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Suburban women are divided 52% to 46%, on Democrat John Fetterman to Republican Mehmet Oz, according to preliminary results.
Their clout in Senate races isn’t clear: They voted 62% to 37% for Democratic Sen. Bob Casey in 2018, but retiring Republican Sen. Toomey won in 2016 with just 46% support in this group.
Meanwhile, 50% of Pennsylvania voters think Oz’s views are too extreme, while 45% say the same of Fetterman.
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Excerpts from recent editorials in the United States and abroad:
Nov. 6
The Washington Post on the humanitarian crisis in Haiti
Haiti is in the throes of one of the most dire emergencies in its crisis-prone recent history, one increasingly likely to wash up on U.S. shores in the form of desperate migrants. Its government, which is integral to the problem, last month requested international military intervention, and United Nations Secretary General António Guterres agreed that “armed action” is urgently required. In response, the United States, Canada and other key powers have dithered — even as the Biden administration is reported to be preparing to house waves of Haitian refugees at the U.S. military base at Guantánamo Bay. The situation is untenable.
In the absence of boots on the ground, there are few good means for halting a humanitarian and security meltdown in Haiti that has paralyzed fuel supplies, endangered fresh water and food delivery, triggered a cholera outbreak, and intensified what the United Nations has called “emergency” hunger threatening nearly one-fifth of the country’s 11.5 million people. Still, even without deploying police or soldiers, the Biden administration and its key allies have options for acting more forcefully and should move swiftly.
The most immediate priority is to break an inland blockade by armed gangsters that for nearly two months has sealed off the country’s main fuel supply depot in Port-au-Prince, the capital. The cutoff, allegedly in protest of fuel price increases owing to the government slashing subsidies, has resulted in drastic consequences — shuttered gas stations, schools, hospitals and shops, as well as severe shortages of food and medicine. The United States and Canada have sent armored cars and other supplies to help Haiti’s police break the blockade, but those shipments have been inadequate.
Washington could also flex its diplomatic muscle with Haitian authorities to encourage sustained negotiations between the unelected government of Prime Minister Ariel Henry and a broad opposition association of Haitian civic and nonprofit groups, known as the Montana Accord. The groups correctly argue that Mr. Henry’s administration is illegitimate and ineffectual. (Mr. Henry himself has been implicated in last year’s unsolved assassination of President Jovenel Moïse.)
The Accord, named for a hotel in Port-au-Prince, has proposed a transitional period leading to elections, which are now impossible given the pandemonium that grips the nation. While the groups lack the means to organize elections, let alone confront the gangs, they at least enjoy a modicum of popular support, which the current government lacks. They deserve a role in determining Haiti’s future; Washington could give them that.
Simultaneously, the United States should extend temporary protected status, set to expire in February, for tens of thousands of Haitians already living and working legally in the United States, thereby shielding them from the prospect of deportation to a country gripped by pandemonium.
Without armed intervention, no prospective relief will be easy to achieve in a country that has dissolved into chaotic violence and florid dysfunction. However, to acquiesce to the status quo, as the Biden administration has done since the Moïse assassination, is to be morally complicit in an unfolding humanitarian tragedy. Washington cannot continue to pay lip service to resolving the crisis in Haiti. It can and should use its considerable influence to relieve the suffering of millions in the hemisphere’s poorest country.
ONLINE: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/11/06/haiti-government-crisis-us-intervention/
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Nov. 3
The New York Times on Democracy and political violence in the United States
Over the past five years, incidents of political violence in the United States by right-wing extremists have soared. Few experts who track this type of violence believe things will get better anytime soon without concerted action. Domestic extremism is actually likely to worsen. The attack on Paul Pelosi, the husband of the speaker of the House of Representatives, was only the latest episode, and federal officials warn that the threat of violence could continue to escalate after the midterm elections.
The embrace of conspiratorial and violent ideology and rhetoric by many Republican politicians during and after the Trump presidency, anti-government anger related to the pandemic, disinformation, cultural polarization, the ubiquity of guns and radicalized internet culture have all led to the current moment, and none of those trends are in retreat. Donald Trump was the first American president to rouse an armed mob that stormed the Capitol and threatened lawmakers. Taken together, these factors form a social scaffolding that allows for the kind of endemic political violence that can undo a democracy. Ours would not be the first.
Yet the nation is not powerless to stop a slide toward deadly chaos. If institutions and individuals do more to make it unacceptable in American public life, organized violence in the service of political objectives can still be pushed to the fringes. When a faction of one of the country’s two main political parties embraces extremism, that makes thwarting it both more difficult and more necessary. A well-functioning democracy demands it.
The legal tools to do so are already available and in many cases are written into state constitutions, in laws prohibiting private paramilitary activity. “I fear that the country is entering a phase of history with more organized domestic civil violence than we’ve seen in 100 years,” said Philip Zelikow, the former executive director of the 9/11 Commission, who pioneered legal strategies to go after violent extremists earlier in his career. “We have done it in the past and can do so again.”
As the range of violence in recent years shows, the scourge of extremism in the United States is evident across the political spectrum. But the threat to the current order comes disproportionately from the right.
Of the more than 440 extremism-related murders committed in the past decade, more than 75% were committed by right-wing extremists, white supremacists or anti-government extremists. The remaining quarter stemmed from a range of other motivations, according to a study by the Anti-Defamation League. There were 29 extremist-related homicides last year: 26 committed by right-wing extremists, two by Black nationalists and one by an Islamic extremist. The Department of Homeland Security has warned again and again that domestic extremism motivated by white supremacist and other right-wing ideologies is the country’s top terrorism threat … the threat of violence has begun to have a corrosive effect on many aspects of public life: the hounding of election workers until they are forced into hiding, harassment of school board officials, threats to judges, armed demonstrations at multiple statehouses, attacks on abortion clinics and anti-abortion pregnancy centers, bomb threats against hospitals that offer care to transgender children, assaults on flight attendants who try to enforce COVID rules and the armed intimidation of librarians over the books and ideas they choose to share.
Meanwhile, threats against members of Congress are more than 10 times as numerous as they were just five years ago … There are four interrelated trends that the country needs to address: the impunity of organized paramilitary groups, the presence of extremists in law enforcement and the military, the global spread of extremist ideas and the growing number of G.O.P. politicians who are using the threat of political violence not just to intimidate their opponents on the left but also to wrest control of the party from those Republicans who are committed to democratic norms …. Preserving the health of our democracy is as much a matter of preventive care as it is the application of a tourniquet. A promising place to start combating political violence is with extremist paramilitary groups.
While the majority of such violence in the United States comes at the hands of people not strictly affiliated with these groups — the man who is accused of attacking Mr. Pelosi, for example, echoed their hatred of Nancy Pelosi, but it’s not clear whether the man had links to any of them — they are nonetheless often the vanguard of violent episodes, such as the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, and they are active in spreading their brands of ideological extremism online.
They go by many names: the Oath Keepers, the Proud Boys, the Boogaloo Bois, the Three Percenters, the Wolverine Watchmen. Some fancy themselves militias, but they aren’t, according to the law. These groups have been around in their modern incarnations since the end of the Vietnam War, and their popularity has waxed and waned. In fact, political violence is as old as the nation itself; right-wing frustrations with democratic outcomes have birthed militia movements throughout American history. Most notably, the Ku Klux Klan has spent over a century and a half, from Reconstruction to the present day, terrorizing Black Americans and others in service of political ends.
Today, levels of political violence are high and climbing. In 2020 the Center for Strategic and International Studies found that violence from all political ideologies reached its highest level since the group began collecting data in 1994. And extremist paramilitary groups have again become a common presence in American life, on college campuses, at public protests and at political rallies.
ONLINE: https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/03/opinion/political-violence-extremism.html
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Nov. 4
The Wall Street Journal on the labor market
The Labor Department reported Friday that the economy created 261,000 new jobs in October, which beat Wall Street’s expectations. Upward revisions for September added to the evidence that the job market is holding up despite rising interest rates.
But hold the confetti. The labor market also showed the beginning of some cracks, as the unemployment rate rose to 3.7% from 3.5% and 328,000 fewer people were employed. The labor participation rate fell for the second month in a row, and unemployment ticked up for nearly every demographic group except teenagers. This evidence suggests that while employers are still hiring, the pace of hiring is slowing.
The upshot is that the job market is headed for harder time as the Federal Reserve’s interest-rate increases continue. Companies are already reporting job freezes and in some cases layoffs, especially in the tech industry where stock prices have been hammered this year.
Elon Musk sent sacking notices to 3,700 Twitter employees on Friday, about half the workforce. Amazon said it is pausing new hires for the corporate workforce, citing the “unusual macro-economic environment.” Lyft is laying off workers, as is CNN. The larger story is that companies are putting up the storm windows in case there’s a recession coming in 2023, which there may be.
The mixed jobs news is unlikely to deter the Federal Reserve from its drive to restrain inflation. Average hourly earnings rose at a healthy 4.7% rate in the last year, which is good news for workers but not for inflation. Wage pressure continues across the economy, especially for workers who leave for new jobs. The Atlanta Fed’s tracker has wage growth growing at an annual rate of 6.3% in the three months through September. Workers should enjoy the gains while they can because there are rougher days ahead as the Fed moves to fix Washington’s great inflation mistake.
ONLINE: https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-contradictory-labor-market-jobs-report-october-hiring-labor-force-participation-unemployment-11667600385
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Nov. 2
China Daily on U.S. trade with China
Australian Resources Minister Madeleine King hit the nail on the head in an interview on Tuesday when she described the hope of some Western countries that they could soon end their reliance on China for rare earths as a “pipe dream”.
This is because China holds the world’s largest reserves of the mineral resources and accounts for around 80% of global production of rare earths, which are needed for a wide variety of products, ranging from smartphones to aerospace technology to wind turbines.
Yet rather than calling for joint international efforts to ensure the safety and stability of the industry and supply chains for the good of all countries, King insinuated that Australia and the United States should cooperate to boost investments in the minerals in order to break China’s monopoly, as it is a country “that has seen this need coming and made the most of it.”
But despite being the world’s largest trading and manufacturing country, China has never and will not seek to weaponize trade or its dominant position in certain fields such as rare earths’ production. Rather, it continues to advocate and uphold free trade and economic globalization as a means to counter protectionism and the “decoupling” trend initiated by Washington that hurts the interests of all nations.
King’s remarks highlight the dilemma that Australia finds itself in when it comes to its economic and trade ties with China. On the one hand, China has long been Australia’s biggest trading partner for both the export and import of goods. On the other hand, Canberra is willingly playing the role of Washington’s vanguard in the Asia-Pacific in its strategy to contain China, which means it has to toe the U.S. line even at the expense of its own interests.
In the latest move, the U.S. is reportedly preparing to deploy up to six nuclear-capable B-52 bombers in northern Australia to send “a strong message to adversaries.” Australia had earlier joined the U.S. in banning Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei citing national security concerns, and has had running spats with China on such issues as human rights and the South China Sea after Washington began hyping up its groundless allegations of human rights abuses and coercive behavior on the part of China.
China is doing its best to play its part in keeping the world economy and international trade stable. Other countries likewise need to shoulder their due responsibilities to ensure the normal functioning of relevant trade and economic cooperation, rather than trying to use the economy and trade as political tools or weapons, which only destabilizes the global economic system to the detriment of all.
ONLINE: https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202211/02/WS6362583ca310fd2b29e7fee6.html
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Inflation is weighing heavily on the holidays this year.
Roughly half of shoppers will buy fewer things due to higher prices, and more than one-third said they will rely on coupons to cut down on the cost, according to a recent survey of more than 1,000 adults by RetailMeNot.
Though the study found many consumers are also eager to get an early start on seasonal shopping, that surge is largely driven by concerns about affordability and money-saving strategies, other reports show.
“Inflation is, by far, the biggest issue for households this year,” said Tim Quinlan, senior economist at Wells Fargo and author of its 2022 holiday sales report.
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Household finances have taken a hit with a lower savings rate and declining real wages, which could slow holiday sales, Quinlan said.
“The bottom line is, with inflation remaining a headache, dollars aren’t stretching as far, and most consumers will still be looking for bargains,” Quinlan said.
A separate report by BlackFriday.com also found that 70% of shoppers will be taking inflation into consideration when shopping this holiday season, and even more will be on the lookout for deals.
People are trying to economize and make the most of what they have.
Cecilia Seiden
vice president of TransUnion’s retail business
Roughly 25% of consumers said they would opt for cheaper versions or more practical gifts, such as gas cards, according to TransUnion’s holiday shopping survey.
“People are trying to economize and make the most of what they have,” said Cecilia Seiden, vice president of TransUnion’s retail business.
Still, households will shell out $1,455, on average, on holiday gifts, in line with last year, a separate retail report by Deloitte found.
Shoppers at the Willow Grove Park Mall in Willow Grove, Pennsylvania, on Nov. 14, 2020.
Mark Makela | Reuters
“Remember to not put yourself in debt over holiday shopping,” cautioned Natalia Brown, chief client operations officer at National Debt Relief. “Debt prevents people from reaching their financial goals — like building an emergency fund, buying a home and saving for retirement.”
Holiday spending could come at a higher cost if it means tacking on additional credit card debt just as the Federal Reserve raises interest rates to slow inflation, Quinlan added.
Annual percentage rates are currently near 19%, on average, an all-time high, according to Ted Rossman, a senior industry analyst at CreditCards.com.
That will leave consumers worse off heading into 2023, Quinlan explained.
“In many ways we view this year’s holiday shopping season as the last hurrah,” he said.
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TOKYO — Asian stocks were mixed Tuesday ahead of the U.S. midterm elections with trading likely to stay bumpy in a week that brings new inflation data and other events that could shake markets.
Tokyo’s Nikkei 225 gained 1.3% to 27,876.20 on strong earnings reports. The Kospi in Seoul advanced 1.1% to 2,397.41 and Australia’s S&P/AXS 200 gained 0.4% to 6,958.90.
Hong Kong’s Hang Seng sank 0.6% to 16,488.44, while the Shanghai Composite index shed 0.8% to 3,052.93. Thailand’s SET gained 0.7%. India’s markets were closed for a holiday.
The week is full of potentially market-moving events, including U.S. inflation data and the election, which could leave the U.S. government split between Democrats and Republicans.
For Tuesday, at least, “Look for markets to trade political headline spin rather than substance,” Stephen Innes of SPI Asset Management said in a commentary.
Every seat in the U.S. House of Representatives is up for election this year, along with about a third of the U.S. Senate. On the line is control of both houses of Congress, currently under Democratic leadership.
Voters are also electing governors in most of the states this year. They’ll be in office in 2024 when the next presidential election happens and could affect election laws or vote certifications. Many state legislative and local authorities also are on the ballot.
A divided government would likely bring gridlock rather than big, sweeping policy changes that could upset tax and spending plans. Historically, when a Democratic White House has shared power with a split or Republican Congress, stocks have seen stronger gains than usual.
On Monday, the benchmark S&P 500 rose 1% to 3,806.80 while the Dow Jones Industrial Average gained 1.3% to 32,827.00 and the Nasdaq composite added 0.9% to 10,564.52.
Analysts say a strong performance by Democrats in the elections could lead to increased spending to help the economy that might fuel inflation and leave the Federal Reserve obliged to continue to hike interest rates to get prices under control.
It may take a while to get clarity because of the process to count votes that came in through the mail.
Economists expect a report Thursday to show the consumer price index rose 8% in October from a year earlier, slightly lower than September’s 8.2% inflation rate.
Regardless of the outcome of Tuesday’s vote, “It is still all about inflation and while this report might not be as hot as the last few, it still should show that rents and the core-service sector part of the economy are still hot,” Edward Moya of Oanda said in a report.
Higher rates put the brakes on the economy by making it more expensive to buy a house, car or anything else on credit, though they take time to take effect. Rate hikes could bring a recession, and they tend to drag on prices for stocks and other investments.
A fourth straight month of moderating inflation from June’s 9.1% rate could afford the Federal Reserve leeway to loosen up a bit. The Fed has said that it may soon dial down the size of its increases to half a percentage point, after pushing through four straight mega increases of three-quarters of a point.
Monday’s gains for Wall Street came despite a shaky showing for its most influential stock. Apple rose 0.4% after dropping earlier in the day. It had warned customers they’ll have to wait longer to get the latest iPhones after anti-COVID restrictions were imposed on a contractor’s factory in China.
Earnings reports are also causing share prices to swing.
The reporting season for summertime profits is roughly 85% done, and S&P 500 companies are on track to deliver growth of a little more than 2%. Analysts are forecasting a drop in S&P 500 profits for the final three months of the year, of nearly 1.5%. They had been forecasting growth of 4% at the end of September.
In other trading, U.S. benchmark crude oil lost 50 cents to $91.29 per barrel in electronic trading on the New York Mercantile Exchange. It lost 82 cents to $91.79 per barrel on Monday.
Brent crude, the international pricing standard, gave up 45 cents to $97.47 per barrel.
The U.S. dollar was unchanged at 146.63 yen. The euro slipped to $1.0008 to $1.0016.
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To better understand this year’s midterm elections, CBS News has identified key groups of voters whose motivations go beyond party labels. They include “pressured parents,” who are concerned about inflation and their children’s well-being in the post-pandemic world.
CBS News sat down with three parents in the Philadelphia suburbs to talk about the issues driving their midterm vote, as the group could be the difference in Pennsylvania’s high-stakes election and could help determine who controls Congress.
Heather Emery, a registered Republican, said crime is one of her top concerns.
“We have to do something on crime,” Emery said. “We have to change that for our children.”
Lisa Nelson-Haynes, a registered Democrat, said she’s concerned about abortion access.
“I am concerned about the lack of self-agency and governance that I have in terms of my body or that my daughter has,” Nelson-Haynes said. “And I don’t understand the conversation when, you know, you hear people say, ‘My body, my choice is baloney.’ But it wasn’t when you were talking about wearing a mask.”
Gerry Gant, a registered Libertarian, named inflation his top concern.
All three parents said they’ve had to adjust their lifestyles because of inflation. Emery said she’s only buying necessities, and that her kids have noticed. Gant said his teenage son is “eating us out of house and home.”
“I think about things more when I’m going shopping,” Nelson-Haynes said.
These are the issues at the center of the U.S. Senate race between Democrat John Fetterman and Republican Mehmet Oz. Gant said neither candidate is a good option and he’ll probably vote third party.
The group all had concerns about the pandemic’s impact on their children, but they differed on who is to blame.
“They’re incredibly behind,” Emery said. “And I don’t know if they’re going to be able to dig — like we can dig our kids out, right?”
“There were milestones that were missed and there were, with that, there has been an assumption of kind of tempering your dreams and aspirations,” Nelson-Haynes said.
“Every institution failed them over the past two, three years,” Gant said.
The parents also said they feel anxious or scared. But they each noted the importance of their votes in the election.
“Everyone that I know understands that it’s vital that they vote,” Nelson-Haynes said.
“I really think every vote is going to make a difference this year,” Emery added.
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CNN
—
Democrats close their midterm election campaign Monday facing the nightmare scenario they always feared – with Republicans staging a gleeful referendum on Joe Biden’s struggling presidency and failure to tame inflation.
Hopes that Democrats could use the Supreme Court’s overturning of the right to an abortion and a flurry of legislative wins to stave off the classic midterm election rout of a party in power are now a memory. Biden faces a dark political environment because of the 40-year-high in the cost of living – and his hopes of a swift rebound next year are clouded by growing fears of a recession.
On the eve of the election, Democrats risk losing control of the House of Representatives and Republicans are increasingly hopeful of a Senate majority that would leave Biden under siege as he begins his reelection bid and with ex-President Donald Trump apparently set to announce his own campaign for a White House return within days.
It’s too early for postmortems. Forty million Americans have already voted. And the uncertainty baked into modern polling means no one can be sure a red wave is coming. Democrats could still cling onto the Senate even if the House falls.
But the way each side is talking on election eve, and the swathe of blue territory – from New York to Washington state – that Democrats are defending offer a clear picture of GOP momentum.
A nation split down the middle politically, which is united only by a sense of dissatisfaction with its trajectory, is getting into a habit of repeatedly using elections to punish the party with the most power.
That means Democrats are most exposed this time.
If the president’s party takes a drubbing, there will be much Democratic finger-pointing over Biden’s messaging strategy on inflation – a pernicious force that has punched holes in millions of family budgets.
Just as in last year’s losing off-year gubernatorial race in Virginia, which the president won by 10 points in 2020, Democrats are closing the campaign warning about democracy and Trump’s influence while Republicans believe they are addressing the issue voters care about most.
“Here’s where the Democrats are: they’re inflation deniers, they are crime deniers, they’re education deniers,” Republican National Committee Chair Ronna McDaniel said on CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday.
Hilary Rosen, a longtime Democratic consultant, said on the same show that her party had misjudged the mood of the electorate.
“I’m a loyal Democrat, but I am not happy. I just think that we are – we did not listen to voters in this election. And I think we’re going to have a bad night,” Rosen told CNN’s Dana Bash.
“And this conversation is not going to have much impact on Tuesday, but I hope it has an impact going forward, because when voters tell you over and over and over again that they care mostly about the economy, listen to them. Stop talking about democracy being at stake.”
Rosen is not the only key figure on the left uneasy with the midterm strategy. Former Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders, an independent senator from Vermont, urged the White House to do more to stress economic concerns in recent weeks even while acknowledging the crisis of democracy and the importance of abortion rights. In retrospect, it appears Democrats were slow to recognize that a favorable period over the summer, spurred by falling gasoline prices and a hot streak for the president in passing legislation, wouldn’t last long enough to compensate for a ruinous political environment caused by the economy.
In effect, Biden’s stress on the threat to US political institutions posed by Trump essentially asks voters to prioritize the historic foundation of America’s political system over their own more immediate economic fears.
It’s a message that resonates strongly in Washington, DC, where the scars of the US Capitol insurrection are keenly felt. And it is undeniably important because the survival of the world’s most important democracy is at stake. After all, Trump incited an insurrection that tried to thwart the unbroken tradition of peaceful transfers of power between presidents.
But outside the Beltway bubble of politicians and journalists, democracy feels like a far more distant, esoteric concept than the daily struggle to feed a family and to be able to afford to commute to work. From Pennsylvania to Arizona, the return to normality after the Covid-19 nightmare that Biden promised remains elusive to many as the economic after effects of the once-in-a century health emergency linger.
The impossibility of the political environment for Democrats was laid bare in a CNN/SSRS poll released last week. Some 51% of likely voters said the economy was the key issue in determining their vote. Only 15% named abortion – a finding that explains how the election battleground has tilted toward the GOP. Among voters for whom the economy is their top concern, 71% plan to vote Republican in their House district. And 75% of voters think the economy is already in a recession, meaning that Biden’s efforts to stress undeniably strong economic areas – including the strikingly low unemployment rate – are likely to fall on deaf ears.
It’s too simple to say that Biden has ignored the impact of inflation, or doesn’t understand the pain it’s bringing to the country.
The premise of his domestic presidency and his entire political career has been based on restoring the balance of the economy and restoring a measure of security to working and middle class Americans. His legislative successes could bring down the cost of health care for seniors and create a diversified green economy that shields Americans from future high energy prices amid global turmoil. But the benefits from such measures will take years to arrive. And millions of voters are hurting now and haven’t heard a viable plan from the president to quickly ease prices in the short-term.
There is no guarantee that plans by Republicans to extend Trump-era tax cuts and mandate new energy drilling would have much impact on the inflation crisis either. And divided government would likely mean a stalemate between two dueling economic visions. But the election has turned into a vehicle for voters to stress their frustration, with no imminent hope that things will get better soon.
Biden has resorted to highlighting bright spots of the economy – claiming to have reignited manufacturing, high job creation and a robust effort to compete with China. He’s now warning that Republicans would gut Social Security and Medicare on which many Americans rely in retirement.
And in practice, there is not much a president can do to quickly lower inflation on their own. The Federal Reserve is in the lead and the central bank’s strategy of rising interest rates could trigger a recession that could further haunt Biden’s presidency.
Inflation and high gas prices are also a global issue and have been worsened by factors beyond Biden’s control, including the war in Ukraine and supply chain issues brought on by the pandemic. At the same time, however, economists are debating the wisdom of Biden’s high-spending bills that sent billions of dollars into an overheating economy. And the White House’s repeated downplaying of the soaring cost of living as “transitory” badly misjudged the situation and was another thing that battered Biden’s credibility – on top of the confidence some voters lost in him during the US withdrawal from Afghanistan last year.
The Republican Party also got exactly what it wanted as Trump has delayed his expected campaign announcement until after the midterms, depriving Biden of the opportunity to shape this election as a direct clash with an insurrectionist predecessor whom he beat in 2020 and who remains broadly unpopular. Such a confrontation might have enabled the president to dampen the impact of his own low approval ratings and win over voters who still disdain the twice-impeached former president.
Ironically, Biden’s struggles in framing a believable economic message could bring about the very crisis of democracy that he is warning about.
Any incoming GOP majority would be dominated by pro-Trump radicals. Prospective committee chairs have already signaled they will do their best to deflect from Trump’s culpability on the January 6, 2021, insurrection and go after the Justice Department as it presses on with several criminal investigations into the ex-President’s conduct. And Tuesday’s election could usher in scores of election deniers in state offices who could end up controlling the 2024 presidential election in some key battlegrounds. GOP dominance of state legislatures could further curtail voting rights.
High inflation has also always been a toxic force that brews political extremism and tempts some voters to be drawn to demagogues and radicals whose political creed is based on stoking resentment and stigmatizing outsiders.
If Democrats do lose big on Tuesday night, Trump will be a beneficiary.
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As inflation drives up prices, higher food costs are taking a toll on everyone, including food banks. As demand and prices are going up, it’s costing food banks more to feed families who rely on them. KMBC 9 found out the challenges food banks are facing heading into the holidays, and how you can help. From sorting, to packing, to delivering, it all starts inside Harvesters’ warehouse.“We know that when you go to the grocery store right now you might walk out with 3 or 4 bags and it costs you a hundred dollars,” said Harvesters spokesperson Kera Mashek.Those sky-high food prices are spiking demand for the food bank’s help.“I hear time and again, ‘this is my first time’, ‘this is my 2nd time’, ‘I just started coming within the last six months,’” she said.Harvesters is now serving 226,000 people every month. It’s a near-historic high, about 30% above pre-pandemic levels.With the holidays approaching, they expect the need to be even greater.“If they’re not able to buy a turkey that maybe last year cost them $10 or $15 and now is going to cost $20 to $30, that’s going to be an additional need that they may come to us to seek that help,” Mashek said.Bird flu has also pumped up prices for that holiday staple, which means Harvesters is paying more, too. This year they spent almost $100,000 more than last year on turkeys alone.“Really now is a critical time, especially as we head into the first of the year, that any Kansas Citian to have it in their budget to donate a dollar or two even can make a huge difference,” Mashek said.“This is just a little something that I can do to help out,” said volunteer Debbie Ruth. For volunteers like her, donating time is equally as impactful.“Sometimes makes you want to cry when you stop and think about what it is that you’re actually doing and how it is that you’re helping,” Ruth said. “This is a lifesaver for them and I’m just glad to be a part of it.”If you want to help, donating money will go the furthest. Just one dollar can buy two meals. Right now, Harvesters has their Check-Out-Hunger program going on where you can donate any amount when you checkout at Hy-Vee or Price Chopper. Harvesters also has blue barrels set up at grocery stores to collect food donations.If you need help, click here for a list of mobile food distribution sites across the metro.
As inflation drives up prices, higher food costs are taking a toll on everyone, including food banks. As demand and prices are going up, it’s costing food banks more to feed families who rely on them. KMBC 9 found out the challenges food banks are facing heading into the holidays, and how you can help.
From sorting, to packing, to delivering, it all starts inside Harvesters’ warehouse.
“We know that when you go to the grocery store right now you might walk out with 3 or 4 bags and it costs you a hundred dollars,” said Harvesters spokesperson Kera Mashek.
Those sky-high food prices are spiking demand for the food bank’s help.
“I hear time and again, ‘this is my first time’, ‘this is my 2nd time’, ‘I just started coming within the last six months,’” she said.
Harvesters is now serving 226,000 people every month. It’s a near-historic high, about 30% above pre-pandemic levels.
With the holidays approaching, they expect the need to be even greater.
“If they’re not able to buy a turkey that maybe last year cost them $10 or $15 and now is going to cost $20 to $30, that’s going to be an additional need that they may come to us to seek that help,” Mashek said.
Bird flu has also pumped up prices for that holiday staple, which means Harvesters is paying more, too. This year they spent almost $100,000 more than last year on turkeys alone.
“Really now is a critical time, especially as we head into the first of the year, that any Kansas Citian to have it in their budget to donate a dollar or two even can make a huge difference,” Mashek said.
“This is just a little something that I can do to help out,” said volunteer Debbie Ruth. For volunteers like her, donating time is equally as impactful.
“Sometimes makes you want to cry when you stop and think about what it is that you’re actually doing and how it is that you’re helping,” Ruth said. “This is a lifesaver for them and I’m just glad to be a part of it.”
If you want to help, donating money will go the furthest. Just one dollar can buy two meals.
Right now, Harvesters has their Check-Out-Hunger program going on where you can donate any amount when you checkout at Hy-Vee or Price Chopper.
Harvesters also has blue barrels set up at grocery stores to collect food donations.
If you need help, click here for a list of mobile food distribution sites across the metro.
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Frustrated Santa Claus. Santa Claus suffering from headache.
The National Retail Federation just released its Holiday 2022 forecast predicting that November and December retail sales will advance between 6% to 8%. This comes on the heels of a 13.5% increase last year. Its forecast excludes automobile dealers, gasoline stations and restaurants.
Recognizing that last year broke all historical records, NRF president and CEO Matthew Shay called out the average 4.9% increase seen over the past decade to declare, “Consumers remain resilient and continue to engage in commerce.”
NRF chief economist Jack Kleinhenz added:
“NRF’s holiday forecast takes a number of factors into consideration, but the overall outlook is generally positive as consumer fundamentals continue to support economic activity. Despite record levels of inflation, rising interest rates and low levels of confidence, consumers have been steadfast in their spending and remain in the driver’s seat.”
I’m no economist, but I can add and subtract. If inflation is running at an annual rate of about 8%, that effectively balances out any gains NRF is forecasting. And if retail can just hold onto the 13.5% increase it realized last year, that would be a win.
As the nation’s leading retail trade association, it needs to put the most positive spin possible on its forecast. We can’t fault the NRF for that.
But it’s convenient how it used the decade’s average 4.9% holiday growth to compare this year’s forecast favorably. Inflation wasn’t a factor over that period when it most certainly is this year.
Net/Net: retailers are in a precarious position looking at the last two months of the year. If they haven’t done their numbers so far this year and kept ahead of inflation, it is doubtful that the next two months will make up for the shortfall.
In a nearly hourlong press briefing, Shay and Kleinhenz took reporters through the forecast’s underlying assumptions, with Kleinheiz qualifying the presentation, “This holiday season is anything but typical.”
Full disclosure: I wasn’t invited to the briefing, but listened to the recording.
At the household level, its survey shows consumers will spend $832 on average for gifts, decorations, food and other holiday-related purchases, which is in line with the average over the past ten years. But factoring in inflation, that could represent nearly a $70 decline in holiday-related spending.
The NRF also expects higher-income households to make up for losses by middle and lower-income households, with Shay noting higher-income households will spend “significantly more” on discretionary holiday-related purchases.
By contrast, lower-income households are “feeling more pressure when it comes to inflation as they’ve had to use more of their monthly income to meet expenses associated with housing, rent, energy and food costs. They are focusing on necessities.”
Noting that “behavior and spending at higher levels continue to be robust,” Shay remained optimistic.
“Consumers and households at slightly lower levels, even in the face of the challenges, remain durable and resilient…quite impressive,” he said.
When the household budget can’t stretch for holiday extravagancies, Shay said consumers will “supplement spending with savings and credit to provide a cushion and result in a positive holiday season.”
That is, if their savings are still there. The Bureau of Economic Analysis shows that the personal savings rate as a percent of disposable income dropped by more than half from last November and December, when it was over 7%. It stands at 3.1% in September, the most recent NIPA Table 2.6 reports.
And putting holiday purchases on credit is no cushion at all. Consumer debt has reached record highs, according to the most recent Federal Research Consumer Credit report.
Further, credit card debt is now level with pre-pandemic December 2019. Balances are up 9% from this January and 23% higher than at its pandemic low in April 2021, according to the Wall Street Journal.
On the question of inflation, economist Kleinhenz pooh-poohed the Consumer Price Index (CPI) out of the Bureau of Labor Statistics in favor of the personal consumption expenditures price index (PCE) from the Bureau of Economic Analysis.
“Everybody’s talking about inflation. It’s not a simple thing to talk about or measure,” he said. “We already noted the CPI was above 8%, but the Feds’ preferred measure is the personal consumption price index. I like that index because you [can] take out foods, motor vehicles, and gasoline and [we find] retail price [increases] for the most part have been between 4% to 5%.”
Economists and the intelligencia may read the PCE, but most Americans haven’t gotten the memo.
They hear about the CPI in the news, not the PCE. A quick Google
GOOG
Even when pressed by MarketWatch reporter Bill Peters about the effect of higher prices on retail sales, Kleinhenz doubled down on the PCE.
“A portion of our increase is going to come from higher prices, but not the strangling price raises that are occurring in motor vehicles, gasoline and energy as we go forward this holiday season.”
The problem is consumers are going to have to pay for other necessities that have incurred the greatest price increases, leaving less money to go to retailers.
While people can argue about which inflation index is better – the CPI or PCE – the only opinion that matters is the consumers. For that, we have to look at other indices entirely, like the Consumer Confidence Index.
“Consumer confidence retreated in October, after advancing in August and September,” said Lynn Franco, Senior Director of Economic Indicators at The Conference Board. “Consumers’ expectations regarding the short-term outlook remained dismal.”
Like a drop in barometric pressure signals a storm is brewing, the Expectations Index is reading below 80, “ a level associated with recession — suggesting recession risks appear to be rising,” she reported and continued:
“Notably, concerns about inflation—which had been receding since July—picked up again, with both gas and food prices serving as main drivers. Looking ahead, inflationary pressures will continue to pose strong headwinds to consumer confidence and spending, which could result in a challenging holiday season for retailers.
“And, given inventories are already in place, if demand falls short, it may result in steep discounting which would reduce retailers’ profit margins.”
On one measure, we all can agree. “We know consumers continue to be emotionally invested in the holidays,” Shay said.
But how that emotional investment will express itself in retail over the next two months is up for debate.
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Pamela N. Danziger, Senior Contributor
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Delegates landing in Egypt’s Red Sea resort of Sharm El-Sheikh for U.N. climate talks this week are a global elite bent on tearing down national borders, stripping away individual freedoms and condemning working people to a life of poverty.
That dark view is held by a range of far-right or populist parties — among them Donald Trump’s Republicans, who are seeking to retake control in Tuesday’s U.S. midterm elections. Some of these radicals are rampaging through elections in Europe while others, such as Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro last week, have been defeated only narrowly.
Republican and Trump acolyte Lauren Boebert derides the environmentalist agenda as “America last;” Britain’s Brexit-backing Home Secretary Suella Braverman says the country is in thrall to a “tofu-eating wokerati;” and in Spain, senior figures in the far-right Vox party dismiss the U.N.’s climate agenda as “cultural Marxism.”
Right-wingers of various strains around the world have co-opted climate change into their culture war. The fact this is happening in countries that produce a large share of global greenhouse gas emissions has alarmed some green advocates.
“Reactionary populism is now the biggest obstacle to tackling climate change,” wrote three climate leaders, including Brazil’s former Environment Minister Izabella Teixeira, in a recent commentary.
In the U.S., Republicans are eyeing a return to power in one or both houses of Congress in Tuesday’s midterm elections. Many at the COP27 talks will be reliving the first week of the U.N. climate conference in Morocco six years ago when Trump’s election struck the climate movement like a hurricane.
A Republican surge would gnaw at the fragile confidence that has built around global climate efforts since President Joe Biden’s election, raising the specter of a second Trump term and perhaps the withdrawal — again — of the U.S. from the landmark 2015 Paris climate deal.
“I don’t want to think about that,” said Teixeira’s co-author Laurence Tubiana, a former French diplomat who led the design of the Paris Agreement and who now leads the European Climate Foundation.
Some on the American right are pushing a more conciliatory message than others. “Republicans have solutions to reduce world emissions while providing affordable, reliable, and clean energy to our allies across the globe,” said Utah Congressman John Curtis, who will lead a delegation from his party to COP27.
Tubiana and others in the environmental movement are trying to put on a brave face. They argue Republicans won’t want to tamper too much with Biden’s behemoth Inflation Reduction Act, which contains measures to promote clean energy.
“You might see railing against it, and I’m sure there’ll be lots of political talk and rhetoric, but I don’t expect that would be a focus for the Republicans,” said Nat Keohane, president of the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, a green NGO based in Arlington, Virginia. Nevertheless, if Republicans take both houses, “we certainly won’t make any progress,” Keohane said.
Trump’s first term and the presidency of Brazil’s Bolsonaro — which ended in a narrow defeat in last month’s election — now look like the opening skirmishes in a struggle in which the planet’s stability is at stake.
In parts of Europe, the right present their policies as sympathetic to the risks of climate change while dismissing internationally sanctioned action as sinister elitism that threatens their voters’ prosperity.
“The Sweden Democrats are not climate deniers, whatever that means,” Swedish far-right leader Jimmie Åkesson told a crowd days before a September election that saw his party win big. But Sweden’s current climate plans, Åkesson said, were “100 percent symbolic” rather than meaningful. “All that leads to is that we get poorer, that our lives get worse.”
This is the gibbet on which the far right are hanging environmentalism: depicting them as the witting or unwitting cavalry of global elites.
“We consider it to be a globalist movement that intends to end all borders, intends to end our freedom, intends to end our freedom for our identities,” Javier Cortés, president of the Seville chapter of Spain’s far-right Vox party, said in an interview with POLITICO. “We are not in favor of CO2 emissions. On the contrary, we want to respect the environment. All we are saying is that the European Union has to clarify that it wants to sell us a climate religion in which we cannot emit CO2, while we make our industries disappear from Europe and we need to buy from China.”
To describe this as climate denial — a common but often inaccurate charge — would be to miss the point that this is now just another front in the culture wars.
Online disinformation about the last U.N. climate talks was largely focused on the hypocrisy and elitism of those attending, according to research from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD). The main spreaders weren’t websites and figures traditionally associated with climate denial, but culture war celebrities such as psychologist Jordan Peterson, Rebel Media’s Ezra Levant and Dilbert cartoonist Scott Adams.
Populist attacks on globalism “rely on a well-funded transnational network,” said Tubiana. “It warrants serious scrutiny.”
But while economic interests may be powering parts of the movement, there is also a sense of political opportunism at work. Huge changes to the economy will be needed to lower emissions at the speed dictated by U.N.-brokered global climate goals. There will be winners and losers — and the losers may gravitate toward populists pledging to take up their cause.
“Far-right organizations are recognizing this as a potentially lucrative topic that they can win votes or support on,” said Balsa Lubarda, head of the ideology research unit at the Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right.
The far right’s focus on the losers has been “turbo charged” by the energy crisis, said Jennie King, head of civic action and education at ISD, which populists have wrongly argued is the fault of green policy. The European Parliament’s coalition of far-right parties has grown and capitalized on the energy crisis by joining with center-right parties to vote down environmental legislation.
Sweden’s Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson — newly elected with Åkesson’s support — aims to dilute the country’s ambitions for cutting some greenhouse gas emissions, a move center-right Liberal Environment Minister Romina Pourmokhtari justified in familiar terms: “That is a reaction to the reality people are facing.” And in Britain, Brexit leader Nigel Farage retooled his campaign to become an anti-net zero mouthpiece.
Strains of right-wing ecology may also mean that not all groups are actively hostile to the climate agenda, said Lubarda. Italy’s new Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is a huge fan of the books of J.R.R. Tolkien, which center on the Shire, an idealized bucolic homeland. Meloni says she wants to reclaim environmentalism for the right, but the protection of national economic interests still comes first.
“There is no more convinced ecologist than a conservative, but what distinguishes us from a certain ideological environmentalism is that we want to defend nature with man inside,” she said in her inaugural speech to parliament last month.
While Meloni has announced that she will attend COP27, she has also renamed the Ministry for the Ecological Transition the Ministry for Environment and Energy Security. The governing program of her Brothers of Italy party includes a section on climate change, but it strongly emphasizes the need to protect industry.
It’s this broad sense of demotion and delay that alarms those who are watching these ideas grow in stature among populists on the right. They say that while it may not sound like climate denial, the result is effectively the same.
“You can say that you are climate friends,” said Belgian Socialist MEP Marie Arena. “But in the act, you are not at all. You are business friends first.”
Jacopo Barragazzi, Charlie Duxbury and Zack Colman contributed to this report.
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Karl Mathiesen
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By EDDIE PELLS
It only took a few seconds for Rachel Kennedy to grab her phone after she left the checkout line at the sporting-goods store, where she had just finished buying a new glove, pants, belt, cleats and the rest of the equipment for her son, Liam’s, upcoming baseball season.
“I texted his dad and asked him, ‘Did we really spend $350 on all this last year?’” Kennedy said.
Sticker shock in youth sports is nothing new, but the onslaught of double-digit inflation across America this year has added a costly wrinkle on the path to the ballparks, swimming pools and dance studios across America. It has forced some families, like Kennedy’s, to scale back the number of seasons, or leagues, or sports that their kids can play in any given year, while motivating league organizers to become more creative in devising ways to keep prices down and participation up.
(AP video: Justin Bickel/Production: Patrick Orsagos)
Recent studies, conducted before inflation began impacting daily life across America, showed families spent around $700 a year on kids’ sports, with travel and equipment accounting for the biggest portion of the expense.
Everyone from football coaches to swim-meet coordinators are struggling to to find less-expensive ways of keeping families coming through the doors. Costs of uniforms and equipment, along with facility rental, are shooting up — all products of the onslaught of supply-chain issues, hard-to-find staff, lack of coaches and rising gas and travel costs that were exacerbated, or sometimes caused, by the COVID-19 pandemic that disrupted and sometimes canceled seasons altogether. The annual inflation rate for the 12 months ending in September was 8.2%.
Kennedy, who lives in Monroe, Ohio, and describes her family as “on the lower end of middle class,” opted Liam out of summer and fall ball, not so much because of the fees to join the leagues but because “those don’t include all the equipment you need.”
“And gas prices have gotten to the point where we don’t have the bandwidth to drive one or two hours away” for the full slate of weekend games and tournaments that dot the typical youth baseball schedule each season. The Kennedys rarely stayed the night in hotels for multi-day tournaments.
A study published by The Aspen Institute that was conducted before COVID-19 said on average across all sports, parents already spent more each year on travel ($196 per child, per sport) than any other facet of the sport: equipment, lessons, registration, etc. A number of reports say hotel prices in some cities are around 30% higher than last year, and about the same amount higher than in 2019, before the start of the pandemic.
At the venues, it costs more to hire umpires to call the games, groundskeepers to keep fields ready, janitors to clean indoor venues and coaches to run practices. Even sports that are traditionally on the less-expensive end of the spectrum are running into issues.
“You talk to people and you say ‘What do you mean you get $28 an hour to be a lifeguard?’” said Steve Roush, a former leader in the Olympic world who now serves as executive director of Southern California Swimming, which sanctions meets across one of America’s most expensive regions. “The going rate has just gone through the roof, and that’s if you can find somebody at all. And that accounts for part of the big gap” in prices for swimming meets today versus three years ago.
One Denver-area dance studio director, who did not want her name used because of the competitive nature of her business, said she started looking for new uniform suppliers as a way of keeping costs down for families. Some destinations for the two out-of-state competitions that are typical in a given season have been shifted to cities that have more — and, so, less expensive — flight options. Some of those teams only make a third trip, this one to a major competition, if it receives a “paid” invitation.
“The cost is just so much to ask them to travel a third time,” the director said. “And oftentimes you don’t know that you’re getting that bid until February or March and you have to turn around and travel to it in April, and that turnaround just makes it very hard from an expense standpoint.”
At stake is the future of a youth-sports industry that generated around $20 billion, according to one estimate, before COVID-19 sharply curtailed spending in 2020.
Also, inflation is giving some families a chance to revisit an issue that first came up when COVID-19 more or less canceled all youth leagues for a year or more.
“There was some optimism that maybe families would be like, ‘OK, let’s maybe have a more balanced approach to how we’re going to participate in sports,’” said Jennifer Agans, an assistant professor at Penn State who studies the impact of youth sports. “But until this economic wave, everyone was so excited to go back to normal that we forgot the lessons we learned from slowing our lives down. Maybe this gives another chance to reevaluate that.”
It’s a choice not everyone wants to make, but still one that is being imposed more on people in the middle and lower class. Another Aspen Institute report from before the pandemic concluded children from low-income families were half as likely to play sports as kids from upper-income families.
Kennedy said she has long been fortunate to have a supportive family — including grandparents who chip in to defray some costs of Liam’s baseball. But some things had to go. A spot on a travel team can reach up to $1,200, and that’s before equipment and travel, “and we just don’t have that kind of money,” Kennedy said.
Still, Liam loves baseball and sitting it out altogether wasn’t a real choice.
“It’s the whole parental, ‘I’ll go hungry to make sure my kids get what they need’ situation,’” Kennedy said. “So if I give up my Starbucks, or some little extras for me, then it’s worth it to make sure he gets to play. But it’s certainly not getting any less expensive.”
___
AP sports: https://apnews.com/hub/sports and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports
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CNN
—
Economic issues remain a top concern for most voters ahead of the 2022 election, a review of recent polling finds, with many also worried about America’s democratic process itself. But voters’ highest priorities are divided along partisan lines, with abortion rights continuing to resonate strongly for Democrats, while Republicans remain sharply focused on inflation. Concerns about other issues, from gun policy to immigration, are often similarly polarized. And some topics that drew attention in previous elections – like the coronavirus pandemic – are relatively muted this year.
Recent polling provides a good general sense of which issues have become the focal points of this year’s elections, and for whom. But what voters truly consider important, and how those concerns influence their decisions, is too complicated to be fully captured in a single poll question.
As we’ve noted previously, voters tend to say they care about a lot of different issues. That, however, doesn’t necessarily mean any of those issues will be decisive in a specific race, either by motivating people to vote when they wouldn’t have otherwise, or by convincing them to vote for a different candidate than they would have otherwise.
In practice, few campaigns revolve around a single issue, with voters left to weigh the merits of entire platforms. In a recent NBC News poll, for instance, voters were close to evenly split on whether they placed more importance on “a candidate’s position on crime, the situation at the border, and addressing the cost of living by cutting government spending,” or on “a candidate’s position on abortion, threats to democracy and voting, and addressing the cost of living by raising taxes on corporations.”
And in some cases, voters’ primary focus may not be on the issues at all. In CNN’s recent polls of Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, a majority of likely voters in both states said that candidates’ character or party control of the Senate played more of a role in their decision-making than did issue positions.
Here’s a recap of what the polls are showing now.
CNN’s most recent polls have examined voters’ priorities from two different angles. A survey conducted in September and early October asked voters to rate a series of different issues on a scale from “extremely important” to “not that important,” while a second survey conducted in late October asked them to select a single top priority. On both measures, the economy emerged as a top concern.
In the first poll, nine in 10 registered voters said they considered the economy at least very important to their vote for Congress, with 59% calling it extremely important. And in the second poll, 51% of likely voters said the economy and inflation would be most important to them in their congressional vote, far outpacing any other issue.
While economic concerns rank highly among both parties, the CNN surveys found a pronounced partisan divide. Among registered voters in the first poll, 75% of Republicans called the economy extremely important to their vote, compared with about half of independents (51%) and Democrats (50%). And in the second, 71% of Republican likely voters called the economy and inflation their top issue, while 53% of independents and 27% of Democrats said the same.
The Republican Party also holds an advantage on economic issues. In a Fox News poll, voters said by a 13-point margin that the GOP would do a better job than the Democratic Party of handling inflation and higher prices. And in a mid-October CBS News/YouGov poll, voters were nine points likelier to say that GOP control of Congress would help the economy than to say it would hurt. Voters also said, by a 19-point margin, that Democratic economic policies during the last two years in Congress have hurt, rather than helped.
At the same time, voters express concerns beyond pocketbook issues. In that CBS News/YouGov survey, 85% of likely voters said that their “personal rights and freedoms” will be very important in their 2022 vote, while a smaller 68% said the same of their “own household’s finances.”
Following the Supreme Court’s overturn of Roe v. Wade, abortion has taken far higher precedence in this midterm than in recent past elections, particularly among Democrats.
In CNN’s September/October poll, nearly three-quarters (72%) of registered voters called abortion at least very important to their vote, with 52% calling it extremely important. The share of voters calling abortion extremely important to their vote varied along both partisan and gender lines: 72% of Democratic women, 54% of independent women and 53% of Republican women rated it that highly, compared with fewer than half of men of any partisan affiliation.
And in CNN’s latest poll, 15% of likely voters called abortion their top issue, placing it second – by some distance – to economic concerns. Democratic voters were about split between the two issues, with 27% prioritizing the economy and inflation, and 29% placing more importance on abortion.
Abortion policy does stand out in some surveys as particularly likely to serve as a litmus test. In the Fox News poll, 21% of voters named abortion or women’s rights as an issue “so important to them that they must agree with a candidate on it, or they will NOT vote for them,” outpacing issues including the economy and immigration, and far greater than the 7% who named abortion when asked the same question in a 2019 survey.
To the extent that abortion serves as a voting issue, it’s more of a factor for abortion rights supporters – something that was not necessarily the case in the past. In the mid-October CBS News/YouGov poll, just 17% of likely voters say they view their congressional vote this year as a vote to oppose abortion rights, while 45% say it’s in support of abortion rights, with the rest saying abortion is not a factor. In a recent AP-NORC survey, the Democrats hold a 23-point lead over Republicans on trust to handle abortion policy, their best showing across a range of issues; in a recent NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, the Democrats lead by 12 points.
Immigration’s role as an electoral issue has grown increasingly polarized. In CNN’s September/October poll, 44% of registered voters called immigration extremely important, on par with concerns ahead of the 2018 midterms. But Republican voters were 35 percentage points likelier than Democratic voters to call immigration extremely important, up from a 17-point gap four years ago.
That partisan dynamic also plays out in which party is more trusted to handle immigration-related topics: In the NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, voters say by a 14-point margin that the GOP would do a better job than the Democratic Party on dealing with immigration. In the Fox poll, voters say by a 21-point margin that they trust the GOP over the Democrats to handle border security, making it by far the Republicans’ strongest issue by that metric.
But with Republicans overwhelmingly focused on the economy, immigration isn’t at the forefront of many voters’ minds this year. In the latest CNN poll, just 9% of Republican voters and 4% of Democratic voters called it their top issue.
This year also finds voters concerned about the electoral process. An 85% majority of registered voters in CNN’s September/October poll called “voting rights and election integrity” at least very important to their vote, with 61% calling those topics extremely important. Both 70% of Democrats and 64% of Republicans said the issue was extremely important, in comparison with a smaller 47% of independents. Seven in 10 registered voters in a Pew Research survey out in October said that “the future of democracy in the country” will be very important to their vote this year, with 58% saying the same about “policies about how elections and voting work in the country” – in each case, that included a majority of both voters supporting Democratic candidates and those supporting Republicans.
But levels of concern can vary depending on how the issue is framed. In the NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, 28% of registered voters, including 42% of Democrats, picked “preserving democracy” as the issue that’s top of mind for them in this election. In CNN’s latest poll, just 9% of likely voters, including 15% of Democrats, called “voting rights and election integrity” their top issue.
The driving factors behind voters’ worries also vary significantly. In the Fox News poll, 37% of voters said they were extremely concerned about candidates and their supporters not accepting election results, while 32% were extremely concerned about voter fraud. In an October New York Times/Siena poll, about three-quarters (74%) of likely voters said they believed American democracy was currently under threat, but in a follow-up questioning asking them to summarize the threat they were envisioning, they diverged. Some cited specific politicians, most notably former President Donald Trump (10%) or President Joe Biden (6%), while others offered broad concerns about corruption or the government as a whole (13%).
In CNN’s September/October poll, 43% of registered voters said that the phrase “working to protect democracy” better described the Democratic congressional candidates in their area, while 36% thought it better fit their local Republican candidates. In the NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, voters said, 44% to 37%, that the Democratic Party would do a better job than the Republican Party of “dealing with preserving democracy.”
Most voters in this year’s elections express concerns about guns and violent crime, but relatively few voters call either their top issue. There’s also a notable partisan divide depending on the framing, with Republicans more concerned about crime, and Democrats more attentive to gun policy.
In a late October CBS News/YouGov poll, 65% of likely voters said crime would be very important to their vote, and 62% said gun policy would be very important. An 85% majority of Republican likely voters, compared with 47% of Democratic likely voters, called crime very important. By contrast, while 74% of Democratic likely voters called gun policy very important, a smaller 53% of Republican likely voters said the same.
According to Gallup, voters’ prioritization of gun policy spiked this summer following a wave of high-profile mass shootings, before fading as a concern in the fall; the Pew Research Center polling found less significant changes in voters’ priorities over that time.
Neither issue is currently widespread as a top concern. In the latest CNN poll, 7% of likely voters called gun policy their top issue, and just 3% said the same of crime.
In an October Wall Street Journal poll, 43% of registered voters said they trusted Republicans in Congress more to handle reducing crime, compared with the 29% who said they trust Democrats in Congress. Voters who were instead asked about reducing “gun violence” gave Democrats a 7-point edge.
The polling also reveals a few issues that aren’t receiving similarly widespread public attention this year. Among them is coronavirus, which just 27% of likely voters in the latest CBS News/YouGov poll called very important to their vote, rising to 44% among Democrats. Despite this year’s major climate change legislation, that issue ranked last among the seven issues CNN asked about in the September/October poll, with only 38% of registered voters calling it extremely important to their vote – although the issue had far more resonance among Democrats (60% of whom called it extremely important) and voters younger than age 35 (46% of whom did). And relatively few in the electorate are substantially focused on the war in Ukraine: in Fox’s polling, just 34% of registered voters said they were extremely concerned about Russia’s invasion of the country.
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Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell R-KY speaks to the media after a Republican policy luncheon … [+]
Republicans are expected to gain enough seats in the November 8 midterm elections to capture majorities in both chambers of Congress. A shift back to Republican control could complicate President Joe Biden’s energy policy priorities, but it would undoubtedly provide a boost to energy security advocates.
The Biden administration’s energy policies have prioritized a climate agenda that has contributed to supply scarcity and soaring costs for consumers. The White House’s answer to the energy crisis has so far been to attack America’s oil and natural gas producers, demanding increased production and threatening higher taxes.
Such bully-pulpit leadership from the White House isn’t enough to calm energy markets that are skittish over runaway inflation, Russian aggression in Europe, a standoff with China, and a global pandemic that won’t go away.
Current polling shows Republicans with an 84 in 100 chance to take back the U.S. House of Representatives, according to polling website FiveThirtyEight. The battle for control of the Senate is tighter, with Republicans holding a 52 in 100 shot of winning control of the upper chamber.
While Republican candidates have been gaining in the polls as Election Day approaches, the most likely outcome is a closely divided Congress with small Republican majorities. But even slim Republican majorities can create headwinds for President Biden’s agenda.
Under Biden’s presidency, retail gasoline prices surged to a record $5 a gallon in June. Prices at the pump are about $3.75 a gallon today, which is still 60% above where they were when Biden took office on January 6, 2021. Gas prices are poised to push higher before the end of the year due to tight global supply and rising geopolitical risks, including the Ukraine war and mounting sanctions on Russia, a top oil and gas producer.
It’s not just the price of gasoline that’s a problem, though. The diesel situation is even worse. Meanwhile, the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) expects heating costs to soar this winter – with households forecast to spend nearly 30% more for natural gas and heating oil and 10% more for electricity.
Republicans are expected to upend Biden’s anti-fossil fuel agenda, which has seen the President recently threaten a windfall profit tax on domestic producers that would hamper investment in new oil and gas supplies.
Biden doesn’t have the political support in Congress now for such a tax, never mind when a new legislature convenes with increased Republican membership.
Biden administrators at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC), and Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) have been critical of the domestic oil and gas industry. They have slow-walked new oil and gas lease sales, blocked drilling permits, and slowed approvals of pipelines. Such moves have created an anti-investment atmosphere in the traditional energy sector.
As the election approaches, Biden has grown more desperate to reduce consumer prices at the pump. The White House has drained the Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) – America’s emergency oil stockpile – and courted oil-producing countries with horrible human rights records that promote terrorism.
Somewhere along the line, the President forgot that America is the world’s largest oil and gas producer – with a far better track record of producing energy in an environmentally responsible way than Iran or Venezuela.
Even with control of the House, Republicans could challenge the White House’s energy policies and push for a return to the energy priorities of the previous administration.
That includes the White House’s fraught relationship with Saudi Arabia, the leader of the OPEC cartel, which ignored Biden’s calls for an increase in global oil supplies, instead opting recently to cut production by 2 million barrels a day.
Congressional action on so-called NOPEC legislation, which would allow the U.S. Department of Justice to sue OPEC members on antitrust grounds as members of a monopoly, could come up for a vote in early 2023.
The issues troubling the U.S.-Saudi relationship do not fall neatly along party lines. Criticisms of Riyadh tend to be louder on the Democratic side, and former President Donald Trump was widely seen to have better relations with the kingdom. But Iowa’s Republican Senator Chuck Grassley has long led the charge to pass anti-OPEC legislation.
Trump’s continued influence over the Republican Party could prompt a more powerful Republican Congress to press for better relations with OPEC again. It’s hard to say how this one will fall, but it will be more difficult politically for Biden to veto or lobby against a vote on NOPEC than it has been for past presidents.
Biden’s crowning climate achievement, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), remains a GOP lightning rod. And while there is a high hurdle to paring back the law, Republicans can be expected to go to great lengths to expose its flaws.
Republicans remain extremely unhappy with the passage of the Democratic spending bill, which contained $369 billion in clean energy spending. House GOP lawmakers have gone so far as to repeal the law, which Biden signed in August, a central policy plank for the next Congress. If Republicans win control of the House, that means many hearings and bills centered around dismantling the IRA.
Among the most vulnerable of the IRA’s energy provisions are the new methane tax on oil and gas operations and the minimum corporate tax of 15% on income. While Congress has wide latitude regarding tax provisions, Republicans would have to win both chambers to repeal the provisions successfully. Even then, they are not likely to capture the two-thirds majority needed to overcome a presidential veto. Still, hefty GOP House oversight of federal agencies charged with implementing the law — and their budgets — could slow things down.
There is much at stake in energy at the state level in this election, too.
Republican wins in crucial producing states could exacerbate GOP pushback against environmental, social, and governance (ESG) issues. Political rhetoric around the clean energy transition in Washington is at a palpable high, which climate hawks fear could trickle down to state-level politics, widening the band of anti-ESG states.
Related debates have emerged in critical races, including gas-rich Pennsylvania. In the state’s closely watched Senate race, Republican candidate Mehmet Oz has vowed to cast aside the Biden administration’s “woke agenda” and ensure that capital flows to oil and gas projects are uninterrupted. And an SEC climate risk disclosure rule, also said to be on the GOP’s chopping block, is yet to be finalized.
Meanwhile, several tight gubernatorial races carry climate and energy implications, where a power change would almost guarantee a shift in state-level policy in those arenas. States to watch are Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Oregon.
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Dan Eberhart, Contributor
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With just days until the midterm elections, getting a read on the U.S. economy can be elusive: The country remains a step ahead of a recession and the labor market is surprisingly strong, with most workers who want a job currently employed.
Yet inflation remains at a 40-year-high, souring the mood of many voters, some of whom say they have had to cut back on basic expenses to pay for their energy bills. The key housing market is also sagging, with mortgage costs soaring as the Federal Reserve jacks up interest rates in a bid to stifle inflation.
Asked to sum up the U.S. economy in a word, economists interviewed by CBS MoneyWatch described it as “fragile” and “cooling,” yet also “resilient.”
Some voters may use more descriptive terms as they head to the polls on November 8. Sue Lee, an 80-year-old retiree in Crestwood, Kentucky, said this election marks the first time she will vote straight Republican on the ballot because she blames Democrats for rising propane and gas bills, which have forced her to cancel her dental insurance and home warranty.
“I’m getting down to the point of, what do I cancel next? I can’t cancel my taxes because I’ll lose my home,” said Lee, whose propane heating costs have jumped from $120 to $175 a month, prompting her to turn off her furnace at night.
It’s been 30 years since James Carville’s pithy explanation of what drives voters: “It’s the economy, stupid.” And surveys underline the deep public pessimism about the state of the economy, with 70% of Americans saying the economy is either “fairly bad” or “very bad,” according to more than 2,000 registered voters polled in mid-October by CBS News/YouGov Battleground Tracker.
To be sure, the job market remains strong, with businesses still hiring and many Americans continuing to job-hop in search of better pay and working conditions. But voters who prioritize the economy — and whose mood has curdled after months of high inflation — will likely lean toward Republican candidates on Tuesday, according to CBS News polling.
Economists are less negative than voters, although they point out that the U.S. faces a series of economic headwinds, ranging from ongoing high rates of inflation to slowing corporate profits — risks that many experts think could lead to a recession in 2023.
Despite those problems, the economy is currently “still progressing,” noted Greg Daco, chief economist at consulting firm EY Parthenon.
“It’s an economy where businesses are still investing and hiring, where consumers are still spending, but where all of this activity is being done with much more discretion,” Daco said.
Indeed, recent economic data suggest a recession is not around the corner. The economy grew at a 2.6% annual rate from July through September. That marked a strong rebound after the nation’s gross domestic product shrank in the first two quarters of the year, and eased concerns that the U.S. is on the brink of a recession.
But despite the strong GDP headline number, there were signs that consumers are reeling from the brunt of high inflation. Final sales to domestic purchasers — a measure of how much Americans are buying — edged up only 0.1% on an annual basis — the worst showing since the pandemic hit in the second quarter of 2020 and a worrying metric given that consumer spending accounts for roughly two-thirds of economic activity.
Jackie Trapp, a 57-year-old in Muskego, Wisconsin, who left the workforce a decade ago to care for her parents and who relies on Social Security disability and a small pension for most of her income, said she and her husband are cutting back on expenses to offset the impact of inflation.
“Do we need cable? No, we don’t. Do I need that $5 Starbucks? No, we don’t,” Trapp said. “If we get tacos from the taco truck, I like them just as much as that lovely dinner we used to go to.”
Despite the financial pinch, Trapp said she’s planning on voting for Democrats, prioritizing what she described as the party’s support for voting rights and Social Security. Trapp has a rare blood cancer that cost her nearly $22,000 to treat last year, even with Medicare footing most of the bill. She said she’s looking forward to seeing those costs drop in coming years as drug-pricing provisions of the Inflation Reduction Act kick in.
Sen. Ron Johnson, a Wisconsin Republican, has suggested transforming Social Security into a discretionary program that would have to be renewed by Congress every year. That would further politicize funding for a program that supports almost 70 million Americans — mostly retirees, but also disabled workers and the survivors of Social Security beneficiaries — many of whom have been hard-hit this year by inflation because the 2022 cost-of-living adjustment failed to keep pace with the sharp spike in prices.
“Senator Johnson in my home state is openly talking about eliminating Social Security and Medicare, and he’s ahead” in the polls, Trapp said. “Inflation is worldwide, and nobody’s got a magic wand.”
It’s not only retirees who are falling behind — many of America’s 164 million workers have slid backwards despite a spurt in pay during the pandemic. Although wages rose 5% in the third quarter, inflation topped 8% during the same period. That’s forcing some consumers to tap into their savings to cover expenses, noted John Leer, chief economist for Morning Consult.
“Now you’re in a world where wages aren’t keeping pace with inflation. They have to draw down savings, rely on credit,” he noted. “Savings are eroding, but the job market is strong. That’s the dichotomy right now.”
Still, economists expect inflation to recede in response to the six interest rate hikes this year by the Federal Reserve, although not in time for the midterms. Consumers may not see relief for several months, with EY Parthenon’s Daco forecasting that inflation is unlikely to start falling in earnest until the second quarter of 2023.
If there’s a bright spot in the U.S. economy, it’s the nation’s employment sector, economists say.
“Going into the election, the labor market is the one thing going for Joe Biden,” said Julia Pollak, chief economist for ZipRecruiter.
President Biden is touting the strength of the job market ahead of the midterms, pointing out that 10 million jobs have been created since his inauguration in January 2021. Layoffs also remain low, a trend that Leer of Morning Consult calls “labor hoarding.”
“Businesses are holding onto workers even if they don’t need them or if they think there will be a downturn,” Leer said.
That’s because the tight labor market during the pandemic has made it hard to find workers, making business leaders loath to fire people. Companies are laying off a third fewer workers each month than they did prior to the pandemic, according to Pollak.
Even so, there are signs the labor market is slowing in some sectors, such as technology and finance.
“That’s where you’ve got hiring freezes, where you’ve got layoffs, where you’ve got big banking CEOs talking about storms and hurricanes in all kinds of dramatic language,” she said. “Main Street is still all right.”
Unemployment is likely to rise if the economy tumbles into a recession, although perhaps not as much as in prior recessions, Daco said. For its part, the Fed is predicting a significantly higher jobless rate in 2023, expecting it to rise from 3.5% now to 4.4% next year — a number that implies the loss of about 1.2 million jobs.
Whatever the economic data show, some polls show many Americans already believe the U.S. is in a recession. By contrast, the organization that officially calls a recession, the National Bureau of Economic Research, hasn’t made such a declaration.
What’s clear, however, is that the combination of high inflation and the perception that the U.S. is in a rut could affect voter behavior, economists say.
“People really, really don’t like inflation, especially women,” Pollak said. “Women experience inflation more keenly and they feel more negative about the path of the economy when prices are high because they buy groceries, and they feel inflation more regularly.”
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NEW YORK — Stocks racked up more losses on Wall Street and Treasury yields again rose to multiyear highs Thursday as investors looked ahead to a closely watched job market report from the government that could influence the Federal Reserve’s next move in its fight to bring down inflation.
Technology stocks led the market pullback, which came a day after the central bank raised its benchmark rate for the sixth time this year and signaled that it may need to keep hiking rates for some time before its can successfully squash the highest inflation in decades.
The S&P 500 fell 1.1%, while the Dow Jones Industrial Average dropped 0.5%. The tech-heavy Nasdaq composite closed 1.7% lower. The declines extended the major indexes’ losing streak to a fourth day. They’re each on pace for a weekly loss.
Expectations of higher rates helped push up Treasury yields, weighing on stocks. The two-year Treasury note, which tends to track expectations for future Fed moves, rose to 4.72% from 4.61% late Wednesday and is now at its highest level since 2007, according to Tradeweb.
The yield on the 10-year Treasury rose to 4.15% from 4.09% late Wednesday. The rise in the 10-year Treasury yield has prompted mortgage rates to more than double this year and it continues putting pressure on stocks.
The Fed on Wednesday added another jumbo rate increase and suggested that the pace of rate hikes may slow. The central bank also indicated that interest rates might need to ultimately go even higher than previously thought in order to tame the worst inflation in decades.
The central bank’s latest three-quarters of a percentage point raise brings short-term interest rates to a range of 3.75% to 4%, its highest level in 15 years. Wall Street is evenly split on whether the central bank ultimately raises rates to a range of 5% to 5.25% or 5.25% to 5.50% next year.
Higher rates not only slow the economy by discouraging borrowing, they also make stocks look less appealing compared to lower-risk assets like bonds and CDs.
Stubbornly hot inflation has been prompting central banks around the world to also raise interest rates. On Thursday, the Bank of England announced its biggest interest rate increase in three decades. The increase is the Bank of England’s eighth in a row and the biggest since 1992.
European and Asian markets closed mostly lower.
In the U.S., the S&P 500 fell 39.80 points to 3,719.89. The Dow lost 146.51 points to close at 32,001.25. The Nasdaq slid 181.86 points to 10,342.94. Smaller company stocks also lost ground. The Russell 2000 fell 9.41 points, or 0.5%, to 1,779.73.
Technology and communication services stocks were among the biggest weights on the market. Apple fell 4.2% and Warner Bros. Discovery slid 5.6%.
Those losses kept gains in industrial, energy and other sectors in check. Boeing jumped 6.3% and Marathon Petroleum rose 3%.
Investors had been hoping for economic data signaling that the Fed might ease up on rate increases. The fear is that the Fed will go too far in slowing the economy and bring on a recession.
Hotter-than-expected data from the employment sector this week has so far signaled that the Fed has to remain aggressive. On Friday, Wall Street will get a broader update from the U.S. government’s October jobs report.
So far, hiring and wage growth have not fallen fast enough for the Fed to slow its inflation-fighting efforts. If the October data shows a stronger-than-expected rise in hiring or wages, that could put pressure on the Fed to keep raising interest rates.
The Labor Department is expected to report that nonfarm employers added 200,000 jobs last month. That would be the worst showing since December 2020, when the economy lost 115,000 jobs.
Investors will also be looking ahead to the latest data on inflation at the consumer level. That report, the consumer price index, is due out next week.
“The next two or three quarters are incredibly important in assessing how far the Federal Reserve will need to go to achieve their objective of bringing down inflation,” said Bill Northey, senior investment director at U.S. Bank Wealth Management. “Why the CPI data is so important, why the labor report is so important, is because they feed into that next six-month cycle.”
Wall Street has also been closely watching the latest company earnings reports. The reports have been mixed and many companies have warned that inflation will likely continue pressuring operations.
Booking Holdings rose 2.7% after reporting strong third-quarter financial results. Robinhood Markets climbed 8.2% after the investing app operator reported third-quarter earnings that topped Wall Street’s forecasts. Chipmaker Qualcomm fell 7.7% after giving investors a weak profit and revenue forecast.
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Joe McDonald and Matt Ott contributed to this report.
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