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Tag: Glenn Youngkin

  • ‘We don’t need your vote’: Trump’s rally in Richmond concludes ahead of Super Tuesday without Gov. Youngkin – WTOP News

    ‘We don’t need your vote’: Trump’s rally in Richmond concludes ahead of Super Tuesday without Gov. Youngkin – WTOP News

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    The leading Republican presidential candidate, former President Donald Trump, will be in Richmond, Virginia, Saturday night to rally voters ahead of the state’s primary election on Tuesday, however Virginia’s top Republican leader will not be in attendance.

    WTOP’s Del Walters reports on former president Donald Trump’s speech in Richmond, Virginia, ahead of Super Tuesday.

    The leading Republican presidential candidate, former President Donald Trump, finished his speech in Richmond, Virginia, Saturday night to rally voters ahead of the state’s primary election on Tuesday. Virginia’s top Republican leader, however, was not in attendance.

    Here’s what we know about the rally and what political risk Trump’s speech could have for Gov. Glenn Youngkin during a tense election year.

    Preparing for a primary

    In a rally in Virginia at the Greater Richmond Convention Center on Saturday night, current GOP frontrunner and former president Donald Trump asked visitors to get out and vote ahead of Super Tuesday to send a clear message.

    “We win Virginia,” if voters come out, Trump asserted. “We win it 100%. It’s over — the election would be over.”

    Trump also seemed to assert that Virginian votes wouldn’t matter this primary season.

    “We want to send a big signal, so it’s important. I mean, we don’t need your vote. We want you to get out there and vote in big margins, and we want to send that little freight train going along,” Trump told rallygoers.

    He also boasted about significant primary victories while continuing a thread of claims on voting, democracy and immigration.

    “The biggest day in the history of our country is Nov. 5. That’s the biggest day because our country is being destroyed by an incompetent president, a corrupt president, the worst president we’ve ever had,” Trump said.

    The legally inundated former president took aim at White House incumbent Joe Biden, calling into question the validity of the 2020 election and questioning election integrity: “They go after the guys that complain about the election, not the guys who rig the election,” he said.

    Trump also told Virginians that Democrats were encouraging a highly controversial “replacement theory” — waves of illegal immigrants that weaken the voting power of white people.

    “We’ve got  15 — 16 million people came in. And they came in from prisons and jails. They came in from mental institutions and insane asylums. They’re terrorists, they’re drug dealers,” Trump told rallygoers.

    Biden campaign spokesman Ammar Moussa decried the former president’s language in a statement.

    “Once again Trump is projecting in an attempt to distract the American people from the fact he killed the fairest and toughest border security bill in decades because he believed it would help his campaign. Sad,” Moussa said.

    Trump’s rally is just days ahead of Super Tuesday, when voters in 16 states, including Virginia, vote on a party nominee in the largest day of voting of the year. He has already seen a primary sweep including victories across Michigan’s GOP convention, Missouri and Idaho.

    Rally proves politically tricky for Gov. Glenn Youngkin

    According to a spokesperson, Gov. Glenn Youngkin wasn’t planning to attend the rally due to a previously scheduled family commitment.

    The whole scenario presents a politically tricky situation for Youngkin, who has become a national figure over the last couple of years and is seen by many as a potential future candidate for the White House.

    “Keep in mind that when Governor Youngkin was a candidate for governor, there was a determined effort — and a successful one — to prevent the two from occupying the same stage,” said Jeff Schapiro, a political columnist with the Richmond Times-Dispatch.

    Trump has historically been unpopular in Virginia, losing the state in the 2020 presidential race by 10%.

    “Youngkin clearly appreciated the potentially destructive effects of the optics of video or still photography of the two standing together,” Schapiro said.

    This time around, another sensitive political issue is being debated during the legislative session in Richmond. Youngkin is working to make deals with Democratic lawmakers regarding a proposed arena in Alexandria, among other things.

    “What I think you see here in the governor’s apparent scheduling conflict is a chance to resist the opportunity to needlessly create a lot of unnecessary partisan static, particularly while in the thick of a legislative session,” Schapiro said.

    “I think a hyperpartisan act could aggravate the Democrats who control the General Assembly.”

    While Youngkin choosing to skip the rally may give him a level of political protection in Virginia, it also opens him up to potential public criticism by Trump on the national stage.

    “Trump has made it very clear in some very pointed terms that he considers Youngkin unappreciative,” Schapiro said.

    In 2021, Trump publicly called on Youngkin to “embrace the MAGA movement,” suggesting that Youngkin was damaging himself politically by keeping his distance when asked Trump-related questions.

    Additionally, in 2022, Trump suggested that Youngkin was not adequately grateful, saying that Youngkin “couldn’t have won without me” in Virginia.

    The Trump campaign released a statement Friday evening naming a list of more than 40 “Republican leaders across the Commonwealth of Virginia” who have announced their endorsement of Trump ahead of Tuesday’s primary election.

    Included on the list were state and congressional lawmakers and even former Virginia Gov. Jim Gilmore.

    Youngkin’s name, however, was nowhere to be found.

    WTOP’s Nick Iannelli explains how the rally in Richmond could prove to be politically tricky for Virginia’s Republican governor.

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    © 2024 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

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  • Why Trump’s Richmond rally is politically tricky for Youngkin – WTOP News

    Why Trump’s Richmond rally is politically tricky for Youngkin – WTOP News

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    The leading Republican presidential candidate, former President Donald Trump, will be in Richmond, Virginia, Saturday night to rally voters ahead of the state’s primary election on Tuesday, however Virginia’s top Republican leader will not be in attendance.

    The leading Republican presidential candidate, former President Donald Trump, will be in Richmond, Virginia, Saturday night to rally voters ahead of the state’s primary election on Tuesday. Virginia’s top Republican leader will not be in attendance.

    According to a spokesperson, Gov. Glenn Youngkin won’t be at the rally due to a previously scheduled family commitment.

    The whole scenario presents a politically tricky situation for Youngkin, who has become a national figure over the last couple of years and is seen by many as a potential future candidate for the White House.

    “Keep in mind that when Governor Youngkin was a candidate for governor, there was a determined effort — and a successful one — to prevent the two from occupying the same stage,” said Jeff Schapiro, a political columnist with the Richmond Times-Dispatch.

    Trump has historically been unpopular in Virginia, losing the state in the 2020 presidential race by 10%.

    “Youngkin clearly appreciated the potentially destructive effects of the optics of video or still photography of the two standing together,” said Schapiro.

    This time around, another sensitive political issue is the legislative session currently underway in Richmond.

    Youngkin is working to make deals with Democratic lawmakers regarding a proposed arena in Alexandria, among other things.

    “What I think you see here in the governor’s apparent scheduling conflict is a chance to resist the opportunity to needlessly create a lot of unnecessary partisan static, particularly while in the thick of a legislative session,” Schapiro said.

    “I think a hyperpartisan act could aggravate the Democrats who control the General Assembly.”

    While Youngkin choosing to skip the rally may give him a level of political protection in Virginia, it also opens him up to potential public criticism by Trump on the national stage.

    “Trump has made it very clear in some very pointed terms that he considers Youngkin unappreciative,” Schapiro said.

    In 2021, Trump publicly called on Youngkin to “embrace the MAGA movement,” suggesting that Youngkin was damaging himself politically by keeping his distance when asked Trump-related questions.

    Additionally, in 2022, Trump suggested that Youngkin was not adequately grateful, saying that Youngkin “couldn’t have won without me” in Virginia.

    The Trump campaign released a statement Friday evening naming a list of more than 40 “Republican leaders across the Commonwealth of Virginia” who have announced their endorsement of Trump ahead of Tuesday’s primary election.

    Included on the list were state and congressional lawmakers and even former Virginia Gov. Jim Gilmore.

    Youngkin’s name, however, was nowhere to be found.

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    © 2024 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

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    Nick Iannelli

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  • Legislation allowing recreational marijuana sales in Virginia heads to GOP Gov. Glenn Youngkin – WTOP News

    Legislation allowing recreational marijuana sales in Virginia heads to GOP Gov. Glenn Youngkin – WTOP News

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    Virginia lawmakers passed legislation Wednesday that if approved by Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin would allow recreational retail sales of marijuana to begin next year.

    RICHMOND, Va. (AP) — Virginia lawmakers passed legislation Wednesday that if approved by Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin would allow recreational retail sales of marijuana to begin next year.

    Under the bills, the state would start taking applications on Sept. 1 for cultivating, testing, processing and selling the drug in preparation for the market to open May 1, 2025, with products taxed at a rate of up to 11.625%. The legislation would create the state’s first retail market in a “responsible and thoughtful way,” said Del. Paul Krizek of Fairfax County, who carried the House version.

    “And we’ve done so because it’s time to give Virginia’s $3 billion illicit market a run for its money. And it’s time to give Virginians access to a safe, tested and taxed product,” Krizek said on the House floor.

    In 2021, Virginia became the first Southern state to legalize marijuana, adopting a policy change that allowed adults age 21 and up to possess and cultivate the drug. But because of political gridlock and policy differences since then, the state still hasn’t set up retail sales, which critics say is allowing illicit sales to continue to flourish.

    Currently, home cultivation and adult sharing of the drug are legal. And patients who receive a written certification from a health care provider can purchase medical cannabis from a dispensary.

    It’s not entirely clear how Youngkin will act on the legislation, which passed both the House of Delegates and Senate on Wednesday after a few last-minute changes. The governor hasn’t explicitly threatened to veto a retail sales bill. But for years he has been vague on the issue, saying his focus was elsewhere or — as he did at the start of this session — that he just isn’t interested.

    “I’ve said before, this is an area that I really don’t have any interest in. What I want us to work on are areas where we can find a meeting of the mind and press forward to the betterment of Virginia, and there are so many of them,” he told reporters in January.

    His press office declined further comment Wednesday.

    “This bill regulates an existing market,” said Greg Habeeb, a former Republican legislator now lobbying for the Virginia Cannabis Association, who thinks the governor will give the bill “a very serious look.”

    Competing bills setting up a retail market were introduced at the start of the legislative session. The versions that passed Wednesday were identical and the result of compromise, Krizek and Senate lawmakers said.

    Under the legislation, no group would get a head-start on kicking off retail sales, Krizek said.

    Products would be taxed at a maximum rate of 11.625%, with 8% going to the state, 2.5% a local option tax and 1.125% to K-12 education, Habeeb said.

    The 81-page bills allow for localities to hold a referendum on whether to prohibit retail marijuana stories. They also increase the amount of marijuana a person over 21 may possess from 1 ounce to 2.5 ounces.

    The legislation contains a lengthy section on labeling and packaging, including requirements that products identify all ingredients, THC potency, possible allergens and contain a warning label. Products would have to be sold in child-resistant packaging.

    The cultivation, processing, or manufacture of marijuana without the proper license would be a Class 6 felony, according to a review of the financial implications of the bill.

    In past years, a sticking point in negotiations has been social equity provisions that would aim to give advantages in the licensing process to people and communities hurt by old marijuana laws and disproportionate law enforcement that focused on people of color.

    Krizek said this version contains preferences for certain micro-businesses, a provision intended to encourage participation in the industry by individuals from historically economically disadvantaged communities.

    “These preferences, which will be race-neutral, will offer significant economic opportunities for economically disadvantaged persons, including persons who have suffered hardship or loss due to this country’s war on marijuana,” Krizek said.

    The legislation advanced mostly along party lines, with just a couple of Republicans backing it.

    “The idea that any of this is going to get rid of the black market is laughable, with all due respect,” House Republican Leader Todd Gilbert said.

    The bills have also drawn opposition from religious and socially conservative groups, which have raised concerns ranging from the harm of addiction to possible effects on children.

    The 2021 bill that legalized marijuana passed in a chaotic rush, strictly along party lines, with no GOP support.

    While there has been some Republican legislative support since then for setting up legal recreational sales, bills to do so have failed two years in a row.

    “The bill may not be perfect, but it’s pretty good. And it’s a very, very good framework that I think the governor should consider,” Democratic Sen. Barbara Favola said.

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    © 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, written or redistributed.

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  • The Pro-life Movement’s Not-So-Secret Plan for Trump

    The Pro-life Movement’s Not-So-Secret Plan for Trump

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    Donald Trump has made no secret of the fact that he regards his party’s position on reproductive rights as a political liability. He blamed the “abortion issue” for his party’s disappointing showing in the 2022 midterms, and he recently blasted Florida Governor Ron DeSantis’s support for a six-week abortion ban. Trump seems eager to be the Republican who can turn this loser of a political issue into a winner.

    And we’ve just gotten a peek at how he plans to do it. Last week, The New York Times reported that Trump has expressed support for the idea of a national ban on abortions after 16 weeks of pregnancy except in the case of rape or incest, or to save the mother’s life.

    Anti-abortion activists, of course, don’t think such a restriction goes far enough. Some of Trump’s most important allies—including evangelical leaders and policy advisers—emphatically support a total ban, a position that Trump knows is poisonous. Trump doesn’t want to say anything official about a 16-week ban, the report said, until he’s clinched the nomination, to avoid turning off any hard-core primary voters who favor a total ban.

    After that, embracing a 16-week limit could benefit him in the general election. It would put some distance between himself and the hard-liners in his orbit, while helping him appeal to more moderate voters. And just as important, by making the conversation about gestational limits, Trump and his allies would distract voters from the far more expansive goals of dedicated abortion opponents.

    To unpack the 16-week proposal a little: The number is biologically arbitrary, for it bears no relation to fetal viability, as some state limits do. Sixteen is, apparently, just a pleasing number. “Know what I like about 16?” he reportedly said. “It’s even. It’s four months.” Trump and his allies see this as a compromise position, because it’s stricter than Roe v. Wade’s roughly 24-week viability standard, but it still provides a larger window than the six-week limit in Georgia and South Carolina, or the outright bans that conservatives have fought for in 14 states, including Alabama, Texas, and Indiana.

    In November, a proposal for a 16-week federal limit could, in theory, be a politically advantageous position for Trump. Almost all available polling suggests that most Americans support legal access to abortion—with some limits. Several countries in Europe already apply a 12- or 15-week limit on terminations, although in practice U.S. state bans are much more restrictive.

    Now, at least, Trump will have a response when President Joe Biden attacks him and other Republicans for being too extreme on abortion. “The rule of politics is: When you’re talking generically about abortion rights, the Democrats are doing well, and when you’re talking about the details of abortion—number of weeks, parental consent—Republicans are winning,” Mike Murphy, a longtime Republican strategist (who says he’s not a fan of Trump), told me. Republicans, he said, will be able to put Democrats on the defensive by forcing them to justify abortion after 16 weeks—which would likely involve needing to make more complex arguments about how tests that reveal serious fetal abnormalities or maternal health risks typically take place as late as 20 weeks.

    Still, a ban is a ban. Although voters say in polls that they support some kind of abortion limit, at the ballot box, they haven’t. Last year, Glenn Youngkin, who flipped Virginia’s governorship from blue to red in 2021, persuaded several Republican candidates to coalesce around a 15-week abortion ban ahead of state elections in November. The position was meant to signal reasonableness and help turn the state legislature back to Republicans. But the strategy failed miserably: Democrats maintained their state-Senate majority and also flipped control of the House of Delegates.

    “Voters are seeing through the efforts to veil a position as moderate that’s actually an abortion ban,” Yasmin Radjy, the executive director of the progressive organization Swing Left, told me. And Trump’s 16-week position, she believes, would be “a huge miscalculation of where voters are.”

    At this point, any Trump endorsement of a national abortion limit is nothing more than strategic messaging—a ploy to win over moderate voters in the general election. Such a measure would require 60 votes in the Senate, which makes it virtually impossible to enact—even if Republicans win back majorities in the House and the Senate. It’s just not happening. Which is why the 16-week proposal is also a diversion.

    The question people should be asking is whether Trump will give free rein to the anti-abortion advisers in his orbit, Mary Ziegler, a law professor at the UC Davis School of Law, told me. The big thing those advisers are pushing for is the reinterpretation and enforcement of the Comstock Act. As I wrote in December, activists believe they can use this largely dormant 150-year-old anti-obscenity law to ban abortion nationally because it prohibits the shipping of any object that could be used for terminating pregnancies. The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, a 920-page playbook written by a collective of pro-Trump conservatives, urges the next Republican president to seek the criminal prosecution of those who send or receive abortion supplies under the Comstock Act. The 2025 plan also proposes that the FDA should withdraw its approval of the abortion drugs mifepristone and misoprostol.

    “Federal bans can’t pass,” one anti-abortion attorney, who requested anonymity in order to comment freely on a matter dear to his political allies, told me—but there’d be no need to try with Comstock on the books. The administration could kick Planned Parenthood out of Medicaid by saying that the women’s-health-care provider violates the act, he suggested. It could launch criminal investigations into abortion funds and abortion-pill distribution networks. Of course, if Trump is interested in doing any of that, he can’t mention it on the campaign trail, the attorney said: “It’s obviously a political loser, so just keep your mouth shut. Say you oppose a federal [legislative] ban, and see if that works” to get elected.

    Some of the authors of Project 2025—Gene Hamilton, Roger Severino, and Stephen Miller—have worked for Trump in the past, and would likely serve as close advisers in a second administration. The idea seems to be that Trump is so uninterested in the technical details of abortion-related matters that he’ll rely on this trusty circle of advisers to shape policy. We saw a similar approach during Trump’s first term, when the president’s senior aides would find ways not to do the extreme, dangerous things Trump wanted and hoped he wouldn’t notice. This time around, if Trump is reelected, his advisers seem likely to circumvent the president in order to accomplish their own extreme goals.

    “I hope they’re not talking to him about Comstock,” the attorney said. “I don’t want Trump to know Comstock exists.”

    When I reached Severino, who currently works for the Heritage Foundation and wrote the Project 2025 section on abortion policy, he declined to make any specific predictions about the strategy. But his answer hinted at his movement’s aspirations. “All I can say is that [Trump] had the most pro-life administration in history and adopted the most pro-life policy in history,” he said. “That’s our best indicator as to the type of policies that he would implement the second time around.”

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  • Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin details his plan to curb rising tide of hate crimes

    Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin details his plan to curb rising tide of hate crimes

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    Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin details his plan to curb rising tide of hate crimes – CBS News


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    A rise in antisemitism has been seen across the country following the start of the war between Israel and Hamas. Only on “CBS Mornings,” Virginia’s Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin discusses his state executive directive to combat the rise in antisemitic incidents.

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  • Mike Pompeo thinks Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin would be a

    Mike Pompeo thinks Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin would be a

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    Former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo says donors at Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s “Red Vest Retreat” in Virginia Beach have been speculating about whether Youngkin will step off the sidelines and into the 2024 presidential race

    “It’s fair to say there are absolutely people here who think he would make a great president,” Pompeo said in an exclusive interview with CBS News. “By the way, I would include myself amongst the people who think he would be really good in that place, that he’s a very capable leader and someone who understands the American people.” 

    The first Republican presidential primary contest, the Iowa caucuses, will be in about three months, in mid-January. If he were to run, Youngkin would be joining a crowded field of GOP candidates who have been campaigning in early states for months and have ground operations in place. It’s also likely at this late date that he would not be on the ballot in some states, as the deadlines for ballot access start to pass. The earliest deadline, in Nevada, was Oct. 16. 

    “We’re still a long ways off. We’re rounding into Halloween here, but we’re still an awfully long ways off figuring out who the Republican nominee is gonna be,” Pompeo said. 

    Pompeo previously considered seeking the GOP nomination himself after serving as secretary of state and CIA director in the Trump administration. He ruled out a run in April, tweeting that “after much consideration and prayer, … I will not present myself as a candidate to become President of the United States in the 2024 election.” 

    The two-day retreat, held at the historic Cavalier hotel in Virginia Beach, has brought dozens of donors and political operatives from all over the country to help Youngkin in the upcoming Virginia midterm elections. Youngkin hopes to flip the state Senate to Republican control and hold the House of Delegates. 

    Pompeo says Youngkin asked him to speak at the event and considers him a friend. He said he has not contributed to Youngkin’s fundraising efforts but is considering it. 

    “I haven’t contributed, but I should. Maybe that’s what I’ll do. Maybe I’ll blow my checkbook out here today. The Pompeos are definitely all in for Governor Youngkin,” Pompeo said. 

    The former secretary of state will be participating in a panel at the event on the impact of federal policies on Virginia, including how the ongoing war in Israel will affect Virginians. The U.S.S. Dwight D. Eisenhower carrier strike group recently departed from the Naval Base in Virginia Beach carrier for a scheduled deployment to the Mediterranean. 

    The retreat coincided with President Biden’s trip to Israel to reassure the country it has the full support of the U.S. in its war with Hamas. Pompeo said he was glad to see Mr. Biden go on the trip, though Jordan canceled his meetings with Arab leaders after an explosion near the al-Ahli Hospital in Gaza City that Palestinians said killed hundreds. 

    “I’m glad that he continued with it. I think it’s the right place for him to be today,” Pompeo said. “I’ve heard some of the messaging from the president to date. I didn’t get a chance to see it all, but some of it was really good.” 

    But Pompeo criticized Biden’s response to the 31 Americans killed in the Hamas surprise attacks in Israel on Oct. 7.

    “We had 30 blue passport holding Americans killed on President Biden’s watch in Israel. That is an enormous security failure,” Pompeo said. “If we do not respond seriously against the leadership that made this decision, not in Gaza city, not in Beirut, but rather in Tehran, if we don’t get that right, we will have too many more days where we’re all just heartbroken.” 

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  • An Off-Year Election Could Have Huge Consequences For Abortion Everywhere

    An Off-Year Election Could Have Huge Consequences For Abortion Everywhere

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    Kimberly Pope Adams did not think she would ever crisscross Virginia farmland, knocking on doors and talking about the abortion procedure she got after experiencing a miscarriage 16 years ago. But over the past 15 months, that’s nearly all she has done.

    “I’ll be honest with you: It’s uncomfortable to talk about, but it’s necessary,” Adams, who is running for the House of Delegates in Virginia’s 82nd District, told HuffPost. “I cannot keep this story bottled up inside when I know how important the stakes are in this election.”

    The entire Virginia legislature is on the ballot for the first time since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. Republicans currently control the House, and Democrats have a small majority in the Senate. If Republicans take back the Senate, Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R) will get the GOP trifecta he’s long been vying for and the power to enact the 15-week abortion ban he has championed.

    The results of the November election will be felt beyond Virginia: The state is the last safe haven for abortion access in the South.

    “If you go southwest from Virginia, you have to go all the way to New Mexico until you reach a state that doesn’t have an abortion ban in effect,” said Jamie Lockhart, president at Planned Parenthood Advocates of Virginia. “Not only is it critical for Virginians that we remain a key access state, but it’s critical for the whole South.”

    Pro-choice groups like Planned Parenthood and EMILY’s List have poured millions into the Virginia legislative elections, as have national Democrats. Youngkin and other Republicans have responded accordingly: The governor has raised millions via his political action committee, Spirit of Virginia, to fund Republicans in competitive races.

    Both sides are trying to inspire voters to show up at the polls. Historically, off-year cycles — where there is no presidential or midterm election — have the lowest voter turnout, and the stakes are high. But a recent poll shows that most Virginia voters say Roe v. Wade’s repeal will play a big role in whom they vote for, and over 55% say they believe abortion should be legal in all or most circumstances.

    “Had I spoken about this before? No,” Adams said of her miscarriage and abortion story. “But now I have to, because if I don’t, people may not have the right to make this decision for themselves.”

    The South’s Last Abortion Access Point

    Access in Virginia is critical for several reasons. Abortion is legal in the state through the second trimester, or around 26 weeks, making it not only an abortion refuge in the South but also a critical access point for abortion later in pregnancy.

    Many neighboring states, including North Carolina, Kentucky and Tennessee, have enacted strict abortion bans in the wake of the Supreme Court decision that overturned federal protections. In the first six months of 2023, there was a 60% increase in abortion care in Virginia, according to the reproductive rights organization Guttmacher Institute, which attributed the jump to traffic from other states.

    “If you go southwest from Virginia, you have to go all the way to New Mexico until you reach a state that doesn’t have an abortion ban in effect.”

    – Jamie Lockhart, Planned Parenthood Advocates of Virginia

    Youngkin has pushed the narrative that a 15-week abortion ban is moderate ― especially in comparison to the near-total or six-week bans being passed by contemporaries like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) — but it would still have a huge impact on Virginians and patients from the rest of the region.

    Just over 95% of abortions in Virginia take place before the 15-week point. But often, the people seeking abortions after 15 weeks are the most marginalized: They’re under 18, low-income and/or live in rural areas with barriers to care. Additionally, genetic testing for fatal fetal abnormalities often does not occur until 18 or 20 weeks of pregnancy, meaning a 15-week abortion ban would force people with wanted pregnancies who discover a fetal abnormality to seek necessary medical care outside of Virginia.

    One recent patient at the Whole Woman’s Health clinic in Charlottesville came all the way from Georgia to get an abortion, said Amy Hagstrom Miller, CEO of the independent abortion care organization. She was a few days shy of 15 weeks pregnant by the time she arrived at the small clinic in the Blue Ridge Mountains, but only because she had faced so many barriers to care until that point.

    The patient found out she was pregnant after she went to the emergency room with stomach pain. She was over seven weeks pregnant, putting her just outside of the six-week limit to get an abortion in Georgia. The patient rushed to get an appointment in North Carolina but was over 12 weeks pregnant by the time she arrived at the clinic, making her too far along to get an abortion there. She drove back to Georgia and was eventually able to secure an appointment at the Whole Woman’s Health clinic in Charlottesville — an eight-hour drive from her home.

    “Even with all of the abortion funds that we helped them raise, [the patient and her partner] cleared their savings. They had to get back in the car and drive right back after the abortion because her partner had to be back at work,” said Hagstrom Miller. “That’s the kind of thing that we’re dealing with.”

    Youngkin’s 15-week abortion ban — along with a near-total abortion ban and a ban on the procedure later in pregnancy — died in the Virginia Senate earlier this year, but flipping the Senate would give him the power to pass it.

    The governor’s political action committee, Spirit of Virginia, has proven to be a powerful weapon: In just 48 hours earlier this month, Youngkin raised $4.4 million with the help of several billionaire donors pitching in during the final fundraising stretch. He has also personally donated over $1.5 million to Spirit. In total, Youngkin has raised $19 million for the Virginia GOP via Spirit since 2022.

    “The Virginia electoral environment in 2023 is really two parties talking past each other. Democrats really want to talk only about abortion, and Republicans want to talk about anything else.”

    – Stephen Farnsworth, political scientist

    But Republicans in purple Virginia have a big problem: No one knows how to talk about abortion restrictions without the guardrails Roe once provided. It used to be that Republicans could galvanize their base by calling for severe abortion restrictions and trigger bans. Yet they knew they would never be able to act on these political promises, which aren’t popular with mainstream voters — particularly those in suburban districts, where elections are won and lost in Virginia.

    “A significant number of Americans may not have clear policies about international matters, but something like abortion is really, really close to home,” said Stephen Farnsworth, a political scientist at the University of Mary Washington in Fredericksburg. “It affects individuals in a very dramatic way, it affects families in a very dramatic way, and so it’s an effective topic.”

    “Republicans might have had a more appealing environment for talking about abortion when Roe v. Wade was the law of the land because then the conversation was theoretical.”

    As a result, we’re watching Republicans experiment in real time with how to handle the question of abortion in a post-Roe world.

    “In many ways, the Virginia electoral environment in 2023 is really two parties talking past each other,” Farnsworth said. “Democrats really want to talk only about abortion, and Republicans want to talk about anything else.”

    The Tale Of The ‘Common Sense’ 15-Week Ban

    Many Republican candidates scrubbed their websites of more extreme anti-choice language and are refusing to discuss the issue in depth on the campaign trail. At the beginning of this year, GOP House of Delegates candidate John Stirrup’s website stated, in part: “John knows that life is precious and a gift from God. John will protect the sanctity of life and will always vote pro-life.” As of October, all mention of abortion or anti-choice views had been removed from his website. He did not respond to HuffPost’s request for comment.

    Stirrup, who is running in a competitive district, was secretly recorded telling voters in August that he would “support a 100% ban.” (He walked back those comments shortly thereafter, saying there was not enough support for a total ban but that he would support Youngkin’s 15-week ban.)

    Other Virginia Republicans are using a strategy we’ve seen at the national level: Attack Democrats for purportedly allowing no limits on abortion care. “Most people believe that abortion at the moment of birth is wrong, far beyond any reasonable limit. Not Virginia Democrats,” a voiceover says in a Republican campaign ad paid for by the GOP House and Senate caucuses. “They’ve fought to make late-term abortions the rule, not the exception.” (Abortion later in pregnancy is very rare: Less than 1% of abortions occur at 21 weeks or later, and the subset of abortions in the third trimester is even smaller. No Democrats are campaigning to change that.)

    “I’ve worked in this field for almost 35 years, and I’ve never met a patient who found out they were pregnant and then decided to wait until the second trimester to get an abortion,” said Hagstrom Miller, of Whole Woman’s Health, debunking the myth that people who get abortions later in pregnancy do so as a form of birth control or because they’ve simply changed their minds.

    “People want to have the care that they need as soon as they can,” she said.

    If there is a streamlined message on abortion in Virginia Republicans’ playbook, it’s that Youngkin is king and his 15-week abortion ban is moderate. More and more candidates are doing mental gymnastics to prove to voters that a 15-week ban is “common sense.” Some have gone as far as claiming a 15-week ban is so moderate that it doesn’t constitute an actual ban.

    “I don’t support an abortion ban. Period,” state Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant, an OB-GYN running in a competitive district, says in a campaign ad released earlier this month. The ad goes on to describe how the Republican supports a 15-week abortion ban with exceptions.

    Dunnavant tells her constituents on her campaign website that she supports restricting abortion after 15 weeks — a proposal she says is “not a ban, but legislation that reflects compassionate common sense.”

    “After 15 weeks, there should be reasonable exceptions for rape, incest, life of the mother and severe fetal anomalies. What I cannot accept is the current Virginia law that allows for abortion up to the moment of birth,” she adds in a campaign video on her site.

    This is a misleading claim, given that Virginia’s current law only allows for abortion in the third trimester if the pregnant person’s life is at risk or continuing the pregnancy would “substantially and irremediably impair the mental or physical health of the woman.”

    When asked why she does not define a 15-week abortion restriction as a ban, Dunnavant told HuffPost: “I would pose that a ban is defined as none. This is not a ban. This is a conversation offering a place where we can build consensus… because we have to change the conversation from two radical extremes to something that we can do together. And that’s why my position is what it is.”

    Youngkin is using this rhetoric as well. His political action committee rolled out a $1.4 million ad campaign this week saying the governor supports a “commonsense” 15-week “limit” on abortion, with exceptions.

    “It’s just not true, their lies about abortion. It’s disinformation. Politics at its worst,” the ad states. “Here’s the truth: There is no ban. Virginia Republicans support a reasonable 15-week limit with exceptions for rape, incest and life of the mother. It’s a commonsense position.”

    The handful of Democratic candidates HuffPost spoke with repeated almost word-for-word the same response: A ban is a ban is a ban.

    “It’s so frustrating for me because people say that it’s a compromise but it’s not,” Adams said. “There is no compromise when you’re talking about a woman’s right to make her own decisions.”

    Del. Schuyler VanValkenburg, a Democrat running against Dunnavant in the state Senate, added: “If something is legal and then it becomes illegal, that is a ban.”

    VanValkenburg pointed to places like Florida, where an abortion ban started at 15 weeks but quickly became a six-week restriction. “There’s the law that’s started with and there’s the law that’s ended with, and those laws are often more strict and they’re more punitive,” he said. “We should not go down that path.”

    Painting a 15-week ban as moderate is a risky move for Republicans, said Farnsworth, the University of Mary Washington political scientist.

    “It makes sense for Republicans to be talking about 15 weeks. That’s an area where there could be some opportunity for softening the anti-abortion measure in a way that would be more acceptable to the electorate,” he said. “But for a lot of Republican candidates, that’s a significant change from what they’ve said in the past, and that’s a problem.”

    “If you win nominations based on being pro-life, and then you talk about 15 weeks, there are plenty of pro-life voters that will see that as a betrayal,” Farnsworth added.

    “There is no compromise when you’re talking about a woman’s right to make her own decisions.”

    – Kimberly Pope Adams, candidate for Virginia House of Delegates

    Democrats are optimistic that talking about abortion and centering the issue in their campaigns will pay off big in Virginia. It’s been a motivating issue for the voters VanValkenburg has spoken with while campaigning in Senate District 16.

    “This is not some abstract issue we’re talking about ― it’s something people are seeing happen across the country,” he said. “They’re seeing, just a couple of weeks ago, the Alabama attorney general saying that they’d prosecute people who helped women cross state lines. They’re seeing women who are having to stay in parking lots of hospitals until they’re septic before they can get care. They’re seeing women come to Virginia and sleep in a parking lot overnight because they have to travel so far to get health care access.”

    “When people bring it up in the community, it’s oftentimes out of fear because of the very real things they’re seeing happening across the country, but particularly in our backyard in these other Southern states.”

    Not only is it a motivating issue for voters, but it’s also proven to be a winning issue. In all five states where there were referendums on abortion rights last year, voters chose to protect abortion access. In Virginia, Democrats centered abortion rights in two critical races earlier this year: a special election in January and a primary in June. Both candidates — Aaron Rouse and Lashrecse Aird, who were backed by pro-choice groups — won their seats.

    “It’s so important for Virginians to know that abortion is on the ballot and to know that our rights are at risk,” said Lockhart, of Planned Parenthood Advocates of Virginia. “We know that abortion rights are a motivating issue for voters and we’ve seen that over and over again: When races are about abortion, abortion rights win.”

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  • Why Trump’s civil fraud trial doesn’t have a jury

    Why Trump’s civil fraud trial doesn’t have a jury

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    Why Trump’s civil fraud trial doesn’t have a jury – CBS News


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    Former President Donald Trump appeared in a Manhattan courtroom on Monday as the trial in his civil fraud case got underway. CBS News chief election and campaign correspondent Robert Costa reports.

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  • Youngkin pardons Virginia father who was arrested at 2021 school board meeting | CNN Politics

    Youngkin pardons Virginia father who was arrested at 2021 school board meeting | CNN Politics

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    CNN
     — 

    Virginia Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin on Friday pardoned a Loudoun County father who was arrested at a school board meeting in 2021 while seeking answers about his daughter’s sexual assault on school property.

    Scott Smith was charged with obstruction of justice and disorderly conduct for his behavior at the meeting, which took place shortly after his 15-year-old daughter was assaulted in her school’s bathroom in Ashburn, Virginia, according to the New York Times. Smith was convicted of both charges in 2021. Smith’s conviction for resisting arrest was later dismissed, and he eventually received a suspended sentence of 10 days in jail, according to CNN affiliate WJLA.

    “Scott Smith is a dedicated parent who’s faced unwarranted charges in his pursuit to protect his daughter. Scott’s commitment to his child despite the immense obstacles is emblematic of the parental empowerment movement that started in Virginia,” Youngkin said in a statement announcing the pardon.

    “In Virginia, parents matter and my resolve to empower parents is unwavering. A parent’s fundamental right to be involved in their child’s education, upbringing, and care should never be undermined by bureaucracy, school divisions or the state. I am pleased to grant Scott Smith this pardon and help him and his family put this injustice behind them once and for all,” he added.

    Deputies ultimately arrested a male student in connection with the sexual assault against Smith’s daughter, according to the Times. He was found guilty in that case and later pleaded no contest to a separate sexual assault case at a different school, the newspaper reported.

    Smith’s arrest at the school board meeting helped fuel a national political conversation around school choice and parental rights. Conservative media in particular highlighted the sexual assault case in an effort to promote anti-transgender talking points.

    Youngkin leaned heavily on these issues during his 2021 gubernatorial campaign, vowing on election night, “We’re going to embrace our parents, not ignore them.”

    Smith, in an interview with WJLA following his pardon, said: “I think it’s pretty clear and convincing to the public that what happened to me that day should have never happened. I’m glad that this is finally over.”

    He added that the experience has led him to believe that “in today’s America, getting a fair and free trial is next to impossible.”

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  • Hopes begin to fade for Republicans looking to stop Trump | CNN Politics

    Hopes begin to fade for Republicans looking to stop Trump | CNN Politics

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    CNN
     — 

    Republicans opposed to Donald Trump are having to come to terms with an uncomfortable truth: Time is running out to deny him the party’s presidential nomination and thus far almost nothing has worked.

    That fact has been glaringly apparent from polling, primary debate performances and, most recently, a new memo from a political action committee focused on stopping the former president.

    The memo, from the Club for Growth-aligned Win It Back PAC, said that despite the group spending around $6 million and churning out upward of 40 ads to undercut Trump’s support in the early-nominating states of Iowa and South Carolina, almost all of those attacks had failed to land. The type of attack, the memo found, that did work was when self-identified former Trump supporters expressed concern over his ability to beat President Joe Biden or fatigue over “the distractions he creates and the polarization of the country.”

    In essence, the Win It Back PAC memo illustrated that all the money and time spent on attacking Trump – or avoiding attacking him in hopes of snatching up his supporters if Trump somehow exited the race – had been wasted. Trump’s rivals and the party at large are having to face the fact that the window to oust him from his front-runner status is closing in a very real way.

    “The problem if you’re trying to take Trump out of the primary, you’re kind of running out of time,” said Adam Brandon, the president of the conservative advocacy group FreedomWorks. “I think people are operating under the old rules. You go to a place like California, it’s now winner-take-all. … This thing could be over on March 5.”

    (Under current California GOP rules, a candidate who wins a majority of the vote in the state’s March 5 primary would be awarded all of its delegates.)

    Officials with Kansas billionaire Charles Koch’s network, which is committed to supporting a Trump alternative, said internal research shows that focusing on Trump’s electability resonates with the primary voters they hope to peel away from the former president’s camp.

    Earlier this year, the deep-pocketed network – whose political spending in the past has rivaled that of the Republican National Committee – announced plans to back a rival to Trump in the 2024 primary.

    “We continue to find that a major portion of Trump’s current supporters are seriously concerned about his ability to beat Joe Biden, his baggage and how it impacts other races, and are open to an alternative candidate who can win,” Americans for Prosperity Action spokesman Bill Riggs said in an email to CNN.

    The Koch-aligned group has spent about $11 million to date on TV and digital advertising and mailers that target both Trump and Biden.

    “Our ads are focused on persuading those soft Trump voters, not people who are never voting for Trump or already voting for Biden,” Riggs added. “We all agree America can’t risk another four years of the Biden administration – Republican voters just need to see someone step up and show they can be that new leader.”

    Riggs said no decision has been made yet on an endorsement in the primary.

    Discussions of some kind of major late-primary shift have ramped up recently. A few influential donors have looked more seriously at pushing Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin to jump into the Republican race after the state’s legislative elections this November. Youngkin and his team have delicately responded to 2024 speculation, saying the governor’s main focus right now is on the state elections. Their responses are unlikely to temper the calls to nudge him in the race.

    David Kochel, a longtime Iowa Republican strategist who ran Mitt Romney’s 2008 and 2012 campaigns in the state, said a late Youngkin entry would be “plausible” and get a hard look from donors who are worried the field hasn’t sorted itself out yet.

    “There’s a little bit of a ‘the grass is greener somewhere else’ effect here,” he said. “Youngkin looks like he’s fresh and new, he won in a really difficult environment in a tough state with a unique approach, and he hasn’t been tainted by the messiness of this campaign.”

    One advantage Youngkin would have is that Iowa voters tend to break late for their candidates as caucusgoers watch the political process play out, Kochel said.

    “You’d be adding one more person to the mix, and it would be complicating the race that much more, but at a time when I think everybody’s trying to sort this out and figure out who’s the strongest to take on Trump,” Kochel said. “If (Youngkin) wants to be part of that conversation, he is going to have to decide pretty soon. But he’d certainly get a lot of attention.”

    A late-entrant Youngkin, however, would be playing catch-up on key fronts in the 2024 race: forming a formidable campaign and matching the rest of the field’s national fundraising network; ballot access and filing deadlines. For example, the early-voting states of Nevada and South Carolina have filing deadlines before the Virginia elections.

    Those facts are apparent to other Republicans in the campaign sphere, who are also skeptical that Youngkin’s mild-mannered approach to politics could break out in a primary where future voters haven’t been attracted to moderation in politicking or policy proposals.

    “Give me a break. You can’t wait until November 15 and miss all these filing deadlines,” a veteran GOP fundraiser said of Youngkin. “He had a window to get in, he could’ve been the fresh face in June, and that’s when he should’ve done it. Now it’s cocktail party chatter, but it’s not realistic.”

    Whether Youngkin enters the field or not, the primary race has not unfolded in the way anti-Trump Republicans had hoped. The rest of the field has largely refrained from focusing their criticism against Trump, with only a few candidates – including former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, former Vice President Mike Pence and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis – directly calling out the former president at the Republican debates so far. Discussion of the many indictments facing Trump has been largely absent from the stage.

    Even more worrying for Republicans opposed to Trump: While his lead in the primary has increased over time, candidates like DeSantis and Pence, who have premised their campaigns on being conservative Trump alternatives, have struggled to gain enough traction to move away from the rest of the field or trigger any kind of worry from the former president or his supporters. Thus far, Trump backers have stuck with him and have refused to seriously consider any other candidate, even when those candidates forcefully contrast their governing records with Trump’s.

    “It’s not about the divisions within the party, it’s about having a pitch to where the Republican Party is now, which is more populist, and honestly, more entertainment-focused,” a Republican strategist said.

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  • Youngkin launches efforts to get Republicans to vote early or by mail | CNN Politics

    Youngkin launches efforts to get Republicans to vote early or by mail | CNN Politics

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    CNN
     — 

    Virginia’s Gov. Glenn Youngkin is encouraging Republicans to vote absentee by mail or early in-person ahead of his state’s pivotal legislative elections this year.

    Youngkin on Tuesday launched a new program, “Secure Your Vote Virginia,” aimed at cutting into Democrats’ mail-in voting advantage as Republican voters’ confidence in the voting method are low in part from former President Donald Trump’s claims that it’s rife with fraud.

    “Republicans got to stop sitting on the sidelines and allowing the Democrats to do a better job of voting early. I’m tired of us going into elections down thousands of votes,” Youngkin said on Fox News Tuesday morning.

    “And so, secureyourvotevirginia.com provides an easy way to make a plan, to make a plan to vote early, to get on the permanent absentee ballot, to vote early by mail or just make a plan to vote early. We got to get out the vote. These elections are critical.”

    The program is a partnership with Virginia’s state party, the Republican State Leadership Committee, the Virginia Senate Republican Caucus and the House Republican Campaign Committee.

    In a press release, Rich Anderson, the chair of the Republican Party of Virginia, said that “this data-driven effort to get Republicans to vote early is how we win in November.”

    “We have a clear mission: get in front of as many voters as we can to assure them voting absentee by mail or early in person is easy, secure, and necessary,” Anderson said in a statement.

    Virginia holds off-cycle elections that are sometimes viewed as a bellwether for the following year’s contests. All of Virginia’s House of Delegates and Senate seats are up for grabs this November and Republicans hope to hold the House and flip the Senate, which has stalled parts of Youngkin’s legislative agenda.

    The governor has repeatedly said in interviews that he’s focused on Virginia when asked if he’s considering a 2024 presidential bid.

    Asked at an event back in May if he’d be “getting out on the presidential campaign trail later this year,” Youngkin had said, “No. I’m going to be working in Virginia this year.”

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  • Jon Stewart Gives Trump-Defending GOP Governor A Blistering Legal Fact-Check

    Jon Stewart Gives Trump-Defending GOP Governor A Blistering Legal Fact-Check

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    Youngkin, in the wake of the indictment connected to Trump’s handling of classified documents, wrote on Twitter that such a system led to selective prosecution of some people while “others are not” prosecuted, claiming that parents in Virginia have also been the target of “politically motivated actions.”

    “The Problem with Jon Stewart” host retweeted a clip from his show’s account that noted he agrees with the idea of a “two-tiered justice system” before schooling the Republican governor on Trump’s place within it.

    “He has lived his entire adult life in the space twixt, illegal and unethical. He’s in the tier where you get the platinum arraignment package – no cuffs, no mugshot, all-you-can-eat fingerprint ink.”

    “Yes. It’s all selective prosecution and when you’re in the good tier, you can do whatever you want and you’re probably going to be fine,” said Stewart.

    “In fact, you might even be elected president – twice.”

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  • This Rural Virginia County Is A ‘Testing Ground’ For Book Banning

    This Rural Virginia County Is A ‘Testing Ground’ For Book Banning

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    Charlotte Wood is the librarian for the lone high school in Madison County, Virginia. She has been the librarian ― and thus controlling access to library books ― since August.

    But last month, the school board unilaterally removed 21 books from the high school’s library. The books removed include “The Bluest Eye” by Toni Morrison, “The Handmaid’s Tale” by Margaret Atwood, and “It” by Stephen King.

    The board claimed the books are sexually explicit and thus inappropriate for high school children. But simply mentioning sex or sexual assault, as many of the removed books do, is a far cry from pornography.

    “Not one single parent has ever reached out to me about concerns about titles, or to request that their child be limited to certain books at checkout,” Wood told a school board meeting this week, where she showed up to voice her disapproval over the board actions.

    The move has been unpopular with several students and parents, a number of whom spoke out against the book ban. But supporters of the school board believe they are fulfilling a greater mission.

    “I’m not saying make Madison County a Christian school,” Pastor Russell Biber said when it was his turn to speak. “But let’s get back to the foundation of our education system, the fear of our lord God.”

    The February board meeting was just one iteration of a scene that’s been happening around the country. Conservatives deem a book “inappropriate” for children, often citing disingenuous claims about sexually explicit content, and a tiny minority of parents band together to challenge the text. The message is implicit: Voices and narratives that center people who aren’t straight, white, Christian and cisgender should be censored.

    “We’re a canary in a coal mine,” Devlyn D’Alfonzo, a resident and parent of two children in the school district, told HuffPost. “These tiny communities where these policies can pass without a question? We’re the testing ground.”

    Madison County is heavily rural and Republican. With a population of approximately 14,000 people, there are only four schools in the district. The faux moral panic about sexual content in books in the small county is also being fueled by policy decisions at the state level.

    Last year, the Virginia legislature approved a policy that would require the state Department of Education to make it mandatory that schools notify parents about “sexually explicit” materials being used in classrooms. The guidelines, which became official in July, require school officials to review materials for such content and then notify parents so they can opt their children out if they choose.

    It’s unclear what makes a book “sexually explicit,” but in any case, the guidelines only apply to instructional materials in the classroom, not the library. The guidelines also clearly state that the policy does not allow for the removal or censoring of books in the school library.

    But the Madison County School Board took the new policy one step further. Christopher Wingate, one of the newly elected members of the board, drafted a countywide policy that specifically deals with library books. Under the board’s more restrictive policy, parents and residents may request that the board remove a library book if it allegedly contains sexually explicit material. The board will then decide the book’s fate.

    The policy was approved unanimously in December. Then, the board moved to remove nearly two dozen books, all of which supposedly contain sexual content that’s inappropriate for high school students.

    What many parents and educators find frustrating is that parents already have the ability to prevent their children from reading books they don’t approve of, by informing the librarian. But the school board decided to create its own policy in order to remove books entirely. (The board did not immediately respond to a request for comment for this story.)

    “The policy is vague enough and expansive enough that it allows the board to remove books that the board thinks is inappropriate,” D’Alfonzo said. “It gives them a lot of power.”

    It’s also easy to make the removal of books sound agreeable to parents by framing it as a positive step meant to keep children safe.

    “They will phrase it as ‘they’re just trying to protect kids and hold on to American values,’” D’Alfonzo said. “They’re using friendlier speech that sounds great ― if you don’t look too hard.”

    If the fight over which books kids can read sounds familiar, that’s because it is.

    In Florida, Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) has championed racist and homophobic laws that target educators across the state. The so-called “Don’t Say Gay” bill bans educators from talking about sexual orientation and gender identity, and the Stop WOKE Act prohibits teachers from talking about critical race theory ― a college-level concept that conservatives now invoke to describe essentially any instance where the existence of racism is acknowledged in a classroom.

    Because of these policies, school districts in Florida have removed books, colleges have been forced to cut diversity initiatives, and teachers have been harassed for their sexual orientation.

    Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R), who won in 2021 after running on a so-called “parental rights” platform, appears to be trying to follow in DeSantis’ footsteps.

    The Virginia Department of Education’s guidelines that would ban transgender students from using the bathroom that best matches their gender identity remain in limbo, and Virginia’s law about “sexually explicit” books doesn’t go as far as Florida’s. But the situation in Madison County shows that there are places in Virginia where these right-wing ideas are very attractive.

    “They’re gaining footholds in these little counties. They’re making these little inroads in smaller communities before they can make a move on the big scale,” D’Alfonzo said.

    Last week, the Virginia EducatIon Association released a Black Lives Matter toolkit for teachers, including sample history lessons that educators could use during Black History Month. The Youngkin administration criticized the toolkit.

    “The Administration will not support a teachers union’s attempts to prop up a politically driven curriculum toolkit which contains tenets that go beyond teaching history, lesson plans, and operates as a political manual for the next generation of Virginia’s students,” a Youngkin spokesperson told the Richmond Times-Dispatch. “Virginia’s schools will continue to teach all history — the good and the bad.”

    Where DeSantis may have derided the lesson plans as “woke” or “indoctrination,” the criticism from the Youngkin administration is milder, at least on the surface.

    “It’s like the watered-down version of DeSantis, the slightly more palatable version,” D’Alfonzo said. “So the policies end up being more likely to pass ― but just as harmful.”

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  • Republicans elevate ‘parental rights’ as top issue while looking to outflank each other heading into 2024 | CNN Politics

    Republicans elevate ‘parental rights’ as top issue while looking to outflank each other heading into 2024 | CNN Politics

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    CNN
     — 

    Republican presidential hopefuls have begun casting themselves as impassioned defenders of “parental rights,” turning schoolbooks and curricula, doctors’ offices, and sports leagues into a new political battleground as they work to distinguish themselves ahead of the 2024 GOP primary.

    The issue had already emerged as a major vein in the GOP bloodstream, emanating partly from the coronavirus pandemic, when school closures and vaccine mandates upended family routines and rankled vaccine-hesitant parents. But it took off after Republicans watched Glenn Youngkin defeat Democrat Terry McAuliffe in Virginia’s 2021 gubernatorial election following a campaign that placed “parents’ rights” at its center.

    While critics have denounced the theme of parents’ rights as oppressive, 2024 Republicans have nevertheless plowed ahead, seeking to one-up each other with provocative campaign pledges and legislative actions – the most obvious moves in recent weeks coming from former President Donald Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis.

    Several Republican governors – many with presidential ambitions – responded to Youngkin’s success by championing parental rights in their states, enacting bills that give parents and guardians unfettered access to school curricula, books and learning materials, and, in some instances, requiring school principals to review parental complaints about textbooks and lesson plans before they can proceed with using the material in classrooms. In some states, such as Texas, Florida and Iowa, parental permission is now needed to discuss certain topics with students. Other states, such as Georgia, have put parents and school communities in charge of vetting books their children could encounter at school for signs of race-related or sexual themes, appealing to conservatives who have voiced concerns about “radical” literature.

    But Republicans have also since turned parents’ rights into an umbrella term for a host of cultural issues. Declaring that parents deserve a say in what their children are taught, some GOP power players have pushed to end diversity and equity programs in public schools. Others have sought to restrict lessons about sexual orientation or gender identity. And some have looked to prevent schools from using a child’s preferred pronouns without parental permission.

    “We saw it with Youngkin’s race, and [Florida Gov. Ron] DeSantis has been playing it up for the last year. The issue has been building from Covid and extended to where we are now,” said Jennifer Williams, who in 2016 became the first openly transgender delegate to the Republican National Convention. Both DeSantis and Youngkin are said to be eyeing 2024 presidential campaigns.

    The sprint to get ahead on the issue is likely to play out over a combative presidential primary, while allies and advisers see it as an opportunity to appeal to a broader electorate if their candidate becomes the next GOP presidential nominee.

    “There are more parents than teachers, so it’s an easy equation. If you’re on the side of parents, that’s going to win you at the local level, and it’s going to win you at the national level,” said Keith Naughton, a longtime Republican consultant. Still, he also cautioned Republicans against “moving too far away from the consensus.”

    But public opinion around parental rights remains murky.

    A Quinnipiac poll released in February 2022 found that nearly 8 in 10 Americans considered efforts to ban books in schools and libraries purely political, versus 15 percent who said the efforts stemmed from content concerns. And as Republicans confront sensitive issues such as transgender rights while championing what they describe as parental empowerment, they could face similar political peril. A separate November poll by Marquette University Law School found that while a majority of Republicans (82%-18%) believed transgender athletes should be prohibited from participating in sports competitions – a topic the GOP has devoted much attention to in recent years – independent voters were nearly evenly split on the matter. The same survey showed that Republicans favored the 2020 Supreme Court decision that the 1964 Civil Rights Act bars employers from discriminating against gay and transgender workers by a 47-point margin, underscoring the political risks 2024 GOP hopefuls could encounter as they link LGBTQ rights to their parental rights push.

    Sarah Kate Ellis, president and CEO of the LGBTQ advocacy group GLAAD, said Republicans are using the guise of parental rights “to eliminate people, history books and marginalized communities.”

    “This is not about parents. It’s a tactic that DeSantis found really whipped up his base in Florida and so [Republicans] are taking it out for a run to see how it does. Their goal, it seems, is that these politicians are trying to turn parents against each other and make classrooms a battleground so they can further their political ambitions,” Ellis said.

    GLAAD is expected to launch a messaging campaign in March that Ellis said will “fill the knowledge gap” that Republicans have “exploited.”

    “They tap into the worst anxieties of any parent,” said Ellis, a parent herself.

    Trump, currently the only declared candidate in the GOP presidential field, is one of several 2024 hopefuls who have elevated “parents’ rights” to new prominence as they work to curry favor with the party’s base.

    Trump pushed to create a “patriotic education” commission and ordered the federal government to end diversity trainings during his term in office, though much of his focus over the past two years has been on relitigating the 2020 election. Recently, though, he has refocused his attention on the kinds of cultural battles that have enabled some of his likeliest rivals – most notably DeSantis – to gain considerable popularity among Republican voters.

    In two straight-to-camera videos this week, Trump suggested that parents should select school principals through a “direct election” process and threatened to end federal funding for schools that teach “a child that they could be trapped in the wrong body” if he were to win another term.

    Even those who agreed with Trump’s proposals suggested he was playing catch-up with his fellow culture warriors – especially as he also went on the attack against DeSantis recently, calling the Florida governor “disloyal” and a “globalist RINO” in separate broadsides.

    “Obviously, DeSantis taking on Disney has shown a lot of leadership on this issue and frankly, I think it’s why Trump came out with his statements this week because in a lot of ways he sees himself running against DeSantis,” said Bob Vander Plaats, a social conservative activist who runs the Iowa-based Family Leader coalition. Vander Plaats was referring to the Florida governor’s push to strip the Walt Disney Company of its special governing powers after the company criticized his legislative efforts to restrict lessons on LGBTQ rights and gender identity in Florida classrooms.

    “Trump is saying, ‘How do I get to the right of DeSantis on this issue?’” Vander Plaats added.

    Allies of the former president rebuffed suggestions that he is taking cues from rivals rather than setting the agenda. They pointed to actions Trump took during his term in office to develop a counter-curriculum to the 1619 Project, an initiative launched by The New York Times to teach American students about slavery but which conservatives have decried as “propaganda.” And they cite the many instances in which Trump has condemned the participation of transgender athletes in women’s sports, a topic he first weaved into his stump speech at the 2021 Conservative Political Action Conference and one that tends to draw some of the biggest applause lines at his campaign rallies.

    “This isn’t anything new,” Trump campaign spokesman Steven Cheung said. “On the school education stuff and critical race theory, he’s been talking about it since 2019 and 2020. And when he talks about gender ideology, he’s been mentioning that in his rallies, too.”

    “He’s a candidate now, and he’s focused on forward-looking policy proposals,” Cheung added.

    Some conservative activists who are still waiting to see how the 2024 primary field takes shape said Trump appears to be taking steps to ensure he isn’t outflanked by opponents on the issues that currently animate Republican base voters. Terry Schilling, executive director of the socially conservative American Principles Project, said Trump is “trying to play catch-up, but it’s good.”

    Referring specifically to Trump’s recently unveiled plan to curtail transgender rights, including ending medical treatments for transgender teens, Schilling suggested the former president was “making sure he’s the most conservative candidate on this issue.”

    “I think he’s just trying to ensure he doesn’t lose any ground or get outflanked. … It’s tough because DeSantis and Youngkin have actually been changing the policies on it, which is why I think he is going above and beyond … to kind of get a leg up,” Schilling said.

    A spokesman for DeSantis’ political operation declined to comment, but the Republican governor’s actions suggest he will not cede the issue by any stretch as he marches toward a potential campaign for president. This week, DeSantis released a 2023 budget framework that repeatedly emphasized the importance of “protecting parents’ fundamental rights,” nearly a year after he signed a “Parents Bill of Rights” into law that banned instructions on sexual orientation and gender identity to K-3 grade students.

    During the 2022 midterms, DeSantis took the unprecedented step of vetting, endorsing and campaigning for school board candidates, generating a wave of like-minded conservatives to carry out his agenda in districts across the state. Meanwhile, at DeSantis’ urging, a state medical board stacked with his appointees has effectively banned medication and surgeries for minors seeking gender transitions. DeSantis has decried such interventions as “chemical castration.”

    In leading these cultural clashes, DeSantis has become a superstar among highly engaged conservatives. He and his wife, Casey, were treated like rock stars at last year’s Tampa summit of Moms for Liberty, a group that mobilizes conservative matriarchs across the country, where he was heralded onstage as an “American hero” and a “shining light” for parents across the country who wish that “Ron would be their governor.” The Florida Republican was reelected to a second term in November by a 19-point margin, a victory he touted at a news conference earlier this week following a fresh round of attacks from Trump.

    Tiffany Justice, a co-founder of Moms for Liberty, said parental rights weren’t on the forefront of minds during Trump’s first campaign in 2016 or when DeSantis first ran for governor in 2018. But DeSantis was among the first to recognize during the pandemic the parental angst around closed schools, mask mandates and an apprehension to ideological creep into the classroom, she said, and it has him well positioned when parental rights becomes “a litmus test for all candidates in 2024.”

    “He’s being rewarded already by having his colleagues and peers watching what he is doing and emulating him across the country,” Justice said. “Ron DeSantis stood up for parents when no one else was. I think he’s a leader that way, and parents across the country have recognized him for that.”

    Indeed, DeSantis’ actions have spawned copycat bills in statehouses across the country this year. The National Center for Transgender Equality is tracking 231 bills in state legislatures across the country that seek to curb transgender rights – 86 of which would restrict access to transgender care. In a sign of how swiftly Republicans have pivoted to this issue, as recently as 2019, not a single state legislature in the country was debating cutting off access to gender affirmation treatment or surgeries, said Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen, executive director of the center.

    “If you rewind to 2018, this was not a political matter. There were no bills in statehouses. There were no presidential candidates talking about it. Transgender people were getting health care without a problem, and it was universally recognized as essential care by leading medical institutions,” Heng-Lehtinen said. “It was almost literally overnight we saw these bills pop up.”

    “And the places where we’ve seen the most aggressive actions against transgender people,” he added, “are in states where there’s a governor with all points suggesting they are seeking higher office.”

    Among those governors is Texas Republican Greg Abbott, whose administration has investigated parents of transgender teens for child abuse. In Iowa, where GOP Gov. Kim Reynolds already signed a bill to give parents and guardians more access to their children’s educational lives, lawmakers are now considering whether to ban instruction of sexual orientation or gender identity through eighth grade. Another potential 2024 Republican candidate, South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem, authored and signed a bill in 2022 that banned transgender women and girls from female scholastic sports, and in December her administration canceled a transgender advocacy group’s contract with the state’s Department of Health. There is also Youngkin, the term-limited Virginia governor who held a donor summit last fall to explore a possible presidential campaign and who recently rolled out a series of policy changes aimed at transgender students, one of which seeks to require parental sign-off for students who wish to use names or pronouns that diverge from what is listed on their official record.

    But not every Republican agrees with the policy fights being waged by the party’s potential presidential contenders as they aim to give parents more control over their childrens’ education.

    “When Youngkin and DeSantis do things like this, they aren’t taking into account the discrimination that can result,” said Williams, the former RNC delegate. “If parental rights are constantly about gender identity and critical race theory, it doesn’t seem to be about education. It seems to me it’s about making sure I can shield my kid from anything other than what I want them to know.”

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  • Trans Kids Stuck In Limbo As Glenn Youngkin Delays Anti-Trans Policies

    Trans Kids Stuck In Limbo As Glenn Youngkin Delays Anti-Trans Policies

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    Republican Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin spent the fall confidently proclaiming that his administration would implement policies targeting transgender students in public schools.

    “I expect every school jurisdiction to follow the policies as is the law,” Youngkin said in October at a rally for Yesli Vega, a Republican who went on to lose her race for the U.S. House.

    But the initial date he intended to implement these policies has come and gone, and transgender students in Virginia are left in limbo wondering if they’ll be stripped of their rights.

    “The sense of urgency has basically evaporated,” said Democratic state Delegate Marcus Simon.

    The change seems to be the result of the realization — after a 30-day public comment period and a statewide school walkout organized by Pride Liberation Project, a youth-led group — that targeting trans children isn’t popular outside of certain conservative circles and that a cascade of lawsuits could follow if schools implement the new guidance.

    The new guidance would ban transgender kids from using the bathroom that matches their gender identity and from playing on sports teams that align with their gender, and would require parental notification if a student wished to change their name or pronouns.

    Former Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam signed a bill in 2020 that required public schools in the state to adopt the Virginia Department of Education’s policies on trans kids. At the time, the department said schools should allow kids to use bathroom facilities and play on sports teams that matched their gender identity. The policies were implemented, although there was no mechanism for enforcement.

    But the state Department of Education has since changed its guidance, and Youngkin is using the existing law to say schools must adopt the policies that discriminate against trans kids.

    “These policies go against the very principle and intent of the original bill,” said Bo Boletti, an activist and former legislative aide who helped craft the initial bill. “It’s undemocratic and unprofessional that Youngkin is using this policy that was designed to help trans students like this.”

    Youngkin campaigned on so-called parental rights, a euphemism for implementing policies that are palatable to right-wing parents. As a result, he riled up the small percentage of the Republican base that is concerned about transgender students being in public schools. The GOP has been waging a war on teachers and public schools, first concocting a moral panic around critical race theory — a college-level theory about institutional racism that Republicans claim is being taught to school-aged kids around the country — before pivoting to banning books that deal with racial justice and LGBTQ themes.

    “This is more about politics than policy,” Simon said.

    There is also an ongoing conservative effort to dismantle public schools and remake them as profit centers, which Boletti said may be connected to Youngkin’s push for anti-trans policies.

    “This is a long-term strategy for chipping away at the trust we have in public education,” Boletti said. “The best way to do that is to get their parents to pull their kids out of school, and they’re doing it through reactionary rage.”

    The legally required 30-day public notice period before implementing the new policies ended on Nov. 26, and the Youngkin administration was technically allowed to enact them on that date. But during the public comment period, the expected red wave in the midterm elections didn’t pan out. Nationwide, candidates who made transphobia the cornerstone of their campaign platforms didn’t fare well.

    The governor has not publicly commented on whether he’ll move forward with the policies affecting trans students. In an email to HuffPost, the Youngkin administration said it would need to review the 70,000 comments received during the notice period.

    “My hope is that they saw the results of the midterm elections and went, ‘Well, shit, this is not a popular issue,’” said Allison Chapman of Virginia Trans, an activist network. “It’s become abundantly clear that like anti-abortion policies, anti-trans rhetoric is not a winning issue.”

    Lawyers and advocacy groups are on standby, ready to file lawsuits if the Youngkin administration decides to enact the anti-trans policies.

    “The proposed guidelines violate the law in several key ways,” said Eden Heilman, the legal director of the ACLU of Virginia. She noted that the law signed by Northam requires that only evidence-based policies be implemented.

    “Youngkin’s policies are quite the opposite,” she said. “It’s not clear that they consulted any experts at all.”

    Legal experts are also concerned that the way the policies are written may require schools to violate state and federal discrimination laws. “The U.S. Supreme Court has held that discrimination based on gender identity is the same thing as discrimination based on sex,” Heilman said.

    “I don’t know if the way the policies have been written can even be fixed,” Heilman said. “The only way they can fix it is to rescind it.”

    For now, trans students and their families are waiting to find out if their rights will be compromised — a situation that can be extremely stressful.

    “There’s an emotional toll that just having the debate takes on marginalized people,” Boletti said. “I know from personal experience. When I came out my sophomore year of high school, I missed 37 days of school because of bullying.”

    Elected officials have noted that the proposals — even if they aren’t adopted statewide — can hurt the mental health of trans students. “The existence of the policies has been damaging to kids,” Simon said. “I’m hearing from kids and families in Fairfax County that it’s been psychologically difficult.”

    Chapman moved to Virginia right after the policies were announced, which she said have made her “seriously reconsider” her decision.

    Youngkin officially rescinding the proposed policies still wouldn’t end the fear that transgender people in Virginia are experiencing. The state legislature is planning on introducing anti-trans bills next year, which are extremely unlikely to pass but would still make the LGBTQ community feel under attack.

    “Introducing pro-trans bills, even ones that won’t pass, is like putting up a flag,” Chapman said. “Trans kids need to know they’re people out here fighting every day to make our state a safer place for them.”

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  • A Virginia superintendent is fired after a state report into handling of sexual assaults at school is issued | CNN

    A Virginia superintendent is fired after a state report into handling of sexual assaults at school is issued | CNN

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    CNN
     — 

    A Virginia school superintendent was fired Tuesday, a day after a report from the state accused him of lying about a sexual assault involving a student in May 2021.

    The special grand jury report, conducted by the office of Virginia Attorney General Jason Miyares, also criticized former school superintendent Dr. Scott Ziegler and other school officials for mishandling the investigation of an October sexual assault allegedly by the same student that year.

    The superintendent said of the May sexual assault “to my knowledge we don’t have any records of assaults occurring in our restrooms,” at a June 2021 school board meeting, according to the report. At the time, Ziegler said he misunderstood the question.

    The Loudoun County Public School Board voted unanimously to fire Ziegler Tuesday night, but provided no reason for the firing, school spokesman Wayde Byard told CNN.

    “The Special Grand Jury’s report contains important recommendations and information,” Miyares said in a statement to CNN Wednesday. “I’m glad to see that the school board is taking the report seriously, and hope it results in positive change for the LCPS community.”

    CNN has attempted to reach Ziegler for comment. Byard would not comment further regarding allegations into LCPS mishandling of the sexual assault cases outlined in the special grand jury report.

    A teenage student had been arrested for sexual battery and abduction of another student at a Loudoun County public school in October 2021, the Loudoun County Sheriff’s Office said, according to the report.

    The teenager also allegedly sexually assaulted another student in May 2021, according to the report. In that assault, the grand jury report alleged that the sexual assault occurred in a women’s bathroom while the perpetrator was wearing a skirt.

    “National outrage focused on Loudoun County because the student was labeled as gender fluid, LCPS had recently passed a transgender policy to conform with the Virginia Department of Education’s model policy,” said the report.

    CNN could not find evidence substantiating that the student identified as transgender or gender-fluid.

    The 2021 Virginia Department of Education’s Model Policies for the Treatment of Transgender Students in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools outlined that transgender students should be allowed to use bathrooms and staff should use the personal pronouns that were most consistent with their gender identity.

    In 2022, under Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin, the Department of Education replaced the policy with an updated one stating that students should use bathrooms according to his or her sex.

    On his first day in office on January 15, Youngkin passed an executive order authorizing an investigation of Loudoun County Public Schools by the Attorney General. Youngkin had mentioned the sexual assault cases at Loudoun schools several times while campaigning for governor.

    “The special grand jury’s report on the horrific sexual assaults in Loudoun has exposed wrongdoing, prompted disciplinary actions, & provided families with the truth. I will continue to empower parents & push for accountability on behalf of our students,” Youngkin tweeted Wednesday.

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  • Another mass shooting highlights America’s stubborn gun control divide | CNN Politics

    Another mass shooting highlights America’s stubborn gun control divide | CNN Politics

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    A version of this story appears in CNN’s What Matters newsletter. To get it in your inbox, sign up for free here.


    Washington
    CNN
     — 

    America’s shameful tradition of gun violence reared its ugly ahead again Tuesday evening at a Walmart in Chesapeake, Virginia.

    At least six people were killed in the store, according to local officials, with four more victims in area hospitals.

    This follows a shooting at the University of Virginia that left three dead less than two weeks ago, and, even more recently, a shooting at a Colorado Springs LGBTQ nightclub that left five dead.

    It’s hard not to view each incident as yet another result of America’s polarized gun debate.

    Many Americans hold their right to bear arms, enshrined in the US Constitution, as sacrosanct. But others say that right threatens another: the right to life.

    Each shooting seems to entrench everyone’s respective convictions.

    In an all too familiar cycle, a shooting will prompt some to push for more gun control and others to lobby for less firearm regulation. A tense debate plays out before the issue fades from the national conversation.

    Then another shooting occurs – and we start the cycle over again.

    President Joe Biden on Wednesday again called for congressional action, but the reality of a divided Congress come January makes this unlikely.

    “This year, I signed the most significant gun reform in a generation, but that is not nearly enough. We must take greater action,” the president said in a statement.

    The more interesting political response to watch is Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, who has been touted by some as future power player in Republican politics.

    “Our hearts break with the community of Chesapeake this morning. I remain in contact with law enforcement officials throughout this morning and have made available any resources as this investigation moves forward. Heinous acts of violence have no place in our communities,” Youngkin tweeted Wednesday morning.

    His message closely echoes his response to the University of Virginia shooting. “I know that there’s nothing that can be said, there’s nothing that can be done in order to bring them any kind of comfort today. And so, I think this is a moment for us to come together to support them, pray for them, recognize that as a community this is a chance to come together and grieve and support them. It’s just horrific, there’s no other way to describe it,” Youngkin said at a makeshift memorial at the school.

    On Thanksgiving, Youngkin also asked his state in a tweet to “lift up in prayer” the families of those killed in the mass shootings.

    Missing from his responses – heartfelt as they may be – is any mention of guns.

    If Youngkin is indeed the Republican Party’s future “unifier,” it doesn’t appear that will extend into gun control.

    There is a direct correlation in states with weaker gun laws and higher rates of gun deaths, including homicides, suicides and accidental killings, according to a January study published by Everytown for Gun Safety, a nonprofit focused on gun violence prevention.

    Yet the political debate on gun control in America often becomes untethered from the data.

    Consider this: There have been at least 607 mass shootings through November 22 this year, defined as one in which at least four people are shot. That’s just short of the 638 mass shootings in the country at this point last year – the worst year on record since the nonprofit Gun Violence Archive began tracking them in 2014. There were a total of 690 mass shootings in 2021.

    The United States is likely to soon surpass the total of 610 mass shootings in 2020, with more than a month left of 2022 to go.

    What’s worse is the direction the data is trending. Per the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the firearm homicide rate was 8.3% higher in 2021 than it was in 2020. Firearm suicide rates among people 10 years old and older also increased by 8.3% from 2020 to 2021. And the percentage of homicides attributed to firearm injuries rose from 79% in 2020 to 81% in 2021, the highest percentage in more than 50 years.

    It certainly doesn’t have to be this way. Countries that have introduced laws to reduce gun-related deaths have achieved significant changes, a previous, in-depth CNN analysis found:

    Australia. Less than two weeks after Australia’s worst mass shooting, the federal government implemented a new program, banning rapid-fire rifles and shotguns, and unifying gun owner licensing and registrations across the country. In the next 10 years gun deaths in Australia fell by more than 50%. A 2010 study found the government’s 1997 buyback program – part of the overall reform – led to an average drop in firearm suicide rates of 74% in the five years that followed.

    South Africa. Gun-related deaths almost halved over a 10-year-period after new gun legislation, the Firearms Control Act of 2000, went into force in July 2004. The new laws made it much more difficult to obtain a firearm.

    New Zealand. Gun laws were swiftly amended after the 2019 Christchurch mosque shootings. Just 24 hours after the attack, in which 51 people were killed, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced that the law would change. New Zealand’s parliament voted almost unanimously to change the country’s gun laws less than a month later, banning all military-style semi-automatic weapons.

    Britain. (The country) tightened its gun laws and banned most private handgun ownership after a mass shooting in 1996, a move that saw gun deaths drop by almost a quarter over a decade.

    But America’s relationship to guns is unique, and our gun culture is a global outlier. For now, the deadly cycle of violence seems destined to continue.

    As a reminder, Biden signed into law the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act in June after the House and the Senate approved the measure. The package represents the most significant federal legislation to address gun violence since the expired 10-year assault weapons ban of 1994.

    “God willing, it’s going to save a lot of lives,” Biden said at the White House as he signed the bill.

    The package includes $750 million to help states implement and run crisis intervention programs, which can be used to manage red flag programs, as well as for other crisis intervention programs such as mental health, drug courts and veteran courts.

    Red flag laws, approved by the federal measure, are also known as Extreme Risk Protection Order laws. They allow courts to temporarily seize firearms from anyone believed to be a danger to themselves or others.

    The legislation encourages states to include juvenile records in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, which would provide a more comprehensive background check for people between 18 and 21 who want to buy guns.

    It also requires more individuals who sell guns as primary sources of income to register as Federally Licensed Firearm Dealers, which are required to administer background checks before they sell a gun to someone.

    The law bars guns from anyone convicted of a domestic violence crime who has a “continuing serious relationship of a romantic or intimate nature.” The law, however, allows those convicted of misdemeanor domestic violence crimes to restore their gun rights after five years if they haven’t committed other crimes.

    On Thursday, Biden told reporters that he would work with Congress “to try to get rid of assault weapons.”

    Pressed on whether he would try to do so during the lame duck session, he said, “I’m going to do it whenever – I’ve got to make that assessment as soon as I get in and start counting the votes.”

    Congress returns next week with a jam-packed to-do list in the lame duck session, focused primarily on the must-pass government funding bill, as well as other priorities. But any action on gun legislation – particularly the assault weapons ban Biden has repeatedly called for – does not have the votes to pass. And the reality of a divided Congress in next year’s session makes it highly unlikely that anything will pass over the next two years.

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  • Virginia set to reverse trans students’ rights in public schools

    Virginia set to reverse trans students’ rights in public schools

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    Christiansburg, Virginia — The mass shooting at a club in Colorado Springs, Colorado, has reignited concerns in the LGBTQ community over safety and discrimination. More than half of states in the U.S. have little to no protections for transgender people, and as early as next week, Virginia could reverse its limited rights in public schools.  

    Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s administration has proposed a new policy that has protections against discrimination and bullying but would require parental permission to change names or pronouns at school. It also would require students to use bathrooms that correspond to their sex assigned at birth, except to the extent that federal law requires.  

    The move to rollback policies implemented under Virginia’s former governor, Democrat Ralph Northam, has led to a heated public debate, eliciting more than 71,000 comments during the public comment period.  

    Dozens of speakers also sounded off during an hours-long Virginia Board of Education meeting on Oct. 20.

    Sarah Via, among the parents in attendance, argues the new policy bolsters parental rights.  

    “You cannot have a good quality of education or mental health with excluding the parent from the process,” she said.  

    Opponents of Youngkin’s proposal argue schools have become safe spaces for transgender students and the new policy would put that at risk.  

    “Now our teachers, our principals, our counselors get the training and the information they need in order to accommodate kids like Bettie,” said Courtney Thomas, whose 11-year-old child, Bettie Thomas, identifies as non-binary and uses the pronounces “zie” and “zir.” 

    Bettie said the children’s book “I am Jazz,” which tells the story of a transgender child, sparked a conversation about gender when Bettie was 7. 

    Bettie described it as a “breakthrough” after years of “complete anger” and “confusion.”  

    “As soon as Bettie had words to describe what zie was feeling, zie was able to start moving toward a more authentic life,” Courtney said. 

    Courtney said accommodating school policies allowed Bettie to thrive in the classroom, as well as at home.  

    “That decision that I made changed my life so much,” Bettie said. 

    The Thomas family is most worried about the students who don’t have support from their parents.  

    The new policy won’t go into effect until approved and finalized by the state superintendent, according to a spokesman for the Virginia Department of Education.  

    While the Virginia state code asks school districts to enforce school policies of the commonwealth, there’s not an enforcement mechanism, meaning some schools may choose not to comply.  

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  • Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin Jokes About Assault On Nancy Pelosi’s Husband

    Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin Jokes About Assault On Nancy Pelosi’s Husband

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    Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R) joked on Friday about the violent attack on Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s (D-Calif.) husband, Paul Pelosi, who is currently hospitalized.

    “Speaker Pelosi’s husband, they had a break-in last night in their house, he was assaulted. There’s no room for violence anywhere, but we’re going to send her back to be with him in California,” Youngkin said while campaigning on behalf of Virginia House GOP candidate Yesli Vega. “That’s what we’re going to go do.”

    The crowd cheered at his remark.

    The harrowing incident occurred just hours earlier at the Pelosi home in San Francisco.

    Police said a man broke into the home and assaulted Paul Pelosi with a hammer. Before the attack, the intruder confronted the speaker’s husband, saying, “Where is Nancy, where is Nancy?” according to a source briefed on the assault.

    The speaker wasn’t there at the time. Paul Pelosi was taken to a hospital with blunt-force trauma and is expected to make a full recovery.

    The motive for the attack is still under investigation. Online blogs that appear to belong to the man who attacked Paul Pelosi show numerous extremist and anti-government posts, including ones about pedophilia and election fraud.

    Virginia Democrats called Youngkin’s comments “absolutely disgusting and unbecoming.”

    “The Speaker’s husband was brutally attacked and currently fighting for his life and Youngkin is making jokes,” the state party added in its tweet.

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  • Jan. 6 Rioter Arrested For Assaulting Cop Was Paid To Campaign For Glenn Youngkin

    Jan. 6 Rioter Arrested For Assaulting Cop Was Paid To Campaign For Glenn Youngkin

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    A 23-year-old man who allegedly assaulted a police officer during the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol was later paid by the Virginia Republican Party to campaign for now-Gov. Glenn Youngkin, HuffPost has confirmed.

    Joseph Brody was arrested by federal authorities last month near his home in northern Virginia for his alleged role in the insurrection. He is charged with multiple felonies, including: assaulting, resisting or impeding law enforcement officers, causing bodily injury; interfering with a law enforcement officer during a civil disorder; and obstruction of an official proceeding.

    According to an FBI affidavit, Brody attended the riot as part of a contingent of young men affiliated with the “America First” white nationalist movement. Brody allegedly pushed a metal barricade into a police officer, knocking him over.

    He also allegedly entered Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s conference room, where he briefly removed an American flag from its holder, and the U.S. Senate chamber, where he took photos of documents on senators’ desks. After exiting the Capitol, Brody allegedly joined other rioters in destroying media equipment.

    A famous photo from that day — Time magazine called it one of the best of the year — appears to show Brody in a suit and tie, with an American flag neck gaiter pulled over his mouth, standing arms outstretched on the building’s steps as he surveys the crowd of rioters breaking into the Capitol.

    Later in 2021 — according to evidence unearthed this week by the anti-fascist group Anonymous Comrades Collective and online sleuths known collectively as Sedition Hunters — Brody was hired by the Virginia GOP to help campaign for Youngkin.

    Brody, according to the Fairfax County GOP website, had an official state Republican Party email address. He appears to have given a YouTube tutorial on phone banking for campaign volunteers and staffers. And he provided door-knocking training for volunteers.

    Joseph Brody, left, is shown campaigning for Glenn Youngkin.

    Social media photos show a man bearing a strong resemblance to Brody — as seen in insurrection photos obtained by the FBI — campaigning for Youngkin and other Virginia Republican candidates. In one picture, the man who appears to be Brody holds a Youngkin campaign sign. In another, he’s wearing a Youngkin t-shirt.

    “Mr. Brody was employed by the party as a door-knocker for one month last fall. He has not been employed by the Republican Party of Virginia for over a year,” a party spokesperson, Ellie Sorensen, told HuffPost on Wednesday. The confirmation was first reported Tuesday on Twitter by Ben Paviour, a journalist for Virginia public broadcaster VPM.

    “Mr. Brody never worked for or with the Youngkin campaign,” Kristin Davison, a political strategist who shaped Youngkin’s successful bid for governor, told HuffPost in a statement. Davison seemed to be drawing a distinction without a difference, suggesting that Brody had not worked for the campaign because he was paid by the state party. She did not respond to a request for clarification.

    Brody is among at least 919 people arrested for their part in the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol. His relationship with the GOP is just the latest example of the political party’s embrace of insurrectionism.

    His mother, Maureen Brody, also attended the Jan. 6 “Stop the Steal” rally that turned into insurrection; she once posted on Gab, the white supremacist-friendly social media platform, that she got near enough to the Capitol that she and others were targeted with tear gas. Footage found by anti-fascist researchers also appears to show her on the building’s steps — a restricted area.

    Months later, Maureen Brody was named as the Republican nominee for a seat in the Virginia House of Delegates. During her campaign — on June 21, 2021 — she posted a photo to Gab showing her standing behind a table draped with an America First flag. She was running in a heavily Democratic district and lost in the general election by 30 points.

    Maureen Brody, a 2021 Republican nominee for the Virginia House of Delegates, poses with a flag for the America First white nationalist movement.
    Maureen Brody, a 2021 Republican nominee for the Virginia House of Delegates, poses with a flag for the America First white nationalist movement.

    Maureen Brody also appears to have helped in Youngkin’s bid for governor, according to the Fairfax County GOP website, by coordinating a door-knocking campaign.

    Neither Davison, the strategist for the Youngkin campaign, nor the Virginia GOP responded to requests for comment about Maureen Brody photographing herself with the America First flag.

    Joseph Brody and Maureen Brody also did not respond to a request for comment.

    According to the FBI affidavit, Joseph Brody showed up to the Capitol on Jan. 6 with four other men affiliated with America First, all of whom have been arrested.

    The five men illegally entered the Capitol, the FBI alleges, at 2:16 p.m., moving throughout the building. After entering Pelosi’s conference room, Brody removed an American flag from its stand and then replaced it when one of his friends communicates something to him, according to surveillance footage.

    Joseph Brody, far right, was arrested on a slew of felony charges for his involvement in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.
    Joseph Brody, far right, was arrested on a slew of felony charges for his involvement in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.

    In the Senate chamber, he “appeared to hold a cell phone in his hand and photograph” documents and other information on senators’ desks, the FBI says.

    On the north side of the Capitol, the affidavit says, Brody could be seen “lifting a metal barricade” and pushing it against a police officer who had been attempting to use a fire extinguisher to hold back rioters.

    After leaving the Capitol, Brody and his America First crew watched as other rioters destroyed equipment belonging to journalists reporting on the insurrection. Brody then allegedly joined in on the destruction, damaging a “corded phone,” per the affidavit.

    He was arrested on Sept. 15 in Springfield near his home. He appeared in court and was released pending further court appearances.

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