-learning projects on the horizon, both from Johns Hopkins and other groups, Saria says that using electronic records in new ways could transform health-care delivery, providing physicians with an extra set of eyes and ears—and helping them make better decisions.

    It’s an enticing vision, but one in which Saria, the CEO of the company developing TREWS, has a financial stake. This vision also discounts the difficulties of implementing any new medical technology: Providers might be reluctant to trust machine-learning tools, and these systems might not work as well outside controlled research settings. Electronic health records also come with many existing problems, from burying providers under administrative work to risking patient safety because of software glitches.

    Saria is nevertheless optimistic. “The technology exists; the data is there,” she says. “We really need high-quality care-augmentation tools that will allow providers to do more with less.”


    Currently, there’s no single test for sepsis, so health-care providers have to piece together their diagnoses by reviewing a patient’s medical history, conducting a physical exam, running tests, and relying on their own clinical impressions. Given such complexity, over the past decade, doctors have increasingly leaned on electronic health records to help diagnose sepsis, mostly by employing a rules-based criteria—if this, then that.

    One such example, known as the SIRS criteria, says a patient is at risk of sepsis if two of four clinical signs—body temperature, heart rate, breathing rate, white-blood-cell count—are abnormal. This broadness, although helpful for catching the various ways sepsis might present itself, triggers countless false positives. Take a patient with a broken arm: “A computerized system might say, ‘Hey, look, fast heart rate, breathing fast.’ It might throw an alert,” says Cyrus Shariat, an ICU physician at Washington Hospital in California. The patient almost certainly doesn’t have sepsis but would nonetheless trip the alarm.

    These alerts also appear on providers’ computer screens as a pop-up, which forces them to stop whatever they’re doing to respond. So, despite these rules-based systems occasionally reducing mortality, there’s a risk of alert fatigue, where health-care workers start ignoring the flood of irritating reminders. According to M. Michael Shabot, a surgeon and the former chief clinical officer of Memorial Hermann Health System, “It’s like a fire alarm going off all the time. You tend to be desensitized. You don’t pay attention to it.”

    Already, electronic records aren’t particularly popular among doctors. In a 2018 survey, 71 percent of physicians said that the records greatly contribute to burnout, and 69 percent said that they take valuable time away from patients. Another 2016 study found that, for every hour spent on patient care, physicians have to devote two extra hours to electronic health records and desk work. James Adams, the chair of the Department of Emergency Medicine at Northwestern University, calls electronic health records a “congested morass of information.”

    But Adams also says that the health-care industry is at an inflection point to transform the files. An electronic record doesn’t have to simply involve a doctor or nurse putting data in, he says; instead, it “needs to transform to be a clinical-care-delivery tool.” With their universal deployment and real-time patient data, electronic records could warn providers about sepsis and various other conditions—but that will require more than a rules-based approach.

    What doctors need, according to Shabot, is an algorithm that can integrate various streams of clinical information to offer a clearer, more accurate picture when something’s wrong.


    Machine-learning algorithms work by looking for patterns in data to predict a particular outcome, like a patient’s risk of sepsis. Researchers train the algorithms on existing data sets, which helps the algorithms create a model for how that world works and then make predictions on new data sets. The algorithms can also actively adapt and improve over time, without the interference of humans.

    TREWS follows this general mold. The researchers first trained the algorithm on historical electronic-records data so that it could recognize early signs of sepsis. After this testing showed that TREWS could have identified patients with sepsis hours before they actually got treatment, the algorithm was deployed inside hospitals to influence patient care in real time.

    Saria and Wu published three studies on TREWS. The first tried to determine how accurate the system was, whether providers would actually use it, and if use led to earlier sepsis treatment. The second went a step further to see if using TREWS actually reduced patient mortality. And the third interviewed 20 providers who tested the tool on what they thought about machine learning, including what factors facilitate versus hinder trust.

    In these studies, TREWS monitored patients in the emergency department and inpatient wards, scanning through their data—vital signs, lab results, medications, clinical histories, and provider notes—for early signals of sepsis. (Providers could do this themselves, Saria says, but it might take them about 20 to 40 minutes.) If the system suspected organ dysfunction based on its analysis of millions of other data points, it flagged the patient and prompted providers to confirm sepsis, dismiss the alert, or temporarily pause the alert.

    “This is a colleague telling you, based upon data and having reviewed all this person’s chart, why they believe there’s reason for concern,” Saria says. “We very much want our frontline providers to disagree, because they have ultimately their eyes on the patient.” And TREWS continuously learns from these providers’ feedback. Such real-time improvements, as well as the diversity of data TREWS considers, are what distinguish it from other electronic-records tools for sepsis.

    In addition to these functional differences, TREWS doesn’t alert providers with incessant pop-up boxes. Instead, the system uses a more passive approach, with alerts arriving as icons on the patient list that providers can click on later. Initially, Saria was worried this might be too passive: “Providers aren’t going to listen. They’re not going to agree. You’re mostly going to get ignored.” However, clinicians responded to 89 percent of the system’s alerts. One physician interviewed for the third study described TREWS as less “irritating” than the previous rules-based system.

    Saria says that TREWS’s high adoption rate shows that providers will trust AI tools. But Fei Wang, an associate professor of health informatics at Weill Cornell Medicine, is more skeptical about how these findings will hold up if TREWS is deployed more broadly. Although he calls these studies first-of-a-kind and thinks their results are encouraging, he notes that providers can be conservative and resistant to change: “It’s just not easy to convince physicians to use another tool they are not familiar with,” Wang says. Any new system is a burden until proven otherwise. Trust takes time.

    TREWS is further limited because it only knows what’s been inputted into the electronic health record—the system is not actually at the patient’s bedside. As one emergency-department physician put it, in an interview for the third study, the system “can’t help you with what it can’t see.” And even what it can see is filled with missing, faulty, and out-of-date data, according to Wang.

    But Saria says that TREWS’s strengths and limitations complement those of health-care providers. Although the algorithm can analyze massive amounts of clinical data in real time, it will always be limited by the quality and comprehensiveness of the electronic health record. The goal, Saria adds, is not to replace physicians, but to partner with them and augment their capabilities.


    The most impressive aspect of TREWS, according to Zachary Lipton, an assistant professor of machine learning and operations research at Carnegie Mellon University, is not the model’s novelty, but the effort it must have taken to deploy it on 590,736 patients across five hospitals over the course of the study. “In this area, there is a tremendous amount of offline research,” Lipton says, but relatively few studies “actually make it to the level of being deployed widely in a major health system.” It’s so difficult to perform research like this “in the wild,” he adds, because it requires collaborations across various disciplines, from product designers to systems engineers to administrators.

    As such, by demonstrating how well the algorithm worked in a large clinical study, TREWS has joined an exclusive club. But this uniqueness may be fleeting. Duke University’s Sepsis Watch algorithm, for one, is currently being tested across three hospitals following a successful pilot phase, with more data forthcoming. In contrast with TREWS, Sepsis Watch uses a type of machine learning called deep learning. Although this can provide more powerful insights, how the deep-learning algorithm comes to its conclusions is unexplainable—a situation that computer scientists call the black-box problem. The inputs and outputs are visible, but the process in between is impenetrable.

    On the one hand, there’s the question of whether this is really a problem: Doctors don’t always know how drugs work, Adams says, “but at some point, we have to trust what the medicine is doing.” Lithium, for example, is a widely used, effective treatment for bipolar disorder, but nobody really understands exactly how it works. If an AI system is similarly useful, maybe interpretability doesn’t matter.

    Wang suggests that that’s a dangerous conclusion. “How can you confidently say your algorithm is accurate?” he asks. After all, it’s difficult to know anything for sure when a model’s mechanics are a black box. That’s why TREWS, a simpler algorithm that can explain itself, might be a more promising approach. “If you have this set of rules,” Wang says, “people can easily validate that everywhere.”

    Indeed, providers trusted TREWS largely because they could see descriptions of the system’s process. Of the clinicians interviewed, none fully understood machine learning, but that level of comprehension wasn’t necessary.


    In machine learning, although the specific algorithmic design is important, the results have to speak for themselves. By catching 82 percent of sepsis cases and reducing time to antibiotics by 1.85 hours, TREWS ultimately reduced patient deaths. “This tool is, No. 1, very good; No. 2, received well by clinicians; and No. 3, impacts mortality,” Adams says. “That combination makes it very special.”

    However, Shariat, the ICU physician at Washington Hospital in California, was more cautious about these findings. For one, these studies only compared patients with sepsis who had the TREWS alert confirmed within three hours to those who didn’t. “They’re just telling us that this alert system that we’re studying is more effective if someone responds to it,” Shariat says. A more robust approach would have been to conduct a randomized controlled trial—the gold standard of medical research—where half of patients got TREWS in their electronic record while the other half didn’t. Saria says that randomization would have been difficult to do given patient-safety concerns, and Shariat agrees. Even so, he says that the absence “makes the data less rigorous.”

    Shariat also worries that the sheer volume of alerts, with about two out of three being false positives, might contribute to alert fatigue—and potentially overtreatment with fluids and antibiotics, which can lead to serious medical complications such as pulmonary edema and antibiotic resistance. Saria acknowledges that TREWS’s false-positive rate, although lower than that of existing electronic-health-record systems, could certainly improve, but says it will always be crucial for clinicians to continue to use their own judgment.

    The studies also have a conflict of interest: Saria is entitled to revenue distribution from TREWS, as is Johns Hopkins. “If this goes prime time, and they sell it to every hospital, there’s so much money,” Shariat says. “It’s billions and billions of dollars.”

    Saria maintains that these studies went through rigorous internal and external review processes to manage conflicts of interest, and that the vast majority of study authors don’t have a financial stake in this research. Regardless, Shariat says it will be crucial to have independent validation to confirm these findings and ensure the system is truly generalizable.

    The Epic Sepsis Model, a widely used algorithm that scans through electronic records but doesn’t use machine learning, is a cautionary example here, according to David Bates, the chief of general internal medicine at Brigham and Women’s Hospital. He explains that the model was developed at a few health systems with promising results before being deployed at hundreds of others. The model then deteriorated, missing two-thirds of patients with sepsis and having a concerningly high false-positive rate. “You can’t really predict how much the performance is going to degrade,” Bates says, “without actually going and looking.”

    Despite the potential drawbacks, Orlaith Staunton, Rory’s mother, told me that TREWS could have saved her son’s life. “There was complete breakdown in my son’s situation,” she said; none of his clinicians considered sepsis until it was too late. An early-warning system that alerted them about the condition, she added, “would make the world of difference.”

    After Rory’s death, the Stauntons started the organization End Sepsis to ensure that no other family would have to go through their pain. In part because of their efforts, New York State mandated that hospitals develop sepsis protocols, and the CDC launched a sepsis-education campaign. But none of this will ever bring back Rory, Ciaran Staunton said: “We will never be happy again.”

    This research is personal for Saria as well. Almost a decade ago, her nephew died of sepsis. By the time it was discovered, there was nothing his doctors could do. “It all happened too quickly, and we lost him,” she says. That’s precisely why early detection is so important—life and death can be mere minutes away. “Last year, we flew helicopters on Mars,” Saria says, “but we’re still freaking killing patients every day.”

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    Simar Bajaj

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  • AFBC: Johns Hopkins University May Have Just Done Away With Student Loans for Good

    AFBC: Johns Hopkins University May Have Just Done Away With Student Loans for Good

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    Press Release



    updated: Nov 29, 2018

    Not everyone can rely on scholarships to take them through school. Instead, most will have to rely on student loans to attend college, which repaying those often takes far longer than advertised as taking and costing more money. American Financial Benefits Center (AFBC), a document preparation service company that has helped many struggling student loan borrowers apply for certain federal student loan repayment programs, says that a recent donation may make a world of difference for students hoping to avoid student loans.

    At Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, more students than ever before will have a chance to utilize scholarships to attend college, as former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg has announced that he will donate an unprecedented $1.8 billion to his former college. The previous largest donation to an educational institution was made by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation in 1999 to the tune of $1 billion over 20 years. The donation by Bloomberg, one of the world’s richest people, will give the university a chance to move away from the students’ ability to pay tuition and towards their ability to perform academically to determine admission. “It takes assistance from all varieties of groups and people to help fight the student loan crisis that America currently faces. The more help, the better,” said Sara Molina, manager at AFBC.

    It takes assistance from all varieties of groups and people to help fight the student loan crisis that America currently faces. The more help, the better.

    Sara Molina, Manager at AFBC

    The donation was only recently announced, so it will likely take a while before it is given and students can begin receiving the benefit of such a wonderful gift. Not all college attendees will be able to benefit from this donation, though. Even previous students from Johns Hopkins may not see a direct benefit from this event and will have to continue with student loan repayment. Struggling with student loan repayment is something all too many Americans have to deal with. AFBC has helped thousands of student loan borrowers apply for federal income-driven repayment plans that have potentially lowered their monthly payment and gotten them on track for student loan forgiveness after 20-25 years of being in the program. “We believe student loan repayment shouldn’t have to be a struggle. That’s why we’re so committed to helping our clients better their loan situation how we can and through the yearly recertification process,” said Molina.

    About American Financial Benefits Center

    American Financial Benefits Center is a document preparation company that helps clients apply for federal student loan repayment plans that fit their personal financial and student loan situation. Through its strict customer service guidelines, the company strives for the highest levels of honesty and integrity.

    Each AFBC telephone representative has received the Certified Student Loan Professional certification through the International Association of Professional Debt Arbitrators (IAPDA).

    American Financial Benefits Center Newsroom

    Contact

    To learn more about American Financial Benefits Center, please contact:

    American Financial Benefits Center
    1900 Powell Street #600
    Emeryville, CA 94608
    1-800-488-1490
    info@afbcenter.com

    Source: American Financial Benefits Center

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