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Tag: u.s. senate

  • 5 Crazy Details From The Bob Menendez Indictment

    5 Crazy Details From The Bob Menendez Indictment

    Federal prosecutors on Friday announced corruption charges against Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) and his wife, alleging they took bribes in exchange for favors the senator doled out using the power of his office.

    The 39-page indictment lays out various alleged schemes Menendez, wife Nadine Menendez and three New Jersey businessmen that led investigators to discover stacks of cash and gold bars inside the senator’s home.

    In a defiant statement, Menendez suggested there’s some sort of conspiracy against him, saying “those behind this campaign simply cannot accept that a first-generation Latino American from humble beginnings could rise to be a U.S. Senator and serve with honor and distinction.”

    Menendez could now face years in prison, not to mention the possible end of his political career. Here are five of the most shocking details from the indictment.

    Wads of Cash

    During a June 2022 search of the Menendez home, authorities said they found nearly half a million dollars in cash, “much of it stuffed into envelopes and hidden in clothing, closets, and a safe.”

    Among the articles of clothing allegedly used to hide the money? A navy blue jacket emblazoned with the senator’s name and a black jacket stitched with SENATOR MENENDEZ. The indictment includes photos of the garments with the cash removed from envelopes and placed on top.

    Cash on clothing that allegedly belonged to Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.).

    U.S. Attorney’s Office, Southern District of New York

    Gold

    In addition to all the dollars, investigators said they discovered furniture, a Mercedes convertible parked in the garage, and more than $100,000 worth of gold bars that allegedly were given to Menendez and his wife by their business partners. One of those partners was an Egyptian-American who allegedly funneled sensitive information from Menendez to the Egyptian government.

    U.S. Attorney's Office, Southern District of New York
    U.S. Attorney’s Office, Southern District of New York

    Gold bars allegedly given to Sen. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.) as bribes.

    A Ghostwritten Letter

    Prosecutors say that in 2018, Menendez’s now-wife Nadine, at the time his girlfriend, told the senator that Egyptian officials needed help drafting a letter asking other senators to support U.S. aid to Egypt. In response, according to the indictment, the senator “secretly edited and ghost-wrote the requested letter on behalf of Egypt seeking to convince other U.S. Senators to release a hold on $300 million in aid to Egypt.” Bob and Nadine Menendez got married in 2020.

    A Golden Google Search

    Bob Menendez allegedly intervened in a federal criminal investigation of Fred Daibes, a New Jersey developer reported to have ties to organized crime, including by recommending President Joe Biden appoint a more sympathetic prosecutor. In exchange, Daibes provided cash and gold, according to the indictment.

    The day after getting a ride home from the airport from a driver who worked for Daibes in October 2021, Menendez allegedly conducted “a web search for ‘how much is one kilo of gold worth’” and later searched “kilo of gold price.” The senator apparently did not clear his browser history; his wife wound up selling the gold bars to a jeweler, authorities said.

    Daibes pleaded guilty to participating in an insider loan scam last year.

    Menendez Had Just Dodged Unrelated Corruption Allegations

    One of the most remarkable things about the indictment is that it describes allegedly criminal behavior by Menendez starting in March 2018, less than half a year after a previous unrelated federal corruption case against Menendez had ended in a mistrial due to a hung jury.

    If convicted, Menendez faces years in prison for conspiracies to commit bribery, extortion and honest services fraud.

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  • Looser Senate Dress Code Has Republicans Howling

    Looser Senate Dress Code Has Republicans Howling

    Republicans are upset about a new dress code policy from Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) that will allow senators to wear whatever they choose on the Senate floor.

    The new policy is set to go into effect this week, according to Axios, and will no longer require members to wear coats or business attire in the upper chamber, an informal rule that is enforced by the Senate Sergeant at Arms.

    “Senators are able to choose what they wear on the Senate floor. I will continue to wear a suit,” Schumer said in a statement.

    The policy will allow Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.), who often wears a hoodie or a short-sleeve shirt along with shorts around the Capitol, to enter the Senate chamber and vote in the well alongside other senators. The Pennsylvania Democrat, who suffered a stroke in 2022, casts his votes by ducking his head through the Senate doors.

    The new rules will not apply to staff or outside visitors, however.

    Several GOP senators complained about the change on X, the social media website formerly known as Twitter.

    “It’s just not that hard to wear a jacket and tie,” Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) wrote. “Pants are also a must — not optional.”

    Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.) said “of course” the policy was changed to accommodate Fetterman, adding that he is being “completely disrespectful” by not wearing a suit on the Senate floor.

    “I don’t like wearing a suit more than anybody else but it’s respect for the position that we need to hold high,” Mullin said during an interview on Fox News.

    Senators typically wear more casual attire in the Capitol when not on the Senate floor or on days when they are traveling between D.C. and their home states. Some GOP senators have been known to vote in gym or basketball attire without actually stepping foot on the floor.

    Fetterman on Monday responded to another GOP critic ― Ga. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene ― by referencing a hearing in which the congresswoman showed what appeared to be sexually explicit images of Hunter Biden, President Biden’s son.

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  • McConnell Warmly Embraced By Kentucky Republicans Amid Questions About His Health

    McConnell Warmly Embraced By Kentucky Republicans Amid Questions About His Health

    MAYFIELD, Ky. (AP) — U.S. Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell received a rousing welcome from the party faithful Saturday at a high-profile home-state political gathering amid renewed scrutiny of his health after the 81-year-old lawmaker froze up midsentence during a recent Capitol Hill news conference.

    “This is my 28th Fancy Farm, and I want to assure you it’s not my last,” McConnell said at the top of his breakfast speech before the annual picnic that is the traditional jumping off point for the fall campaign season in Kentucky. It was his only reference, however vague, to his health.

    McConnell, who is widely regarded as the main architect of the GOP’s rise to power in Kentucky, arrived to a prolonged standing ovation and promoted the candidacy of a protege running for governor this year.

    Later at the Fancy Farm picnic, McConnell made a pitch for the GOP statewide ticket in November, which is led by Daniel Cameron, a former McConnell staffer who is the party’s nominee for governor. McConnell slammed Democratic policies from Washington to Kentucky. He bemoaned high inflation pinching family budgets and Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s restrictions during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    McConnell has been an annual fixture on the picnic stage in the tiny community of Fancy Farm, where he long has relished jousting with Democrats. Democrats in the crowd on Saturday greeted McConnell with cascades of boos and chanted “retire.”

    Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) speaks at the Graves County Republican Party Breakfast at WK&T Technology Park on Saturday, Aug. 5, 2023, in Mayfield, Kentucky. (Ryan C. Hermens/Lexington Herald-Leader/Tribune News Service via Getty Images)

    Lexington Herald-Leader via Getty Images

    McConnell’s health has drawn increased attention since he briefly left his own news conference in Washington on July 26 after stopping his remarks midsentence and staring off into space for several seconds. GOP colleagues standing behind him grabbed his elbows and escorted him back to his office. When he returned to answer questions, McConnell said he was “fine.” Asked if he is still able to do his job, he said, “Yeah.”

    McConnell was out of the Senate for almost six weeks earlier this year after falling and hitting his head after a dinner event at a Washington hotel. He was hospitalized for several days, and his office later said he suffered a concussion and fractured a rib. His speech has sounded more halting in recent weeks, prompting questions among some of his colleagues about his health.

    He has said he plans to serve his full term as Republican leader — he was elected to a two-year term in January and would be up for reelection to that post again after the 2024 elections. McConnell was first elected to the Senate in 1984 and has been the Republican leader since 2007. He would face reelection to the Senate in 2026.

    Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., center, is helped by, from left, Sen. John Barrasso, R-Wyo., Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., and Sen. Joni Ernst, R-Iowa, after the 81-year-old GOP leader froze at the microphones as he arrived for a news conference, at the Capitol in Washington, Wednesday, July 26, 2023. McConnell went to his office for a few minutes and returned to speak with reporters. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)
    Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., center, is helped by, from left, Sen. John Barrasso, R-Wyo., Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., and Sen. Joni Ernst, R-Iowa, after the 81-year-old GOP leader froze at the microphones as he arrived for a news conference, at the Capitol in Washington, Wednesday, July 26, 2023. McConnell went to his office for a few minutes and returned to speak with reporters. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

    At the breakfast event Saturday, McConnell did not delve into national issues or comment on former President Donald Trump’s legal entanglements, and he did not meet with reporters afterward. In his nine-minute speech. McConnell accused Democrats of having “turned their backs on rural America.”

    McConnell also praised Cameron, the state’s attorney general who is challenging Beshear in one of the nation’s most closely watched elections this year. McConnell said he first met Cameron when Cameron was a student at the University of Louisville. Cameron went on to serve on McConnell’s staff as legal counsel.

    “I’ve watched him over the years,” McConnell said. “And now you have. And you’ve seen his leadership skills, his ability to rally people together.”

    A rift between Trump and McConnell has reverberated in Kentucky, where both men are prolific vote-getters. The split grew after the senator publicly refuted Trump’s claims that the 2020 presidential election was stolen, ending an uneasy partnership that had helped conservatives establish a firm majority on the Supreme Court.

    McConnell has been mostly silent since then and has been loath to comment on any of the indictments of Trump this year. The two have found common cause again in the candidacy of Cameron, who was the beneficiary of Trump’s endorsement during the hard-fought Republican primary for governor.

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  • Senate Launches Probe Into PGA Tour-Saudi Arabia Deal

    Senate Launches Probe Into PGA Tour-Saudi Arabia Deal

    A top senator on Monday opened the first inquiry into the controversial deal between the PGA Tour and the Saudi-backed LIV Golf, raising the alarm about “a foreign government entity assuming control over a cherished American institution.”

    Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) wrote to the heads of the two sports organizations requesting a slew of records related to the deal. Blumenthal highlighted documents that could shed light on the behavior of the Saudi Public Investment Fund, which owns LIV Golf, as well as the PGA Tour’s tax-exempt status and any law enforcement investigations regarding the agreement or the previously contentious relationship between the two entities.

    The Public Investment Fund “has announced that it intends to use investments in sports to further the Saudi government’s strategic objectives,” Blumenthal wrote in the letters, which he sent in his capacity as the chairman of the Senate Homeland Security Committee’s subcommittee on investigations.

    “Critics have cast such Saudi investments in sports as a means of ‘sportswashing’ — an attempt to soften the country’s image around the world — given Saudi Arabia’s deeply disturbing human rights record at home and abroad,” the senator continued.

    The PGA Tour battled LIV after the latter’s inception last year, including in federal court, and many top golfers decried the Saudi gambit. The two agreed to drop their legal disputes after they announced their shocking plan for a merger last week.

    The PGA Tour claimed that it would have ultimate power over the new golf behemoth. But many observers say that is extremely unlikely given the proposed organization’s reliance on a promised infusion of funding from the Saudi state.

    LIV Golf declined to comment on Blumenthal’s investigation. A representative for the PGA Tour did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    Congress has limited influence to block the deal between the two bodies, but Blumenthal and other skeptics could spur public uproar making it harder to achieve.

    U.S. officials’ appetite for challenging Saudi Arabia has sharply plummeted in recent years after many policymakers pledged to press the kingdom over its close cooperation with Russia and actions like the state-sponsored assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018.

    President Joe Biden’s 2020 campaign promise to rethink U.S.-Saudi ties led to few policy changes. And Republicans have shown little interest in questioning the golf organizations’ moves. Former President Donald Trump ― a pro-Saudi voice who is the GOP’s 2024 presidential front-runner ― has praised LIV, and Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), Blumenthal’s counterpart on the Senate investigative panel, argued Capitol Hill has no role in the deal.

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  • Just Days To Spare, Senate Gives Final Approval To Debt Ceiling Deal, Sending It To Biden

    Just Days To Spare, Senate Gives Final Approval To Debt Ceiling Deal, Sending It To Biden

    WASHINGTON (AP) — Fending off a U.S. default, the Senate gave final approval late Thursday to a debt ceiling and budget cuts package, grinding into the night to wrap up work on the bipartisan deal and send it to President Joe Biden‘s desk to become law before the fast-approaching deadline.

    The compromise package negotiated between Biden and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy leaves neither Republicans nor Democrats fully pleased with the outcome. But the result, after weeks of hard-fought budget negotiations, shelves the volatile debt ceiling issue that risked upending the U.S. and global economy until 2025 after the next presidential election.

    Approval in the Senate on a bipartisan vote, 63-36, reflected the overwhelming House tally the day before, relying on centrists in both parties to pull the Biden-McCarthy package to passage.

    Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said the bill’s passage means “America can breathe a sigh of relief.”

    He said, “We are avoiding default.”

    Fast action was vital if Washington hoped to meet next Monday’s deadline, when Treasury has said the U.S. will start running short of cash to pay its bills, risking a devastating default. Raising the nation’s debt limit, now $31.4 trillion, would ensure Treasury could borrow to pay already incurred U.S. debts.

    In the end, the debt ceiling showdown was a familiar high-stakes battle in Congress, a fight taken on by McCarthy and powered by a hard-right House Republican majority confronting the Democratic president with a new era of divided government in Washington.

    Refusing a once routine vote to allow a the nation’s debt limit to be lifted without concessions, McCarthy brought Biden’s White House to the negotiating table to strike an agreement that forces spending cutbacks aimed at curbing the nation’s deficits.

    Overall, the 99-page bill restricts spending for the next two years, suspends the debt ceiling into January 2025 and changes some policies, including imposing new work requirements for older Americans receiving food aid and greenlighting an Appalachian natural gas line that many Democrats oppose.

    It bolsters funds for defense and veterans, cuts back new money for Internal Revenue Service agents and rejects Biden’s call to roll back Trump-era tax breaks on corporations and the wealthy to help cover the nation’s deficits. It imposes automatic 1% cuts if Congress fails approve its annual spending bills.

    After the House overwhelmingly approved the package late Wednesday, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell signaled he too wanted to waste no time ensuring it became law.

    Touting its budget cuts, McConnell said Thursday, “The Senate has a chance to make that important progress a reality.”

    Having remained largely on the sidelines during much of the Biden-McCarthy negotiations, several senators insisted on debate over their ideas to reshape the package. But making any changes at this stage would almost certainly derail the compromise and none were approved.

    Instead, senators dragged through rounds of voting late into the night rejecting the various amendments, but making their preferences clear. Conservative Republican senators wanted to include further cut spending, while Democratic Sen. Tim Kaine of Virginia sought to remove the Mountain Valley Pipeline approval.

    The energy pipeline is important to Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., and he defended the development running through his state, saying the country cannot run without the power of gas, coal, wind and all available energy sources.

    But, offering an amendment to strip the pipeline from the package, Kaine argued it would not be fair for Congress to step into a controversial project that he said would also course through his state and scoop up lands in Appalachia that have been in families for generations.

    Defense hawks led by Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina complained strongly that military spending, though boosted in the deal, was not enough to keep pace with inflation — particularly as they eye supplemental spending that will be needed this summer to support Ukraine against the war waged by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

    “Putin’s invasion is a defining moment of the 21st century,” Graham argued from the Senate floor. “What the House did is wrong.”

    They secured an agreement from Schumer, which he read on the floor, stating that the debt ceiling deal “does nothing” to limit the Senate’s ability to approve other emergency supplemental funds for national security, including for Ukraine, or for disaster relief and other issues of national importance.

    For weeks negotiators labored late into the night to strike the deal with the White House, and for days McCarthy had worked to build support among skeptics.

    Tensions had run high in the House the night before as hard-right Republicans refused the deal. Ominously, the conservatives warned of possibly trying to oust McCarthy over the issue.

    But Biden and McCarthy assembled a bipartisan coalition, with Democrats ensuring passage on a robust 314-117 vote. All told, 71 House Republicans broke with McCarthy to reject the deal.

    “We did pretty dang good,” McCarthy, R-Calif., said afterward.

    As for discontent from Republicans who said the spending restrictions did not go far enough, McCarthy said it was only a “first step.”

    The White House immediately turned its attention to the Senate, its top staff phoning individual senators.

    Democrats also had complaints, decrying the new work requirements for older Americans, those 50-54, in the food aid program, the changes to the landmark National Environmental Policy Act and approval of the controversial Mountain Valley Pipeline natural gas project they argue is unhelpful in fighting climate change.

    The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office said the spending restrictions in the package would reduce deficits by $1.5 trillion over the decade, a top goal for the Republicans trying to curb the debt load.

    In a surprise that complicated Republicans’ support, however, the CBO said their drive to impose work requirements on older Americans receiving food stamps would end up boosting spending by $2.1 billion over the time period. That’s because the final deal exempts veterans and homeless people, expanding the food stamp rolls by 78,000 people monthly, the CBO said.

    AP White House Correspondent Zeke Miller contributed to this report.

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  • Democrat Colin Allred Aims To Tackle Ted Cruz In 2024 Senate Race

    Democrat Colin Allred Aims To Tackle Ted Cruz In 2024 Senate Race

    Democratic Rep. Colin Allred, an NFL player-turned-voting rights attorney, is launching a challenge to Republican Sen. Ted Cruz in Texas, instantly becoming the frontrunner in one of the few Senate pickup opportunities for Democrats in 2024.

    Allred, who is in his third term in the U.S. House, will face an uphill battle against Cruz. No Democrat has won statewide in Texas for nearly three decades. However, the broad Senate map is so tilted against Democrats in 2024 ― they are defending seats in 23 states ― that Texas is seen as the party’s best opportunity to gain a seat.

    Cruz is deeply unpopular on a personal level. He has faced intense scrutiny for his role in helping former President Donald Trump’s attempts to reverse the 2020 election results and for traveling to Cancun as ice storms battered Texas in February 2021.

    Both events incidents feature heavily in Allred’s launch video, which opens by knocking Cruz’s conduct during the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection before delving into Allred’s life story. He was raised by a single mother, made it to the NFL and then law school and became the first member of Congress to take paternity leave in 2019.

    “We don’t have to be embarrassed by our senator,” Allred says in the three-minute video. “We can get a new one.”

    With 20 different media markets, Texas is a notoriously expensive state to campaign in. National Democrats may not be able to afford to aid Allred with television ads, and he’ll be expected to replicate past Cruz challenger Beto O’Rourke’s record-breaking fundraising from 2018, when the former congressman brought in more than $80 million.

    Allred is the most prominent Democrat to enter the race, though four lesser-known candidates have also announced bids. Former Housing and Urban Development Secretary Julián Castro was also considering a run, and some Democrats have looked at astronaut Scott Kelly ― the twin brother of Arizona Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly ― as a potential candidate.

    Allred is a member of the New Democrat Coalition in the House, which advocates for moderate stances on fiscal and economic issues and is generally seen as pro-business.

    In a statement, the National Republican Senatorial Committee said Allred was “too liberal” for Texas.

    “Just like Beto O’Rourke before him, Colin Allred is going to quickly regret giving up his safe House seat to run yet another doomed, Democrat vanity campaign in Texas,” NRSC spokesman Philip Letsou said.

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  • Democrats Appear Split On How To Handle Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s Absence

    Democrats Appear Split On How To Handle Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s Absence

    Democrats appear divided on whether Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) should resign given her lengthy absence from the Senate that could prove to be a challenge for President Joe Biden’s legislative agenda amid the party’s narrow majority in the chamber.

    Feinstein, 89, who is recovering at home in San Francisco after being hospitalized with a case of shingles, last week asked Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) to appoint a replacement for her on the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee after many of her colleagues voiced concern that her absence could stand in the way of confirming Biden’s judicial nominees.

    However, the move would require GOP approval, and it’s still unclear whether Republicans would be prepared to grant the request.

    In the meantime, Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), one of the first Democrats to ask for Feinstein’s resignation, on Sunday said his calls for her to step aside come out of respect for the American people who expect their officials who seek elected office to be up to the task.

    “If you’re gonna sign up to do these jobs, show up,” Khanna told “Fox News Sunday.”

    Feinstein has so far missed 60 votes this year.

    Khanna also drew a contrast between the cases of Feinstein and Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.), who recently left a hospital after spending six weeks getting inpatient treatment for clinical depression and is expected to return to the Senate this week. Fetterman suffered a stroke while he was campaigning last year.

    “It’s one thing to take medical leave and come back, it’s another thing when you’re just not doing the job,” Khanna said, adding that Feinstein has not clarified when she would be in a position to return to Washington.

    Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), who sits on the Judiciary Committee, said while she takes Feinstein at her word that she plans to return to Washington, Democrats have many crucial votes coming up, including on the debt ceiling, that would require the California senator’s presence.

    Democrats have a slim 51-49 majority in the Senate, while Republicans control the House of Representatives.

    “If this goes on month after month after month, then she’s going to have to make a decision with her family and her friends about what her future holds because this isn’t just about California, it’s also about the nation,” Klobuchar told ABC’s “This Week.”

    Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who caucuses with Democrats, said Feinstein should be the one to determine her future in the position.

    “The decision about whether somebody should resign, rests on that individual themselves,” Sanders told MSNBC’s “Inside With Jen Psaki” Sunday. “I don’t think she should be forced out.”

    Former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) went a step further than Sanders, describing the calls for Feinstein to leave the Senate as sexist and politically motivated.

    “I’ve never seen them go after a man who was sick in the Senate in that way,” Pelosi said.

    The questions around Feinstein also appear to pose a challenge for California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D), who would be the one to appoint her replacement should Feinstein resign.

    Feinstein’s current term ends in January 2025. She is not seeking reelection.

    Newsom in 2021 pledged to nominated a Black woman in her place if she stepped down, and many have already suggested Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), who is already running for Feinstein’s Senate seat in 2024, should be picked.

    Yet, such a move could alienate the other candidates in the race, Reps. Katie Porter and Adam Schiff.

    Khanna, who is backing Lee in 2024 and is serving as a co-chair on her campaign, said Newsom would also have the choice to appoint a caretaker.

    “He doesn’t have to appoint someone in the current race, and I would support the governor doing that,” Khanna told Fox News.

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  • Progressives Call On Dianne Feinstein To Resign Amid Concern Over Her Absence

    Progressives Call On Dianne Feinstein To Resign Amid Concern Over Her Absence

    WASHINGTON ― Prominent progressives are calling for Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) to resign or step down from her post on the Senate Judiciary Committee out of concern that her absence will stall the confirmation of President Joe Biden’s judicial nominees.

    “We need to put the country ahead of personal loyalty,” Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) tweeted on Wednesday, calling on Feinstein to resign. “While she has had a lifetime of public service, it is obvious she can no longer fulfill her duties. Not speaking out undermines our credibility as elected representatives of the people.”

    Feinstein, 89, was hospitalized in early March after a bout of shingles. The longest-serving California senator, who announced her retirement at the end of 2024, was released from the hospital a week later and is recovering in San Francisco. She said at the time she expected to make a full recovery and hoped to return to the Senate “as soon as possible.”

    However, Democrats close to Feinstein and some Democratic congressional aides are concerned she may never come back to Washington, according to Politico.

    Feinstein’s absence ― her last vote in the Senate was Feb. 16 ― has already stalled the committee vote on one of Biden nominees to a federal appeals court. Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, told CNN recently that a prolonged absence from one of his members could have bigger ramifications on the Democrats’ ability to confirm judges.

    Feinstein’s office told HuffPost on Wednesday that they don’t yet have an update on when the senator will return to the Senate. The chamber has been on a two-week recess and is scheduled to gavel back into session on Monday.

    Indivisible, a progressive advocacy group, called on Feinstein to step down from the Judiciary Committee so that Democrats are able to confirm more judges and fight back against GOP efforts to restrict abortion, such as the ruling from a Texas district court suspending abortion pill mifepristone nationwide.

    “If Sen. Feinstein isn’t able to be present for critical votes on these issues, then she should step down from the committee so that business can continue without any further delay,” Ezra Levin, co-executive director for Indivisible, said in a statement to HuffPost. “As we saw in the mifepristone case out of Texas, the types of judges who make up our federal judiciary is existential to our fundamental rights.”

    Jon Lovett, “Pod Save America” host and former Obama speechwriter, also argued that Feinstein should step down before her planned 2024 retirement.

    “Because she is not in the Judiciary Committee … it has made it basically impossible to move a lot of these lower court nominees to the Senate for a vote,” Lovett said on a podcast episode this week.

    “Dianne Feinstein should no longer be in the Senate. She should resign, and more people should be calling on her to resign,” he added.

    Prominent legal scholars similarly weighed in on the matter this week.

    “Schumer needs to remove Feinstein from the Judiciary Committee and replace her ASAP,” tweeted Norm Ornstein, a resident scholar at American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank.

    Feinstein announced her retirement in February after growing questions about her mental acuity, including among her fellow Senate Democrats.

    Three California Democrats in the House have already said they plan to run for her seat: Reps. Barbara Lee, Adam Schiff, and Katie Porter.

    If Feinstein resigns, California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) has vowed to appoint a Black woman to replace her in the Senate. That could be Lee, who is the highest-ranking Black woman appointed to Democratic House leadership.

    Senate Democrats aren’t pushing Feinstein out the door quite yet, at least not publicly. Sen. Richard Whitehouse (D-R.I.), asked about calls for Feinstein to step aside by WPRI’s Ted Nesi on Tuesday, said she was entitled to making a decision about her future on her own.

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  • U.S. Announces Plans To Reclassify Everyone’s Race Based On Net Worth

    U.S. Announces Plans To Reclassify Everyone’s Race Based On Net Worth

    WASHINGTON—Claiming the new system would make things simpler for everyone and avoid confusing mix-ups, Congress passed a joint resolution Tuesday that would reclassify every citizen’s race according to their net worth. “It is resolved by the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives that any American whose wealth exceeds $1 million shall be white,” read the bipartisan legislation, which went on to state that citizens who were dissatisfied with the race they were assigned under the new criteria would be “free to pull themselves up by their bootstraps” in order to reach a racial category of greater privilege. “Now, regardless of the color of their skin, those who are rich will receive all the rights a wealthy person is entitled to in this country. Meanwhile, those with a net worth in the six figures, though they cannot be white, will still qualify as Asian, with the social scale moving downward from there to Latino and Black. This should go a long way toward making our racial stereotypes as accurate as possible.” In an attempt to deal a final blow to the complications of intersectionality, Congress was reportedly taking up additional legislation to ensure everyone earning above the median income level was classified as a man, and everyone below it as a woman.

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  • Sen. Bernie Sanders Says He’s Going To Subpoena Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz

    Sen. Bernie Sanders Says He’s Going To Subpoena Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz

    Sen. Bernie Sanders announced Wednesday that he plans to hold a vote among his colleagues to determine whether Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz should be subpoenaed to testify before a Senate committee.

    The Vermont independent has been hammering the Starbucks co-founder over the company’s anti-union campaign against Workers United, a union that has organized nearly 300 of the chain’s stores. Now, Sanders says Schultz should be compelled to testify before the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, which Sanders chairs.

    “Unfortunately, Howard Schultz has given us no choice, but to subpoena him,” Sanders said on Twitter. “A multi-billion dollar corporation like Starbucks cannot continue to break federal labor law with impunity. The time has come to hold Starbucks and Mr. Schultz accountable.”

    Sanders’ office said in a press release that the committee will hold the vote next Wednesday. Democrats hold a slim majority in the committee and the Senate at large.

    Sanders said the subpoena would be related to Starbucks’ “lack of compliance with federal labor law.” He also said he hoped to “authorize a committee investigation into major corporations’ labor law violations.”

    Workers United has encountered aggressive pushback from the coffee chain as the union has tried to organize stores from coast to coast since 2021. The general counsel of the National Labor Relations Board has issued dozens of complaints against the Seattle-based company, alleging it illegally fired workers, closed stores, and threatened to withhold raises and benefits so that employees wouldn’t unionize.

    Sen. Bernie Sanders wants Howard Schultz (above) to testify before his committee.

    The Washington Post via Getty Images

    Sanders sent a letter to Starbucks last month requesting that Schultz testify before his committee, but the company responded with a letter saying the CEO did not intend to do so. They recommended that a different executive, A.J. Jones II, appear in his place. Schultz plans to step down from his role atop the company in March.

    “Given the timing of the transition, his relinquishment of any operating role in the company going forward and what we understand to be the subject of the hearing, we believe another senior leader with ongoing responsibilities is best suited to address these matters,” Starbucks general counsel Zabrina Jenkins wrote to Sanders.

    Schultz is the face of Starbucks and has been deeply involved in the campaign against the union, making direct appeals to workers. The labor board’s general counsel has accused Schultz himself of violating the law amid the campaign. In a sign of how contentious the campaign has been, the union’s lead organizer has called Schultz “the Al Capone of union-busters.”

    After Starbucks rebuffed the senator’s request that Schultz appear before the committee, Sanders called the response “disappointing, but not surprising.”

    “Apparently, it is easier for Mr. Schultz to fire workers who are exercising their constitutional right to form unions, and to intimidate others who may be interested in joining a union than to answer questions from elected officials,” Sanders said.

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  • Rep. Adam Schiff Jumps Into California Senate Race

    Rep. Adam Schiff Jumps Into California Senate Race

    Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) announced his candidacy for Senate on Tuesday, joining Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) in the 2024 primary race to fill a California seat that hasn’t even been vacated yet.

    “We’re in the fight of our lives for the future of our country,” Schiff said in a statement. “Our democracy is under assault from MAGA extremists, who care only about gaining power and keeping it. And our economy is simply not working for millions of Americans, who are working harder than ever just to get by.”

    “And at this moment, we need a fighter for our democracy and our families, which is why I’m launching my campaign to be the next U.S. Senator for California,” he added.

    Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein, 89, is up for reelection, but she hasn’t announced yet whether she plans to seek another term. She is widely expected to retire, however.

    Schiff, a former Trump impeachment manager, has been a top GOP target. Earlier this week, House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) announced he was kicking Schiff off the House Intelligence Committee in retaliation for Democrats’ decision to boot far-right GOP members off committees in the last Congress.

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  • Musician Expertly Dissects Everything Wrong With Ticketmaster In 2 Minutes

    Musician Expertly Dissects Everything Wrong With Ticketmaster In 2 Minutes

    Ticketmaster merged with Live Nation in 2010, and as a result now sells tickets, promotes concerts and in some cases even owns and/or operates the venues. Critics say that’s led to a monopoly that squeezes artists and consumers alike.

    Clyde Lawrence of the band Lawrence explained the problem to the Senate ― and he managed to do it in just a touch over two minutes in this video clip posted by The Recount:

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  • Barbara Lee Tells Congressional Colleagues She Plans To Run For Senate

    Barbara Lee Tells Congressional Colleagues She Plans To Run For Senate

    Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) told her colleagues on Wednesday she intends to run for Senate, a source familiar with the discussions told HuffPost.

    Politico first reported that the representative mentioned her plans to run for Senate in 2024 during a closed-door meeting of the Congressional Black Caucus. Lee said she is waiting to make a formal announcement about her candidacy out of respect for Senator Dianne Feinstein, who has yet to say if she’ll run for a sixth term, and the ongoing storms and resulting floods currently plaguing California.

    “Right now, in respect to [Sen.] Dianne Feinstein and the floods and what I’m doing, I’m doing my work. And we’ll let them know when I intend to go to the next step. But now’s the time not to talk about that,” she told Politico.

    Lee intends to make an official announcement “when it’s appropriate,” but has already spoken to Feinstein about her intention to run, The Washington Post reports.

    News of Lee’s plans to run for Senate emerged a day after Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif) announced her candidacy. Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) has also hinted at a run. Meanwhile, Feinstein said Tuesday that “everyone is of course welcome to throw their hat in the ring” and that she’d make an announcement about her electoral future “at the appropriate time.”

    Lee represents Oakland and Berkeley and has served in the House of Representatives for over two decades. Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) reportedly considered Lee to replace Kamala Harris in the Senate in 2020 but opted for California elections chief Alex Padilla instead.

    HuffPost’s Igor Bobic contributed reporting.

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  • As McCarthy Flounders, McConnell Becomes Longest-Serving Senate Leader

    As McCarthy Flounders, McConnell Becomes Longest-Serving Senate Leader

    Mitch McConnell is set to make history on Tuesday by becoming the longest-serving Senate leader ever after 16 years of leading the Senate Republican conference.

    The Kentucky Republican will surpass the late Sen. Mike Mansfield (D-Mont.), who served as a widely respected party leader from 1961 to 1977, once the Senate gavels in for the start of the 118th Congress at noon.

    McConnell, 80, was elected to the Senate in 1984 and became minority leader in 2007. He served as majority leader from 2015 to 2021 when Republicans maintained control of the upper chamber.

    The notoriously taciturn GOP leader is expected to deliver a speech on Tuesday praising Mansfield’s “behind-the-scenes” style as a leader “who preferred to focus on serving their colleagues rather than dominating them,” according to excerpts obtained by Politico. The remarks are an obvious reference to the way McConnell likes to operate.

    Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) shows his University of Louisville sweater as he walks from the Senate floor back to his office at the U.S. Capitol on Dec. 22, 2022, in Washington, D.C.

    Drew Angerer via Getty Images

    But McConnell’s leadership style hasn’t been popular with every member of his conference. After the GOP’s disappointing performance in November’s 2022 midterm elections, a group of 10 Senate Republicans challenged McConnell by opposing him in a leadership election. McConnell still won handily but the drama exposed deep rifts within his conference, which grew wider after Republicans failed to win back the Senate last year.

    During his tenure as leader, McConnell won plaudits within the GOP for obstructing much of President Barack Obama’s agenda, including the confirmation of a Supreme Court justice. The latter move led to the repeal of federal abortion rights, a longtime goal of the conservative movement.

    He approached Donald Trump’s presidency transactionally, passing legislation cutting taxes and confirming scores of judges while turning a blind eye to the former president’s outbursts. And while he called out Trump for causing the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol, he shielded him from being convicted in his impeachment trial.

    Under President Joe Biden, however, McConnell has shown a willingness to cross the aisle and support bipartisan initiatives, including a $1 trillion infrastructure overhaul, gun safety reforms and investments to domestic semiconductor manufacturing.

    McConnell is also set to appear with Biden at an event in Kentucky on Wednesday to tout key infrastructure remarks ― a remarkable move in today’s bitterly divided partisan politics. The bipartisan affair stands in sharp contrast to the chaos in the House, where Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) is still struggling to lock up the necessary votes to become Speaker due to a conservative insurgency that is seeking, among other things, a more confrontational approach with the Biden administration.

    McConnell hasn’t offered any clues about his future in the Senate. Asked in November if breaking Mansfield’s record would make him consider retirement at some point, he said: “I’m not going anywhere.”

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  • Sen. Elizabeth Warren Introduces Sweeping Anti-Privacy, Anti-Freedom Bitcoin Bill

    Sen. Elizabeth Warren Introduces Sweeping Anti-Privacy, Anti-Freedom Bitcoin Bill

    Senators Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass) and Senator Roger Marshall (R-Kan) have introduced the “Digital Asset Anti-Money Laundering Act Of 2022,” a bill which would have sweeping impacts on the privacy of bitcoin users.

    If enacted, the bill would require custodial and self-custodial wallet providers and miners to implement know-your-customer (KYC) systems. It would also prohibit financial institutions from interacting with privacy tools such as CoinJoin in an effort to limit the ability of users to maintain their privacy. While the bill focuses on such measures in order to curb money laundering, tools such as CoinJoin simply restore the users’ ability to use bitcoin in a way that more closely resembles physical cash. That is, the bank knows when a client withdraws cash at an ATM, but has limited knowledge of what any user does with it afterwards. This cash-like attribute is only realized in cryptocurrencies through tools such as CoinJoins. In addition to this, regulating bodies would be allowed to file reports and surveil users without need for a warrant or government request.

    BtcCasey

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  • Kyrsten Sinema’s Party Switch Is All About Her Political Survival

    Kyrsten Sinema’s Party Switch Is All About Her Political Survival

    Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema’s switch from Democrat to independent won’t change much in the Senate, but it has significant implications for 2024.

    Sinema will continue voting with Democrats most of the time. She’ll maintain her chairmanship of two subcommittees, both of which are standard assignments for a first-term senator. Republicans are no closer to having a majority in 2023 than they were at 5:59 a.m. Eastern time Friday morning, before stories announcing her decision went live on CNN and Politico.

    “The reality is, not much has changed. I’m going to keep doing what I do,” Sinema told Arizona Morning News, claiming she had never attended Democratic Party caucus meetings or lunches.

    Other Democrats agreed. “Senator Sinema has been an independent for all intents and purposes,” Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) said on CNN shortly after the news broke.

    But the GOP might be a bit closer to a majority following the 2024 elections. Sinema’s decision makes an already brutal 2024 Senate map even more excruciating for Democrats, who now face decisions about how to handle a senator who tanked major pieces of President Joe Biden’s agenda but was critical to rescuing other parts.

    Sinema insisted her party switch had little to do with politics ― she has not even announced whether she will run for reelection in 2024. But the implications are obvious, even if the ultimate impact might remain unclear until Election Day two years from now.

    As a Democratic incumbent, Sinema would have been guaranteed the protection of the well-funded, well-oiled political apparatus controlled by Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.). Both the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and Senate Majority PAC, which combined to raise more than a half-billion dollars in the 2022 cycle, would have spent on her behalf in a competitive general election and likely in a primary as well.

    Senate Majority PAC did not respond to a request for comment on Sinema’s party switch, and Senate Democrats have not yet selected a chair for next cycle’s DSCC.

    But those two groups typically don’t support any Democratic challenge to the other independents who align with the caucus, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and Maine Sen. Angus King. While both break with other Democrats on occasion ― King played a major role in blocking Biden’s first nominee to lead the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, for instance ― neither aggravates the party nearly as much as Sinema. Both are also long-time political leaders in their home state, meaning any challenge is doomed anyway.

    Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, now an independent, recently helped pass a bill protecting marriage rights.

    Elizabeth Frantz for The Washington Post via Getty Images

    Sinema, for all her aspirations of recreating the coalition that backed the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), is not yet a hometown hero on that level. The most recent polling judging her popularity, an AARP survey conducted by a bipartisan duo of pollsters in October, found just 37% of Arizona voters had a favorable opinion of her and 54% had a negative opinion.

    Sinema’s numbers were matched only by Blake Masters, the Republican venture capitalist who lost to Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) in November. Kelly, Gov.-elect Katie Hobbs (D), GOP gubernatorial nominee Kari Lake, Biden and former President Donald Trump were all more popular than Sinema with Arizona voters.

    Switching parties allows Sinema to avoid a brutal primary challenge, or at least make one much more difficult to pull off. If another Democrat decided to jump into the race, they could risk splitting the vote in the general election and handing Republicans the seat in 2024.

    Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), who likely would have run a primary campaign against Sinema, now faces the conundrum of becoming a spoiler candidate if he decides to go through with it. National Democrats will also have to choose whether to back Sinema and discourage other candidates from running against her.

    In a statement Friday morning, Gallego did not sound inclined to back down.

    “We need senators who will put Arizonans ahead of big drug companies and Wall Street donors,” he said. “Whether in the Marine Corps or in Congress, I have never backed down from fighting for Arizonans.”

    Gallego said Sinema’s party switch was another example of her “putting her own interests ahead of Arizona’s.”

    Functionally, Sinema’s announcement will have little to no impact in the Senate. While her desk is located on the Democratic side of the Senate floor, she spends most of her time on the Republican side, where she is friendly with many GOP senators, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). She rarely attends Democratic caucus meetings, generally avoids partisan messaging events and only endorsed Hobbs a few weeks before this year’s election.

    Sinema has been a key bipartisan dealmaker in the past two years, helping negotiate and steer through several notable bills into law. Most recently, she helped win over 12 Republican yes votes for legislation codifying protections for same-sex and interracial marriages. She also successfully pushed for major infrastructure and gun law reforms.

    Progressives, who largely lined up behind her Senate bid in 2018, have found much to complain about her time in the Senate, however. She opposed eliminating the filibuster, including to pass voting rights legislation. And she helped block major progressive priorities, including a $15 minimum wage and efforts to close a tax loophole benefiting rich investors.

    And the party’s left flank, emboldened by statewide victories in a GOP-leaning midterm year, is very explicitly not behind her ahead of 2024. Primary Sinema, a group formed in 2021 to back a prospective challenger, said its goal of defeating her remains unchanged.

    “Today, Kyrsten Sinema told us what we’ve already known for years: she’s not a Democrat, and she’s simply out for herself,” the group said in a statement. “For the last year, we’ve been laying the groundwork to defeat Kyrsten Sinema because Arizonans deserve a Senator who cares about them, and not special interests. In one way, Sinema just made our jobs easier by bowing out of a Democratic primary she knew she couldn’t win. Now, we’ll beat her in the general election with a real Democrat.”

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  • ‘We Have The Votes’: The Senate Will Act This Week To Codify Same-Sex Marriage

    ‘We Have The Votes’: The Senate Will Act This Week To Codify Same-Sex Marriage

    The Senate is expected to vote this week on legislation to codify same-sex marriage and, more importantly, the bill has enough GOP support to pass, HuffPost has learned.

    “We have the votes,” a source close to negotiations confirmed Monday.

    A bipartisan group of senators has been trying for months to pass a marriage equality bill to protect same-sex and interracial relationships. The House passed its own legislation in July, but that proposal stalled in the Senate, where some Republicans raised concerns that it would stifle religious liberty.

    Things got more complicated when, around the same time, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) announced a surprise deal on a massive tax and climate change bill. Republicans were so mad that Democrats were ready to pass that deal without them that some signaled they would pull their support for a forthcoming same-sex marriage bill.

    But with the midterm elections over and Democrats in position to hold the Senate for another two years, it looks like some Republicans are coming back to the table.

    Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), the lead Democrat on the forthcoming bill, tweeted Monday that the Senate is “going to get this done.”

    Baldwin also released an overview of what the Senate proposal will do.

    Same-sex marriage has been legal nationwide since 2015, when the Supreme Court ruled that same-sex couples are guaranteed the fundamental right to marry under the Constitution. But after the now-conservative court struck down Roe v. Wade in June ― tossing out nearly 50 years of precedent on reproductive rights ― Democrats and some Republicans are anxious about the court’s plans for weakening other civil rights.

    In terms of timing on the marriage equality bill, the Senate is expected to vote on it “later this week,” per the source familiar with negotiations.

    And because the Senate plans to take the House bill and simply amend it, versus senators introducing an entirely new bill, the House only has to vote to accept the changes to their bill versus starting the process over again.

    All 50 Democratic senators have said they’d support legislation to codify same-sex marriage. That means the Senate bill needs at least 10 Republicans to support it, too, in order to overcome a filibuster. So who are they?

    So far, the only GOP senators saying anything about this week’s forthcoming bill are the three who are in the bipartisan group that helped get a deal on the bill in the first place: Sens. Susan Collins (Maine), Rob Portman (Ohio) and Thom Tillis (N.C.). The Democrats they’ve been working with are Baldwin and Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (Ariz.).

    Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), for one, wouldn’t say either way how he’d vote.

    “I’ll be voting when the votes are called,” he told HuffPost.

    Igor Bobic contributed reporting.

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  • Win Or Lose, Tim Ryan Is The Future Of Democratic Senate Campaigns

    Win Or Lose, Tim Ryan Is The Future Of Democratic Senate Campaigns

    Key figures in the Democratic Party increasingly view Rep. Tim Ryan’s campaign in Ohio this cycle as an important test case for a slew of critical and challenging 2024 Senate races — even if many remain skeptical Ryan can actually pull off a victory on Tuesday.

    Ryan’s U.S. Senate campaign, which has kept him neck and neck with Republican venture capitalist J.D. Vance despite Ohio’s conservative lean, the poor overall political environment and a massive outside spending advantage for the GOP, has already become an object of fascination for key operatives and donors. They’re hoping to replicate his economic-focused strategy and his approach to breaking with the national party and progressives.

    Vance has opened up a clear but small lead in public polling over Ryan, though the Democrat is persuading a significant number of voters to split their tickets: Polls typically show him running 5 percentage points or more ahead of former Dayton Mayor Nan Whaley, the party’s gubernatorial nominee.

    That skill is going to be crucial for Senate Democrats in 2024, when they will have three incumbents — Sen. Jon Tester of Montana, Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio — running for reelection in states Donald Trump won by more than 8 percentage points in 2020. The party has another four incumbents running in states Trump won in 2016 before losing four years later. And it has few obvious pickup opportunities, with Republican-leaning Florida and Texas hosting the most vulnerable senators.

    Politics in Ohio, like almost all of Democrats’ tough Senate seats in 2024, is dominated by white working-class voters, who have moved sharply toward the GOP during the Trump era. Their prevalence in key presidential swing states and dominance of the nation’s less-populated states has put Democrats at a significant disadvantage in the Electoral College and Senate.

    “We can’t write off big areas of the country and expect to win the Senate,” said former Montana Gov. Steve Bullock (D), who ran 5 points ahead of President Joe Biden as a Senate candidate in 2020 but lost regardless. “I think people are excited about what Tim has been doing.”

    Rep. Tim Ryan, Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate in Ohio, speaks during a Souls to the Polls rally at Mount Hermon Baptist Church on Nov. 5 in Columbus, Ohio. Key figures in the Democratic Party increasingly view Ryan’s campaign as an important test case for a slew of critical and challenging 2024 Senate races.

    Drew Angerer via Getty Images

    Ryan has also won admirers among almost the entire Biden-era Democratic coalition, from Never Trump figures such as Republican Accountability Project founder Sarah Longwell to the major labor unions who funded a super PAC backing Ryan to progressives in the orbit of Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.). The donor network that’s built up around LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman has been particularly intrigued by Ryan’s campaign, three Democratic sources said.

    It amounts to a massive personal political turnaround for the Youngstown, Ohio, native, who long seemed to have far more star potential than actual political direction. A challenge to Nancy Pelosi for leadership of the Democratic caucus fell flat on its face; his presidential run in 2020 fizzled, its most noteworthy moment potentially a misplaced phone call in which he told a reporter Biden was “declining”; he looked and repeatedly passed on statewide bids; and his ideology was difficult to pin down — he once appeared at confabs for the progressive Netroots Nation and the moderate group Third Way in the span of the same month.

    All Economics, All The Time

    If you’re looking for a quick way to separate Ryan from every other major Democratic Senate candidate this cycle, try this: His campaign never aired a TV ad focused on abortion rights.

    That isn’t to say it shied away from the issue. Ryan targeted liberal and persuadable voters with digital ads on the topic, and Republicans have attacked him for not outlining what abortion restrictions he would support in interviews. But for the messages his campaign was quite literally broadcasting to Ohioans, he stuck to economic issues, attacks on Vance and pledges of independence.

    “Lots of people have bet on abortion as their get-out-of-jail-free card, and Tim didn’t,” said Irene Lin, a Cleveland-based Democratic strategist who now works for Welcome PAC, which is wooing Republicans on Ryan’s behalf. “He knew kitchen table issues were the winner here.”

    His opening ad of the general election is a classic example: Walking through the Youngstown neighborhood he grew up in, Ryan boasts of voting against a trade deal supported by former President Barack Obama and with Trump on trade deals.

    “I don’t answer to any political party,” he says in the 30-second spot. “I’ll work with either party to cut costs and pass a middle-class tax cut, because you deserve some breathing room.”

    To some Democrats, Ryan’s simple acknowledgment of economic struggle goes a long way, especially in comparison with attempts by many leading members of the party to spin the economy as stronger than how Americans perceive it to be.

    “You need to show respect for the economic plight of the working class,” said Bullock, who is now the co-chair of the Democratic super PAC American Bridge. “If you don’t show up and talk about kitchen table issues, there’s a vacuum. And if there’s a vacuum, voters will go for the GOP’s culture war issues every time.”

    Breaking With Biden

    Ryan has been a steadfast supporter of Biden’s legislative agenda, voting for the bipartisan deals on gun safety and infrastructure, Democrats’ failed attempt to overhaul voting laws, and the Inflation Reduction Act.

    But he’s also broken with him on key issues, most recently and notably Biden’s move to cancel $10,000 or more of student debt for borrowers who make less than $125,000 a year. While the administration worked to make sure nearly all of the benefits went to people making less than $75,000 a year, Ryan nevertheless agreed with critics who said it amounted to a slap in the face to working-class voters who would not benefit.

    “I think a targeted approach right now really does send the wrong message,” Ryan said on CNN at the time. “There’s a lot of people out there making $30,000 or $40,000 who didn’t go to college, and they need help as well.”

    Ryan wants Democrats to talk more about vocational education and bringing back manufacturing jobs — ideas that are regularly featured in Democratic campaign ads in the Midwest, but not as frequently by the party-aligned pundits on MSNBC or CNN.

    And some of Ryan’s past missteps have aided him in breaking with the party: Linking him to Pelosi, a favorite Republican tactic, is harder when he challenged her for party leadership. His suggestions Biden shouldn’t run for reelection seem more authentic when he first raised issues around Biden’s mental acuity in 2020.

    “If you don’t show up and talk about kitchen table issues, there’s a vacuum. And if there’s a vacuum, voters will go for the GOP’s culture war issues every time.”

    – Former Montana Gov. Steve Bullock (D)

    As important as any break with Biden, however, may be Ryan’s decision to ignore criticism from some liberal and Asian American groups after he aired an ad sharply criticizing the impact free trade with China had on manufacturing communities in Ohio. The groups argued the ad was xenophobic and risked inflaming violence against Asian Americans. (Ryan noted he spoke out against violence against Asian-American communities in 2020, and supported a House resolution

    “It is us versus China,” Ryan says in the ad, which aired in April and was a compendium of his speeches. “And instead of taking them on, Washington is wasting our time on stupid fights.”

    Lin, who is Asian American, said Ryan’s ads were not perfect — he should have specified the Chinese Communist Party rather than simply condemning the country — but said his decision showed seriousness about standing up both to China and to the left wing of the Democratic Party.

    “The fact that most Democrats have allowed Trump to have a monopoly on being anti-China is political malpractice,” Lin said. “And it’s maddening to see suburban wine moms and some of my fellow Asian Americans lecture Tim on xenophobia and racism instead of taking seriously all the Ohio towns that have been hollowed out thanks to jobs moving overseas.”

    Replicating Ryan

    The ability, and desire, of Democratic senators up for reelection in 2024 to replicate what Ryan has done will vary from race to race. Manchin, for instance, does not need to take lessons on how to separate himself from the national Democratic brand. Wisconsin Sen. Tammy Baldwin, on the other end of the spectrum, has a more progressive voting record than Ryan and experience selling it to the Badger State electorate.

    And while Republicans’ struggles to nominate high-quality candidates are likely to continue, not every Democrat will get to face a Republican as troubled as Vance — a gaffe-prone millionaire who left Ohio for an extended period of time and seems to be incapable of raising money for his campaign — as their opponent.

    Still, 2024 has long loomed over Democrats as a zero year for their problems with the white working class, a year where Republicans could assume long-term control of the Senate. David Shor, the internet-controversial Democratic data scientist, once suggested Republicans could easily win a filibuster-proof 60-seat Senate majority that year while earning a minority of the vote.

    Manchin, who has made his affection for Ryan clear by campaigning with him, is already getting started on his reelection, demanding Biden apologize for suggesting coal plants around the country would soon shut down.

    “Being cavalier about the loss of coal jobs for men and women in West Virginia and across the country who literally put their lives on the line to help build and power this country is offensive and disgusting,” Manchin said. “The president owes these incredible workers an immediate and public apology.”

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  • A Colorado Senate Race Tests The Appeal Of Progressive Populism

    A Colorado Senate Race Tests The Appeal Of Progressive Populism

    PUEBLO, Colo. ― It took only a minute for Sen. Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) to say the magic words: “trickle-down economics.”

    “You remember that trickle-down economics, that supply-side economics, that privileging everybody in our in our economy and in our society that wanted to export stuff and make it as cheaply as possible in China and Southeast Asia?” he asked a few dozen loyal Democrats assembled to hear him speak at a historic railroad station on Sunday. “The result has been that for more than 40 years, the economy, when it’s grown, has worked really well for the top 10% of Americans, but hasn’t really worked for anybody else.”

    The speech was a hit with the crowd in Pueblo, a blue-collar steel town where the geopolitical landscape resembles the industrial Midwest perhaps more than anywhere else in Colorado.

    At one point, an attendee interjected to ask what Bennet was doing to raise corporate taxes. Bennet proudly replied that he had fought to insert the “alternative minimum tax” provision into the Inflation Reduction Act, ensuring that corporations pay at least 15% of their income in taxes.

    But Bennet, who is seeking a third full term in Congress, doesn’t change his message based on the audience. He deployed a similar narrative before a statewide audience in his televised debate with Joe O’Dea, his Republican challenger, the Friday night before.

    And in an interview with HuffPost after his speech in Pueblo, Bennet used “neoliberalism” ― an academic term for post-1970s market fundamentalism ― interchangeably with “trickle-down economics,” blaming the phenomenon for creating fertile ground for former President Donald Trump’s rise.

    “It’s almost inevitable in human history that if people lose their sense of economic mobility, that’s when somebody shows up and says, ‘I alone can fix it,’” he said, quoting Trump’s infamous line.

    Colorado is an increasingly Democratic state. President Joe Biden won it by 13.5 percentage points in 2020, compared with Democrat Hillary Clinton’s victory by just under 5 points four years earlier.

    Still, Bennet is something of a break with recent tradition in Centennial State politics.

    Colorado Gov. Jared Polis (D) and Sen. John Hickenlooper (D-Colo.), himself a former governor, come from a long line of centrist, business-friendly Colorado Democrats embodied by former Sen. Gary Hart (D), a leader of what was known in the 1980s as the “Atari Democrats.” They are about as likely to denounce “trickle-down economics” or offshoring in their stump speeches as the Colorado Rockies are to win a World Series.

    A commitment to confronting economic inequality “sets [Bennet] apart” from some other Colorado Democrats, said Scott Wasserman, president of the Bell Policy Center, a Denver-based think tank that advocates for progressive economic policies in Colorado. “For me, at least, that’s refreshing,” he said.

    But Bennet’s reelection bid tests the appeal of progressive populism in Colorado, including by embracing domestic policy achievements under Biden that Democratic candidates in other states are loath to discuss.

    O’Dea’s efforts to run as a relative moderate on social issues make the race an even clearer referendum on liberal economic ideas.

    “He doesn’t have the luxury of an opponent that is a pro-Trump crazy opponent, that is a kind of extreme right-wing, ‘the election is stolen’ candidate,” said Anand Sokhey, a political science professor at the University of Colorado, Boulder. “Because Bennet cannot easily run against that like some Democrats around the country, he’s pivoting and distinguishing himself on some other things.”

    “But I think also if he had that option ― of just saying, ‘This guy supports Trump and you don’t want that and here I am’ ― it would be a way easier message to communicate,” Sokhey added.

    Bennet has made his opposition to “trickle-down economics” a core part of his bid.

    Michael Ciaglo/Getty Images

    ‘Things I Didn’t Completely Comprehend’

    Bennet’s early career suggested that he would follow in the centrist footsteps of his predecessor, former Sen. Ken Salazar (D-Colo.), whom he was tapped to replace when then-President Barack Obama appointed Salazar secretary of the interior in 2009.

    Bennet, a Wesleyan and Yale-educated attorney, moved to Colorado in the late 1990s to accept a role as managing director for billionaire Philip Anschutz’s private investment firm. He played a key role in overseeing the consolidation of three bankrupt movie theater chains into the massive Regal Entertainment Group.

    Bennet went on to serve as then-Denver Mayor Hickenlooper’s chief of staff and superintendent of Denver’s public schools. In 2009, as governor, Hickenlooper ― a fellow Wesleyan alumnus ― tapped the political newcomer to serve in the Senate.

    In keeping with the fiscal austerity craze in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis ― and perhaps his own centrist inclinations ― Bennet made debt reduction a priority during his first year in office. At a time when housing advocates were desperate for the Obama administration to use more of the Wall Street bailout money to help struggling homeowners, Bennet passed a budget amendment reducing the size of the financial industry bailout and requiring the federal government to use any unused funds to pay down the national debt.

    Bennet touted the “pay it back” plan in a TV ad during his 2010 run for a full Senate term.

    Another 2010 TV spot, “Common Sense,” also reflected Bennet’s efforts to appeal to business-friendly moderates in Colorado.

    “Michael Bennet’s a businessman who saved jobs,” the narrator says. “In his year in the Senate, he’s fought for tax cuts for the middle class and helped pass tax cuts for small businesses so they can create jobs.”

    Bennet’s campaign website in 2010 even included a section on “entitlement reform,” a term often used by conservatives for making changes to Social Security and Medicare. Referring to those two programs, Bennet wrote, “We must find a way to preserve the integrity of these programs while reducing the increasingly large impact they have on the overall federal budget.” (More recently, Bennet has said that he wants to increase Social Security benefits for the most vulnerable, and sees lifting the cap on income subject to payroll taxes, among other revenue increases, as the best route for closing Social Security’s funding gap.)

    Bennet shakes hands with O'Dea at the conclusion of a televised debate on Oct. 28. O'Dea asked Bennet if he regretted voting for any spending bills in the past two years.
    Bennet shakes hands with O’Dea at the conclusion of a televised debate on Oct. 28. O’Dea asked Bennet if he regretted voting for any spending bills in the past two years.

    David Zalubowski/Associated Press

    As Bennet’s Senate career progressed, he began championing more ambitious and traditionally liberal bills.

    In 2019, he introduced what would become his signature policy proposal: expanding the Child Tax Credit for low- and middle-income families with an eye toward eradicating childhood poverty. The American Family Act, which sought to increase federal payments per child by hundreds of dollars a month, became the basis for a key component of Biden’s American Rescue Plan Act.

    Unlike most other Democrats, Bennet has made the expanded Child Tax Credit, which cut childhood poverty nearly in half, a central part of his pitch to voters. The benefit’s expiration after six months is just another reason to send him back to the Senate to make the tax cut permanent, Bennet argues.

    Bennet told HuffPost he is open to compromise with Republicans to achieve his goal, but emphasized that he sees the credit’s “full refundability” ― meaning that it can give a person more cash back than they have paid in taxes ― as essential. For low-income families that already have a negative federal income tax burden, the current expanded tax credit simply amounts to an increase in their incomes.

    “It is just inexcusable that the poorest kids in America wouldn’t have the full benefit of the credit,” he said.

    Notwithstanding a greater focus on economic inequality in recent years, Bennet has never veered into the most progressive corner of the Senate Democratic Caucus.

    For example, rather than get behind Medicare for All, he introduced legislation in 2019 to create “Medicare X,” which would be a public health insurance option that people could buy on the Affordable Care Act exchanges.

    In fact, Bennet developed a reputation as something of a gladiator against the left wing of the party during his short-lived presidential run in the 2020 election cycle. He used his limited campaign funds to attack Medicare for All, Sanders’ signature policy, in TV ads, ripping it for requiring Americans to drop their current insurance and enroll in a newly expanded federal program.

    “The truth is a health care plan that starts by kicking people off of their coverage makes no sense. We all know it,” he said in one spot. “Before we go and blow up everything, let’s try this: Give families a choice ― keep your health care or join a public option.”

    “What I have learned during the time that I was in the Senate is that we have the worst income inequality that we’ve had since the 1920s.”

    – Sen. Michael Bennet (D-Colo.)

    Bennet took some flak from Colorado progressives for his decision to not only oppose Medicare for All, but make opposition to it a core theme of his presidential campaign. Some of those critics confronted him in person during town halls in 2019.

    “The themes that he campaigned on were awful,” said David Sirota, a Denver-based progressive journalist who worked on Sanders’ 2020 presidential campaign.

    Sirota called Bennet’s focus on attacking Medicare for All “very discordant from somebody who says, ‘I care about economic inequality.’”

    Bennet stands by his decision to run those ads. He said it was precisely his focus on reducing poverty and economic inequality that motivated him to run for president ― and limited his patience for what he sees as the wrong kinds of solutions.

    “I have not changed. I still don’t think Medicare for All is a good idea. I don’t think it’s a good substantive idea. I don’t think politically it’s a good idea,” he told HuffPost. “I think reversing the Trump tax cuts for the wealthy and having a permanent child tax credit and an enhanced Earned Income Tax Credit, having the alternative corporate minimum tax ― those are really good substantively and really good politically.”

    But Bennet admits that hearing the stories of working families struggling to make ends meet ― first as superintendent of Denver public schools, and later, as a U.S. senator ― has made him more empathetic to their needs than he was while working in the private sector.

    “What I have learned during the time that I was in the Senate is that we have the worst income inequality that we’ve had since the 1920s,” he said, before rattling off a series of economic criteria on which the United States ranks poorly among developed nations. “Those are things I didn’t completely comprehend.”

    Nowadays, even Sirota gives him credit for running unabashedly on progressive economic policies like the expanded child tax credit.

    “He understands the salience of economic issues, which is more than you can say of most Democratic senators,” Sirota said.

    Joe O'Dea appears on NBC's Meet the Press on Sept. 18 as an image of Trump looms. O'Dea, who is walking a careful ideological line, does not want Trump to run again.
    Joe O’Dea appears on NBC’s Meet the Press on Sept. 18 as an image of Trump looms. O’Dea, who is walking a careful ideological line, does not want Trump to run again.

    William B. Plowman/NBC/Getty Images

    A Republican Joe Manchin?

    Most outside experts do not see O’Dea’s campaign to unseat Bennet as especially competitive.

    Bennet has maintained consistent polling leads over O’Dea, including a 14-percentage-point edge among likely voters in a recent University of Colorado, Boulder, poll.

    Perhaps as a result, donors have been warier of investing in O’Dea. As of late October, Bennet outspent him by a more than 2-to-1 margin.

    The super PAC gap is equally great, with Bennet getting outside support worth about $19 million, compared to just over $9 million for O’Dea. Tellingly, the Senate Leadership Fund, the super PAC affiliated with Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), has stayed out of the race.

    “I will be surprised if [Bennet] falls short,” Sokhey, the University of Colorado political scientist, said.

    But unlike many of the statewide Republican candidates expected to lose in an otherwise strong cycle for the GOP, O’Dea’s underdog status is not due to any glaring flaws he has as a candidate.

    With the mantra that he is a “carpenter and a contractor” rather than a “politician,” O’Dea has tried to make the election a referendum on Biden, whose approval numbers are underwater in Colorado, and on inflation, which he says the Bennet-backed spending legislation has fueled.

    Bennet “dumped $1.9 trillion into our economy that’s caused record inflation,” O’Dea said in an Oct. 28 debate at the Colorado State University campus in Fort Collins. “Compound that with a war on energy fully backed by Michael Bennet and Joe Biden that’s caused record inflation on gas and diesel prices directly reflected in the fertilizer price.”

    He also asked Bennet if he regrets voting for any of Biden’s spending bills. Bennet replied that he regrets the inflation people are experiencing, but cast blame for it on “broken supply chains” and oil company price gouging, rather than big spending bills. (Bennet supports legislation that would impose a “windfall profits tax” on large oil companies and invited O’Dea to do the same.)

    O’Dea even managed to turn an exchange about Trump into an opportunity to rip Biden. When Bennet asked him why, after voting for Trump twice, O’Dea has said that he doesn’t want the former president to run again, O’Dea implied that Trump’s candidacy would get in the way of defeating Democrats like Biden and Bennet.

    “I started thinking about Joe Biden serving another four years, and you serving another six years and I gotta tell you: It’s terrifying,” O’Dea said.

    At least one swing voter with whom HuffPost spoke found O’Dea’s anti-inflation message compelling. Fred Lewis, a retired federal employee and registered Republican from Greenwood Village, said he voted for Biden in 2020 because he found Trump “scary.”

    Now he’s voting for O’Dea. “I’m tired of what the Democrats are doing here,” Lewis said. “They’re spending too much money.”

    Indeed, to many Colorado Republicans, a business-minded conservative like O’Dea is exactly the kind of person who can appeal to moderate Democrats and independents in a highly-educated state where Trump was unpopular.

    Dr. John Sacha, a Denver spinal surgeon who had come to hear O’Dea and former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie (R) speak at an alpine-themed bar on Oct. 29, believes that O’Dea’s relative leniency on issues like abortion is a good fit for Colorado Republicans.

    “We’re liberal Republicans,” he said. “We’re more middle of the road on social issues, but we’re far right when it comes to everything fiscal.”

    To appeal to those voters, O’Dea supports codifying same-sex marriage in law and said he would back federal legislation codifying abortion rights up to 20 weeks of pregnancy, with exceptions for rape, incest, and the life of the mother after that cutoff point. He also said he would have voted for the bipartisan infrastructure bill and wants to give Dreamers ― undocumented immigrants who arrived in the U.S. as children ― legal status, albeit only as part of a comprehensive bill that improves border security.

    “I’m going to use my seat like Joe Manchin has used his seat to get good things for West Virginia.”

    – Joe O’Dea, Republican Senate nominee for Colorado

    Rather than Trump or a member of the Republican GOP Conference, O’Dea cites Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) as a model for the kind of independence he plans to embody as a senator.

    “When I’m in the U.S. Senate, I’m going to use my seat,” he said at the Oct. 28 debate. “I’m going to use my seat like Joe Manchin has used his seat to get good things for West Virginia.”

    O’Dea has to strike a difficult balance between attracting moderates and keeping his conservative base happy. Bennet continues to attack him as an out-of-step radical, citing O’Dea’s opposition to the bipartisan gun control legislation Congress adopted this year, his 2020 vote for a failed state-level referendum banning abortion after 22 weeks without exceptions for rape and incest, and his support for additional tax cuts for the rich.

    At the same time, social conservatives are hardly enthusiastic about going to the polls for O’Dea.

    Curt Clifton, a retired engineer from Aurora who was wearing a Trump hat, said he did “not particularly” like O’Dea, “but I don’t like the Democrat a whole lot worse.”

    His wife, Cathy, a retired nurse and anti-abortion activist, is also going to hold her nose while voting for O’Dea. “I don’t really know if he’s against abortion at the last minute ― at 38 weeks or 40 weeks or something,” she said.

    Another factor working in Bennet’s favor is the presence of Brian Peotter, a Libertarian Party candidate, on the Senate ballot. O’Dea clearly sees Peotter as a greater threat to his share of the vote than to Bennet’s.

    “The bottom line is: a vote for the Libertarian is a vote for Michael Bennet,” O’Dea told HuffPost after his event with Christie. “And I know all those libertarians, none of them have anything in common with Michael Bennet.”

    In part due to third-party candidates, Bennet has never received more than 50% of the vote.

    But whether those candidates, who have included left-leaning Green Party nominees in the past, have hurt Bennet more than his opponents is unclear. In 2016, the Libertarian nominee received 3.6% of the vote ― not enough to cover the gap between Bennet and his Republican opponent even if all of them had voted Republican instead.

    In reality, O’Dea’s biggest obstacle is the same partisan polarization affecting Democrats in increasingly red states. It’s the kind of political force of nature that makes it unlikely that Rep. Tim Ryan (D) will win in Ohio’s Senate race, or that Rep. Val Demings (D) will win in Florida’s Senate race, despite their strengths as candidates.

    When a state’s tribal identity shifts in a more decisive partisan direction, it becomes harder for voters to see any candidate outside of that lens ― especially in congressional races.

    “Is [O’Dea] actually going to be able to get much of the crossover vote?” Sokhey said. “Probably not, in the era of polarization that we’re in.”

    On the other hand, if O’Dea prevails against the odds, he is likely to be held up as a model for GOP success in similarly difficult terrain. His victory would also speak to the extent of the political backlash to inflation and its perceived link to Biden’s policies.

    “If Bennet loses, it’s a very bad night for the Democrats nationally, and it’s probably a bad night for them in Colorado in some other dimensions too,” Sokhey said.

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  • Do Voters Care About John Fetterman’s Stroke?

    Do Voters Care About John Fetterman’s Stroke?

    Every second of every day, oxygen-rich blood is coursing through your brain. Your heart pumps it up through your chest and neck, along tinier and tinier arterial tubes, twisting and turning among the grooves and lobes of gray matter until it reaches the brain cells it’s meant to nourish. But this journey can be interrupted. An artery can get clogged—often by a free-floating, gelatinous clot—which halts the flow of blood. The clog will starve your brain’s cells of oxygen. Within moments, your brain’s tissue will start to die.

    This is what happened to John Fetterman in May of this year, when he suffered an ischemic stroke—a type that affects roughly 700,000 people in the United States annually. Five months later, Pennsylvania’s lieutenant governor says he still struggles to process the words that he hears, and sometimes he can’t quite express what he means. For a regular person, these effects would not be newsworthy. Fetterman, though, is a candidate for the U.S. Senate. This week, NBC News’s Dasha Burns said that Fetterman seemed unable to participate in preinterview small talk conducted without closed captioning, but other recent Fetterman interviewers pushed back, saying he’d done just fine when they spoke with him.

    Clearly, observers cannot agree about the degree of impairment or disability that Fetterman is experiencing. But this much is certain: His health is a legitimate consideration for the voters he is seeking to represent in Congress. And although Fetterman’s critics are framing his stroke as a liability, the Democrat is hoping that his health challenge makes him a more relatable—and therefore more appealing—candidate. The question is what voters should make of it all.

    For most of the summer, Fetterman’s campaign used social media to compensate for the fact that the Democrat was unwell. On Twitter, Fetterman and his team mocked his Republican opponent, Mehmet Oz, for his many mansions and his ham-handed attempts to seem like an ordinary Pennsylvanian. They scored headline after fawning headline for their snarky social-media strategy. But the candidate himself stayed home, trying to heal.

    Fetterman sounds a lot more like his old self now than he did in August, when he first returned to the campaign trail. But he still stumbles in his speech. At a rally I attended outside Philadelphia last weekend, he delivered a few applause lines and phrases that were difficult to understand; occasionally, the audience would answer with tentative claps. After the event, Fetterman did not entertain questions from reporters, and seemed unable to respond all that meaningfully to on-the-fly comments from voters; his wife, Gisele, appeared to be the one leading those interactions. But while Fetterman may not be able to do small talk, he is able to participate in interviews where he can use real-time closed-captioning, a live transcription of questions appearing on his laptop. He’ll use the same tool during the upcoming debate against Oz scheduled for October 25.

    That accommodation for someone who’s recently had a stroke is the same sort of allowance that would be made for a Senate candidate who was hearing impaired. Still, it’s reasonable to ask whether Fetterman’s stroke damaged his cognition, his ability to learn and to comprehend language—and how he might function as a senator.

    The campaign says that Fetterman has taken two different cognitive tests and scored “in the normal range” on both. (It has released the results of one of those tests.) But the campaign has declined to release Fetterman’s full health records. “John Fetterman is healthy. He also has an auditory-processing challenge that is still lingering from his stroke in May,” Rebecca Katz, a senior adviser to Fetterman, told me. “The only proof you need to know he can do his job is the fact that he’s doing this campaign right now.”

    Still, in the absence of those records, we can only observe and guess. The phrase auditory processing is not really a medical diagnosis, Adam de Havenon, an associate professor of neurology at Yale, told me. Instead, Fetterman’s symptoms seem consistent with aphasia, a common stroke effect in which a person loses their ability to comprehend or express spoken words—sometimes both. That doesn’t necessarily indicate severe brain damage. “It’s very possible to just have trouble understanding spoken language or getting words out without any impact on cognition,” de Havenon said. This would certainly seem consistent with Fetterman’s condition, given that he is able to read and respond to closed captioning. Even if Fetterman does have some cognitive impairment, “I don’t think it would be profound, in terms of what he’s doing on a day-to-day basis,” de Havenon said.

    So why keep his full health records under wraps? Fetterman’s neuropsychological or aphasia test results might suggest that he is more impaired than he seems. Or maybe those records show a complicated picture—one that would be easily misinterpreted by laypeople or intentionally misconstrued by political opponents. Either way, keeping those records a secret isn’t a great look for a candidate who has suffered a serious health setback on the campaign trail.

    Five months after his stroke, Fetterman is still within the poststroke recovery window. Normally, a stroke patient needs about six months for the brain to heal, de Havenon told me, and 12 months for their brain to learn how to compensate for any loss in function. Which means it’s still entirely possible for Fetterman’s apparent aphasia and his neuropsych test results to improve. “I see patients like John very frequently in the emergency department and clinic,” de Havenon said. Otherwise healthy, middle-aged people who have ischemic strokes receive treatment and generally respond quite well—including over the long term.

    America’s laws have long been written, at least in part, by the elderly—the word senator actually comes from the Latin for “old man.” The average age in today’s Senate is 64—in other words, when most people are thinking about retiring, America’s senators are just getting going. But historically, some senators have been barely sentient by the end of their career.

    In his early 90s, the longest-serving senator in history, Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia, was delivering halting speeches on the Senate floor. Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, still in office at 100, died a hunched shadow of his former self—although his former self had been an unapologetic segregationist.

    Other senators have had health issues in office that made their jobs next to impossible: Senator Carter Glass of Virginia, who had a serious heart condition, didn’t set foot in the chamber for the last four years of his six-year term, Donald Ritchie, a former Senate historian, told me. Democrats needed California Senator Clair Engle’s vote to break the filibuster on the Civil Rights Act, but he was partially paralyzed and unable to speak because of a brain tumor. “All he could do was put his finger up to his eye,” Ritchie said. “They took that as an aye vote.” In our own time, Senator Dianne Feinstein of California is showing signs of age-related impairment: According to recent reporting, she sometimes fails to follow policy conversations or recognize her colleagues.

    Several senators have had strokes in office, too, including recently Ben Ray Luján of New Mexico and Chris Van Hollen of Maryland. After Illinois Senator Mark Kirk’s stroke in 2012, aides were hesitant to discuss how he’d changed mentally, according to a National Journal profile. He returned to the chamber a year later, but his health may have played a role in his later loss to Tammy Duckworth.

    This is not to compare John Fetterman’s ailment to those of senators past—or to judge the decisions of the lawmakers who have stayed in office past their prime. But the Senate is familiar with disability—brought on by age or any number of other factors. It has and will accommodate it. If Fetterman is elected, Ritchie told me, the secretary of the Senate will help organize the tools he’ll need for a committee hearing or floor speeches. Given how manageable these measures are, the Fetterman campaign could be more transparent about what the Democrat’s everyday life as a senator might look like.

    None of this can be easy for Fetterman. Less than a year ago, he was discussed by voters and journalists alike with something akin to awe: A 6-foot-8-inch man in a hoodie, with a goatee and tattoos, is not your typical political candidate; despite his relatively privileged upbringing, Fetterman was the straight-talking everyman, the guy with the irreverent vibe. Back then, the biggest question surrounding his campaign was whether he’d show up to the Senate in cargo shorts.

    Fetterman may still be all of those things, but now, he is also a man wrestling with an uncooperative brain. And the entire country is watching, making note of his every pause and stammer.

    “We are pulling back the curtain on his recovery,” Katz from Fetterman’s campaign told me, “and having worked in the Senate and seen firsthand how many senators cover up their various challenges, I can tell you that this is refreshing for people. He is being very honest about the challenges he’s facing at this moment.”

    Even if his campaign could have been more forthcoming earlier about his condition, it is true that Fetterman has found a way of talking about it since he returned to the trail in late summer. Near the beginning of his stump speech, he asks: “How many of you have had your own personal health challenges?” And every time, nearly every hand in the audience goes up.

    Last week, I traveled to Bristol to see Fetterman in action. “I’ve had a hemorrhagic stroke, which is worse,” Jeanette Miller from Bristol Township told me with a shrug when I asked her whether Fetterman’s stroke gave her pause. Rob Blatt, a retiree from Feasterville, looked at me blankly when I asked him the same. “I’ve beaten cancer and a whole bunch of other stuff,” he said. “He’s one of us—a working man trying to do the right thing by his family, his community, and his country.”

    A younger fan, Eric Bruno from Levittown, told me he’d worked with people who’d had strokes. “Outwardly, it takes a while to come back. But inwardly you’re still the same person,” he said, adding, “I trust the people around him.” Again and again I asked Fetterman’s supporters about his stroke, and they all responded the same way: So what? Fetterman’s point—that knowing what it’s like to go through a major health challenge, to live with a disability, and to navigate the thorny thicket of the American health-care system can be assets for a Senate candidate—seemed to land well with his supporters. If our elected leaders are supposed to represent us, the Democrat seems to be asking, shouldn’t they be representative of us?

    Oz has been closing the gap with Fetterman’s slightly higher poll numbers in recent weeks, but this tightening of the race may owe more to the imminence of the election than to sudden doubts about Fetterman’s health. After weighing their options, Pennsylvanians appear to be sorting themselves into their partisan corners; politically, Pennsylvania is very evenly split. Fetterman’s cognitive ability may ultimately weigh less with Keystone State voters than the simple fact that he is a Democrat, not a Republican.

    “I will admit, it wasn’t the best speech I’ve ever heard,” Bobby Summers, a local IT manager, told me after the Bristol rally. He stood next to his wife, Lara, and their baby son on the grassy lawn where Fetterman had just been. “I don’t need a golden tongue,” Lara cut in. “I just need someone who gets the job done and breaks the tie.”

    Elaine Godfrey

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