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  • ‘Death or the possibility of death are part of any conversation’

    ‘Death or the possibility of death are part of any conversation’

    Kyiv, Ukraine – How often do you get a chance to witness the birth of a new world order? To chronicle not just a war – but a Darwinian fight for survival between a cunning little mammal and a cold-blooded, slow-thinking tyrannosaur?

    To see how an entire nation unites to decolonise itself, to remake its identity and mindset, to stand up to a Goliath they once mistook for a “brother”?

    There’s a price to pay for a ticket to an emotional roller coaster that will one day make your shrink rich.

    You spend the war’s first days in bomb shelters, trying to sleep next to panicking women, weeping children and nervously smoking men.

    You remember a tired, silent woman in her 70s who just hunches on a bench before somebody invites her to sit on their mattress, drink their tea and eat their biscuits.

    You’ll never forget the kindness in the eyes and words of total strangers you met in the war’s first weeks.

    You’ll also never forget the greedy cabbie who charges $600 to take you and your mother out of Kyiv to central Ukraine, a 260km-long (162-mile) ride that took almost 12 hours because of traffic jams and roadblocks.

    Your mother is so unnerved that she loses sight in her right eye. After an urgent cataract surgery, for a month your life is all about applying five kinds of eye drops on time – because mum has dementia and can’t even remember that she’s 81.

    These days, she doesn’t remember the war either and spends her days reading or watching movies made when she was young, when Russia and Ukraine were chained together into a Communist dystopia.

    Reporter Mansur Mirovalev pictured with his pro-Russia stepsister, in happier times [Courtesy: Mansur Mirovalev]

    You sever ties with your lifelong friends and your own stepsister because they blindly believe Russian TV propaganda and never care to ask you about what’s happening in Ukraine.

    When you hear the bang of an exploding cruise missile, you just pull down the curtains – because more people die of broken glass than of actual blasts.

    You return to Kyiv weeks later to find the city of four million nearly empty. The air is clean, roads and streets filled with checkpoints and anti-tank “hedgehogs”.

    Banksy would later draw a picture next to one.

    Bansky art in Kyiv [Mansur Mirovalev]
    Bansky’s art in wartime Kyiv [Mansur Mirovalev/Al Jazeera]

    You write about how Ukrainians ridicule Russia in memes and jokes, and realise that their ability to crack a joke even in their darkest hour, sometimes at their own expense is one of the key differences between Ukrainian and Russian mentalities.

    When you manage to sleep in your apartment – the sound of explosions wakes you up.

    Or was it just the wind shaking the windowpanes? An elderly neighbour in the apartment above yours?

    When there is a real air raid, for the umpteenth time you recalculate the chances of cruise missiles or Iranian drones hitting your central neighbourhood and your apartment building hidden between a steep hill and another building.

    The chances are minuscule. Statistically speaking, you are still much more likely to die in a car crash but your body still produces and pumps adrenaline.

    You learn that the only healthy way to process the adrenaline is sit-ups and push-ups, dozens of them. Yeah, time to lose those kilograms gained after stress-eating at midnight.

    And when the air raid is over and silence reverberates in your ears, you go out to examine the explosion craters. And you realise that three of them are on the way you used to take with your daughter to her elementary school.

    Your daughter is not with you, that’s great and depressing at the same time, because she is safe – and because you are ready to gnaw off your right arm just for a chance to be with her.

    She sends you a poorly-rhymed poem about the war or a drawing of a Ukrainian girl holding a gun next to a blue-and-yellow flag – and you feel like the proudest father on Earth.

    A-line-in-front-of-a-Kyiv-supermarket-on-Feb.-28-2022.jpg
    Ukrainians queue to visit a supermarket in Kyiv on February 29, days after the war began [Mansur Mirovalev/Al Jazeera]

    Pride and empathy become your dominant feelings.

    You are proud of being a tiny part of this Manichaean fight between absolute evil and nearly absolute good, of having a chance to describe how people around you turn into real-life heroes, mythical demigods.

    You interview a human-rights activist-turned soldier and a month later, he is captured on the eastern front and faces years in jail as a “Ukrainian propagandist”.

    You were about to interview another serviceman who wrote lyrics to a beautiful anti-war song but his truck gets blown to pieces by a landmine.

    One more serviceman you’ve spoken to several times is back in the trenches, where he still finds time and web access to start a campaign to buy a $50,000 drone.

    Then you learn that Ukrainians collected enough money to buy a satellite for their armed forces – and realise that to them, the sky is not the limit.

    You talk to a man who survived weeks of bombing in Mariupol and he tells you from the safety of a hospital in western Ukraine that he might not survive surgery.

    He does.

    You talk to another Mariupol survivor, a woman with two small children, and when she repeats their question – “Mum, does it hurt to die?” – you start sobbing, and she calms you with a motherly, “It’s ok, it’s ok”.

    You are fixated on Mariupol because that’s where pro-Russian rebels nearly killed you back in 2014, and only your loud cursing  – “Guys, are you f—g crazy?” – stopped them from crushing your skull with metal rods.

    A-billboard-advertising-a-theater-performance-based-on-George-Orwells-1984-novel-next-to-a-damaged-Russian-tank-in-central-Kyiv.jpg
    A billboard advertises a theatre performance based on George Orwell’s 1984 next to a damaged Russian tank in central Kyiv [Mansur Mirovalev/Al Jazeera]

    Death or the possibility of death become part of almost every conversation.

    A taxi driver tells you about his wife and daughter who went missing in Mariupol weeks ago.

    A woman tells you how she drove out of her occupied village near Bucha and saw Russian soldiers shoot women and children in other cars.

    You don’t believe her then and you feel guilty for it when you hear of the liberation of Bucha and the blood-curdling discovery of killed civilians a couple of weeks later.

    You interview another man from Bucha, who says Russians had doused him with fuel to “set him on fire and send back to his people”, and realise that his words and their deeds cancel, annihilate the Russian culture you had grown up on.

    And most Ukrainians around you don’t hesitate to cancel their own poets and writers, rename streets and city squares named after them and tear down their statues just because they wrote in Russian.

    You talk to a serviceman who looks and talks like a small-time hoodlum, and when he tells you how he and his men armed with AK-47s and Molotov cocktails ambushed three dozen Russian APCs full of gun-toting Chechens, you realise that you’re looking at a character from an epic poem.

    An-enlarged-copy-of-a-postal-stamp-depicting-the-burning-Kremlin.jpg
    In Kyiv, this enlarged copy of a postal stamp depicts the Kremlin, burning [Mansur Mirovalev/Al Jazeera]

    Of course, the main protagonist in this poem is President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s funniest man from a Russian-speaking Jewish family who once wanted to sign a truce with Putin.

    Zelenskyy didn’t chicken out, he stayed in Kyiv, he is 10 feet tall and can kill a dozen Russians with just an angry glance.

    (You are still mad at Zelenskyy’s press service for refusing an interview with him months before his 2019 election, when no Western news editor even heard his name, let alone believed in his chances of winning.)

    Your hatred crystallises, becomes razor-sharp and pointed at the bad guy in the poem, the angry bald man in the Kremlin, only you don’t call him a person, a human any more.

    You tell your daughter how you had seen Putin many times, years ago, in the Kremlin:

    “He was so full of hatred, he just radiated it.”

    And she tells you that she wants to have a superpower to teleport herself to the Kremlin and “hit him with a skillet”.

    Death or the possibility of death are part of any conversation.

    A staffer of the Chornobyl nuclear plant tells you how he’d spent weeks next to Russian occupiers. How they asked for vodka and he laced it with radioactive isotopes so that within hours they “barfed blood.” But he refuses to be interviewed, another entry in your list of great stories that would never be written.

    A construction manager tells you that one of his employees, a single father, was drafted and his little son ended up in an orphanage.

    You learn to take the stairs or walk on icy asphalt in total darkness because electricity is no longer wasted on street lights.

    You get emotionally paralysed because your brain can’t process this much violence, tears and tragedy.

    A single phrase or photo breaks you down, you sob and wail uncontrollably and can’t force yourself to finish the transcription of an interview.

    You realise that you’re burned out.

    But like Phoenix, a mythical bird that self-immolates only to be reborn from its own ashes, you wash your face, do some pushups and get back to work.

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  • Tight fiscal leash awaits winner of Nigeria presidential election

    Tight fiscal leash awaits winner of Nigeria presidential election

    For Nneka Ekpenisi, a physics teacher in Nigeria’s southern Delta state, remaining committed to the country’s public education system can be difficult, especially as skilled professionals continue to leave the country in high numbers.

    It does not help that teachers earn meagre salaries, sometimes as low as 30,000 ($65) naira monthly.

    A lack of basic resources also “makes it hard to create a proper environment for learning,” Ekpenisi, who is in her early thirties, told Al Jazeera. “Without access to standard lab equipment, my students sometimes struggle to focus.”

    Despite the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)’s recommendation that developing countries allocate up to 25 percent of their yearly budgets to education, Nigeria’s budget for the sector is an average of 8 percent.

    Amid growing frustration over underfunded public services, nationwide insecurity and a stagnant economy, voters in Africa’s most populous nation are growing weary of Abuja’s entrenched political elite.

    Ekepnisi is among 37 million people aged 18-34 – Nigeria’s largest electoral cohort and a third of the total 93 million registered electorate – eligible to vote in this weekend’s general elections. With a median age of 18, the country’s young population are hungry for change.

    After eight years in office, incumbent Muhammadu Buhari will be stepping down as president.

    The leading candidates to replace him are Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress, Atiku Abubakar of the opposition People’s Democratic Party, Peter Obi of the Labour Party and Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria People’s Party.

    Due to limited and sometimes controversial polling data, the outcome remains difficult to predict.

    But irrespective of who wins, Nigeria’s new president will inherit a precarious economic situation. The country’s high debt servicing costs suffocate spending on public services, like education and infrastructure investment, and limit the government’s ability to stimulate growth.

    In January, ratings agency Moody’s lowered Nigeria’s credit score from B- to Caa1 – a category considered at high risk of default, or non-repayment.

    Admittedly, the ratings agency acknowledged Nigeria’s manageable debt-to-GDP (gross domestic product) ratio, at 34 percent in 2022. In absolute terms, that amounts to roughly $103bn in outstanding liabilities. But Moody’s also raised concerns about the country’s debt repayment capacity.

    This January, finance minister Zainab Ahmed revealed that Nigeria spends 80 percent of its taxes paying off outstanding debt. By comparison, the World Bank recommends a debt service-to-revenue ratio of no more than 22.5 percent for low-income countries.

    Scant fiscal resources

    Unlike regional peers, Nigeria’s repayment challenges relate primarily to the country’s low state revenues. According to International Monetary Fund projections, tax-to-GDP ratios across sub-Saharan Africa averaged 15 percent in 2022. In Nigeria, the figure was just seven percent.

    Nigeria’s scant fiscal resources are, in part, linked to its oil and gas sector. Crude oil exports account for half of government revenues and 90 percent of foreign exchange earnings, leaving state funds vulnerable to changes in the price of fossil fuels.

    Output also fluctuates due to poor maintenance and the sabotage of installations in the oil-rich Niger Delta. As Nigeria’s oil refineries are mostly colonial-era relics with little or no refining capacity today, this has also left Africa’s second-largest oil producer having to export crude and import refined products.

    Related to this, the high cost of Nigeria’s petrol subsidy (under which car owners enjoy some of the cheapest fuel in the world, at roughly $0.40/litre) to help fuel importers keep retail prices of petroleum products low has become controversial.

    Experts say this goes beyond the enormous corruption linked to the subsidy system. Last year, the government allocated more money to fuel subsidies than to education and healthcare combined.

    “The petrol subsidy stops Nigeria benefitting from higher oil prices and limits investment in more important areas,” said Ese Osawmonyi, a senior analyst at SBM Intelligence, a Nigerian sociopolitical risk consultancy. “Fuel subsidies should be phased out in favour of more reliable domestic revenues, like higher value-added tax [VAT] and income tax.”

    Further down the supply chain, some of Nigeria’s oil never makes it to filling stations. Estimates vary, but according to research from the Stakeholder Democracy Network, 5-20 percent of annual oil output is stolen, costing the government billions in lost revenues.

    To tackle the documented history of corruption and pipeline vandalism in Nigeria’s oil industry, enforcement of the legislation has to step up, analysts say.

    According to Osawmonyi, “trust in the government can be restored by tightening punishment for looters, which would deter theft in the future”.

    This may prove challenging, however, as Nigeria’s underfunded and overstretched military has been engaged in a decades-long conflict against armed groups in the northeast and separatist militias in the northwest. Security forces have also struggled to contain ransom-motivated kidnappings in recent years.

    Increasing revenue generation

    Away from the oil industry, Nigeria’s non-resource sector remains undercapitalised. It is estimated that one-third of Nigerians are unemployed, leaving a big gap in lost tax receipts. Revenue collection has also been held back by informal economic activity, which goes untaxed.

    Though difficult to measure, Nigeria’s informal economy may have swelled to 57 percent of its GDP in 2022 but getting people to pay taxes has also been tough.

    For decades, economists have debated the root causes of this. Some say inadequate state institutions, a dearth of public infrastructure as well as insufficient private investment rank high on the list.

    “The key is incentivising people to want to pay tax. The new administration would do well by matching informal workers with decent public services,” said Akpan Ekpo, professor of economics at the University of Uyo.

    “Nigeria’s new president should prioritise improving power and healthcare supply. Getting people to contribute to state services they would benefit from has the potential to reduce our reliance on oil. It would also be politically popular,” he suggested.

    Nigeria’s opaque multiple exchange rate system acts as a further drag on revenue generation. Adopted in 2016 to avoid a devaluation of the naira, the multi-window scheme has spawned a vast unofficial market. Pundits have long argued that supporting multiple rates undermines export activity and curbs foreign investment.

    “I would urge authorities to collapse the number of exchange rates. They could intervene to support one crucial import and export rate. A managed float, as opposed to a purely market-determined rate, may help to foster much-needed industrial development,” added Ekpo.

    Over the past year, the naira’s devaluation has nudged up inflation to 18 percent. To combat this trend, the central bank raised its benchmark rate to 17.5 percent in January, extending Nigeria’s longest monetary tightening cycle in 12 years.

    “On the one hand, monetary authorities will want to get inflation under control. On the other, they don’t want to choke off growth … which would add to unemployment and slow tax collection even further,” said Virág Fórizs, Africa economist at Capital Economics.

    High borrowing costs look set to constrain investment and consumption, just as concerns over a global recession have started to undercut oil prices.

    “Given the wider economic backdrop, high interest rates look set to be temporary. Once price pressures start easing, authorities’ focus will likely shift to stimulating growth and lifting unemployment, especially among the under-25s,” Fórizs said.

    The technical specifics don’t seem to matter to many everyday Nigerians like Ekpenisi, who just want economic growth, translating to more money in their pockets and operational public infrastructure.

    The secondary school teacher remains wary about Nigeria’s near-term prospects but hopes the upcoming election will boost opportunities for Nigeria’s young population.

    “This vote is about the youth,” she told Al Jazeera. “Hopefully the next president won’t let them down.”

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  • AI for FIs: ChatGPT and beyond | Bank Automation News

    AI for FIs: ChatGPT and beyond | Bank Automation News

    Hey ChatGPT. What’s the buzz around AI? Artificial Intelligence is certainly not new to the finance industry, with credit card fraud detection being an early use of the technology. But the November launch — and subsequent worldwide buzz — over OpenAI’s ChatGPT and its $10 billion investment from Microsoft is firing up the financial services industry […]

    Whitney McDonald and Brian Stone

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  • 400 love letters and a play: How two Indian prisoners found love

    400 love letters and a play: How two Indian prisoners found love

    At the entrance to a small bright-green house with a wooden door in the village of Kazhuthapali in India’s southern state of Tamil Nadu, sits the King of Love.

    That is the literal translation of UA Anburaj’s name. And the 43-year-old lives up to it. The tall, quiet man watches his wife Revathi and their two children – five-year-old son, Agaram, and eight-year-old daughter, Yazhisai – prepare for the local temple festival, and smiles contentedly.

    More than a decade ago, the couple were furiously writing to one another – nearly 400 letters in a handful of years – but neither dreamt they would one day be here: at home, together.

    That is because the letters were exchanged between two high-security prisons in the neighbouring state of Karnataka – where Revathi and Anburaj were each serving a life sentence.

    “We actually fell in love over letters,” says 32-year-old Revathi, smiling. “I remember how my roommates used to tease me every time a letter came in.”

    Post release, Anburaj and Revathi rebuilt their lives with their children Agaram and Yazhisai [Courtesy of Anburaj]

    Heroes and bandits

    Decades before the first letter was sent, Anburaj was growing up in Kazhuthapali, a village whose name means “donkey creek”. “It was literally the place where the [forest-dwelling Soliga tribe] from the neighbouring hills used to offload their donkeys to let them drink water from the creek,” Anburaj explains.

    His parents were both weavers – his mother Annakodi, 65, still works on her pedal loom, expertly weaving a colourful doormat​​ outside the house while her son speaks. When Anburaj was young, his father wanted him to become a police officer. But the boy had other interests.

    “When I was eight years old, I had heard stories of a forest bandit and his gang roaming those very hills. But … none of the villagers had ever seen him,” Anburaj recalls.

    The forest bandit – Veerappan – was a notorious poacher and sandalwood smuggler. But many of the villagers and forest dwellers in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka supported him.

    “In 1972, India brought in the Wildlife Protection Act to protect the forests and the very next day, the hunting tribes and forest-dependent villagers became criminals,” Anburaj explains.

    The newly formed forest department put pressure on the tribes who were dependent on the forest for food, but provided them with no other alternative, he adds.

    “There was a huge gap between the government and the forest dwellers – and it led to the rise of Veerappan as a leader who protected forest-dependent tribes from the authorities.”

    Koose Muniswamy Veerappan
    An undated file photo of Indian bandit Koose Muniswamy Veerappan [File:Reuters/Stringer/India AH/TW]

    But while the adolescent Anburaj was curious about Veerappan, he found his hero in someone else – an old village storyteller named Sevi. The wise elder spoke of the way of love, helped solve village disputes and shared moral tales that would capture the attention of the entire village.

    But then one day, when Anburaj was 15, something happened that would change both his and Sevi’s lives forever.

    Hearing a commotion outside, Anburaj stepped out of his house to see the usually quiet village filled with men dressed in camouflage – part of a special police task force formed to capture Veerappan and his men. The startled teenager slowly moved through the crowded street and there, in the middle of a throng of people, was a naked Sevi, huddled in a foetal position. A group of policemen thrashed the old man with batons as villagers looked on in shock.

    Women begged the policemen to stop and, when they eventually did, the villagers quickly clothed the storyteller. The police officials declared that the same thing would happen to anyone who dared to support Veerappan. Anburaj watched as his hero limped back to his hut, not knowing that it was the last time he would see him.

    “Sevi thatha [grandpa] never came out to share his stories again, and he died within months,” he says. Sevi’s death had a profound effect on Anburaj, who decided then that he wanted to join the rebels in the forest.

    When he was 17, Anburaj got his chance.

    He was grazing his sheep in the hills when he encountered Veerappan. The bandit took an instant liking to the inquisitive teenager, taking him under his wing and teaching him the ways of the forest. Anburaj would stand guard for Veerappan, carry his groceries, and do his bidding.

    “At that point, I was just Veerappan’s soldier who blindly obeyed his orders. I would beat up anyone he asks me to,” he recalls, recounting his involvement in two offences where the gang kidnapped forest officials and two freelance photographers for ransom.

    But, just three years after he joined them, Veerappan asked Anburaj and some other bandits to surrender to the police as a part of his reconciliation efforts with the state government, which he said had promised them amnesty in exchange for their surrender. Anburaj did as he was asked and remembers bidding a teary-eyed Veerappan farewell.

    A photo of Anburaj looking to the left.
    Anburaj was sentenced to life in prison at age 20 [Balasubramaniam N/Al Jazeera]

    The state government backed out of its commitment, however, and put Anburaj and the other bandits on trial. Veerappan – who did not surrender because he wasn’t sure the government would honour its promise – went on the run until he was ambushed and killed by state police in 2004.

    Anburaj was 20 years old when he was sentenced to life in prison for aiding the forest brigade and being an accessory to kidnapping.

    “When the judge read the statement that said I had to serve my sentence ‘until my last breath’, it felt like a death knell,” he says.

    When fate draws a path

    “[In prison] the food, water, everything was abysmal. The worst part was we were given two bowls: one to eat on and another to collect our excreta; we had to dispose of it ourselves the next day,” he says.

    The lack of basic human dignity shocked Anburaj, who responded by organising peaceful protests requesting better sanitation facilities. His legal petitions would later pave the way for improved toilet facilities across the state’s prisons.

    When he was not protesting, Anburaj was reading. Papillon by Henri Charriere – a novel that explores the title character’s imprisonment and subsequent escape from a French penal colony – hit particularly close to home. Like its hero, Anburaj felt that the punishment for a crime he had committed as a juvenile was too harsh.

    “Like Henri, I was not ready to spend the rest of my life in prison, so I hatched plans to escape its towering walls,” he says.

    But while trying to find ways to surmount his physical obstacles, Anburaj met “a renowned theatre director who had come to organise plays for prisoners” – and his plan changed.

    As plays were often held outside prison grounds, Anburaj volunteered to set up a team of actors and theatre technicians in his prison, hoping that this would be his ticket to escape.

    It did free him, but not in the way he had anticipated.

    A photo of a group of people standing around on stage, in a play with a man sitting cross-legged in the middle.
    Anburaj, in one of the many plays they showcased as part of the prison theatre programme [Courtesy of Anburaj]

    Before they could begin work on the plays, inmates were asked to attend workshops where they did things like paint, craft clay models, and dance. “The idea was to bring out the mindset of a child in each one of us, which it did. I had never held a brush or canvas in my life yet I painted two huge canvases, immersing myself in the experience for three whole months. As a prisoner, we do not get to see the sunrise or sunset inside the prison so I created a painting of a warm sunrise,” Anburaj recalls.

    Over the next six months, he was swept into the world of theatre. Each script and character spoke to his soul. “When I read the scene where Lady Macbeth cries in anguish about her inability to wash the scent of blood from her hands, I could connect to the guilt she felt.”

    Anburaj felt a need to hug his victims and to ask for their forgiveness. He believed it was necessary for every prisoner to feel that sense of guilt in order to reform themselves. He was also heavily influenced by the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi, reading close to 150 books on the revolutionary’s life as part of his preparations for a play about Gandhi’s wife, Kasturba.

    In the men’s prison, female characters were usually played by male prisoners. But when his theatre team had to put on a play called Madhavi – a scathing commentary on patriarchal society – he felt that only a woman could do justice to the role.

    So in 2008, he wrote to prison officials requesting that female prisoners be allowed to perform in the prison theatre. His petition was accepted and 12 female prisoners from a nearby facility joined their group of performers.

    That is when he met Revathi.

    A chance at a future

    When Revathi was three years old, her mother died. Soon after, her father abandoned her. So she lived with her grandmother in Chennai. But when she passed away, 14-year-old Revathi chose to stay with the family she worked for as a house helper.

    A year later, that family relocated to Bengaluru, the Karnataka capital, taking Revathi with them. But within six months of the move, they had sent her to work for an elderly lady in a posh apartment in the city.

    “I was shocked when one day that lady nonchalantly declared that I was sold to a prostitution ring in Mumbai. My stomach churned, I knew that there was absolutely no one to save me,” Revathi recalls.

    She claims that when she shouted for help, the woman stabbed her in the stomach and arms. She says she managed to grab the knife from her and “attacked her back”.

    Revathi recalls how the woman “sunk in a pool of blood”.

    “I passed out before I realised what had just happened.”

    Three days later, the 16-year-old woke up in hospital. That is when she learned that she was to be tried for murder.

    Revathi was convicted and sentenced to life in 2003.

    A photo of Revathi.
    Revathi was sentenced to life in prison at age 16 [Courtesy of Anburaj]

    She played the scene out in her mind over and over again, wondering if she could have done anything differently. But there she was in a white sari – the uniform worn by female prisoners – that declared her a criminal to a world she barely knew.

    During her first year in prison, she did not talk to anyone. She fell into depression. Then, a few years into her sentence, a prison official encouraged her to join a theatre group in the women’s prison.

    After prison officials approved Anburaj’s request in 2008, the female inmates began practising along with their male theatre counterparts under a large tree in the garden of the men’s prison. After their workshops and rehearsals ended, the women’s and men’s groups would then return to their respective prisons.

    When Revathi first arrived with the other female inmates, Anburaj hardly noticed the quiet young woman.

    Revathi kept to herself as she could not speak the local language – Kannada. It took her days to figure out that Anburaj was in fact from her home state, Tamil Nadu, and spoke her mother tongue, Tamil, fluently. Slowly, she began opening up to him.

    “One day, I was asked to craft something in clay as part of our theatre workshop at the men’s prison. I chose to mould a statue of a mother. Having lost my mother at a young age, it was the first image that came to my mind,” she says.

    She became overwhelmed with emotion and Anburaj, who was the assistant director for the prison theatre initiative, helped her finish the statue.

    A friendship blossomed between the two. “We only spoke a few words in person but he wrote to me extensively. His words were always kind and soothing,” Revathi smiles.

    The workshops and practice sessions allowed them to meet for five days a week over a period of 11 months.

    A photo of two people in a play. There's a man kneeling on the left holding the hand of a woman standing on the right.
    Anburaj on stage in a prison theatre production [Courtesy of Anburaj]

    Their conversations evolved into long discussions about the characters in their plays and the challenges of their lives before they were imprisoned. “I had studied only till class four so I could hardly write. He, on the other hand, wrote mellifluously. In fact, I learned to write from him,” she laughs.

    When prison officials considered releasing Revathi for good behaviour, and she worried about where she would go, Anburaj assured her that she could go to his family. His mother and siblings would treat her like their own, he insisted. That was the moment Revathi knew that Anburaj was her future.

    For Anburaj, Revathi was someone who shared his vision. “I knew that I wouldn’t just step out of prison and take care of just my family. I needed someone who understood my ideology. Whatever was denied to us, I wanted to try and give back to those we can,” he explains.

    “As a person who has been a victim herself, I had seen Revathi stand up for common good even inside the prison grounds. She had petitioned to bring sanitary napkins for women prisoners. She was empathetic and is my equal in every sense of the word.”

    Abundant love

    In 2011, three years after they met, while both were on parole – temporary release given to prisoners based on good behaviour – they got married. Four years later, while Anburaj was away performing at a Bengaluru theatre festival, Revathi bore their first child while in prison – a tiny, premature baby girl.

    Anburaj and his prison supervisor rushed overnight to see the newborn in a private hospital in Mysuru. “The minute I held her I felt immense joy and hope. There was also this sense of huge responsibility on my shoulders. It was not about pampering her or giving her wealth or education. I just wanted to provide that little girl with the best environment to let her fly and let her be,” he said.

    The next day, Revathi returned to prison with the baby.

    Six months after giving birth, and after 14 years in prison, Revathi was released for good behaviour. Anburaj was released a year later, after spending two decades in prison.

    The couple moved to live with Anburaj’s parents in Kazhuthapali.

    A photo of the Anbu family which consists of six people.
    Anburaj and Revathi live with his parents and the couple’s children in Kazhuthapali [Balasubramaniam N/Al Jazeera]

    With some help from friends, Anburaj set up an oil processing unit and later expanded it to an organic shop that sells vegetables, groceries, honey, oil and handicrafts. He continues to go back to the prison where he was imprisoned, to organise plays for inmates. Revathi has plans to set up a separate theatre unit in a women’s prison, and the two are trying to create similar programmes in other states as well.

    Revathi says they are hardly romantic in conventional ways. “In all these years, he has gifted me a sari and I have given him a peaceful Buddha statue, which he keeps on his table at our shop,” she smiles.

    “Only love has transformed us into humans and we feel it is necessary to bring this peranbu [abundant love] to the world around us,” says Anburaj.

    Having witnessed the challenges that underprivileged forest tribes experienced during his time with Veerappan, Anburaj has helped set up a tribal cooperative society that works towards marketing sustainable forest resources and is in the process of creating a school curriculum based on native ecological knowledge.

    Revathi often accompanies her husband on his trips to meet the tribal communities in the neighbouring Thamaraikarai Hills and says she loves to see him transform into a little child as he animatedly shares his stories with people there.

    “Our love story has never been just about us,” she declares. “All I wanted was love, and now, I feel it abundantly.”

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  • What does the future look like for female cricket umpires?

    What does the future look like for female cricket umpires?

    Last month’s final of the inaugural Under-19 Women’s T20 World Cup featured an all-women panel of match officials.

    For the ongoing Women’s T20 World Cup, only female officials have been named in what the International Cricket Council (ICC), the sport’s world governing body, described as “a significant first for world cricket”.

    The appointment of a record number of female officials at a major women’s event comes at a time when female umpires are in the spotlight more than ever – the trend gathering force following an eventful last year.

    The 50-over Women’s World Cup in New Zealand saw South Africa’s Lauren Agenbag, then 25, become the youngest umpire to stand in a world cup final.

    At the Birmingham Commonwealth Games, an all-women panel of umpires – Agenbag included – took charge. The Women’s Asia Cup, for the first time in its eight-iteration history, had only women on its match officials’ panel.

    Among women’s domestic leagues, Cricket Hong Kong’s inaugural FairBreak Invitational T20 tournament had female umpires, as did India’s Women’s T20 Challenge.

    Rise of domestic leagues

    At the heart of the growing visibility of female umpires lies the rapid growth of women’s cricket over the past decade. The proliferation of men’s leagues across the globe has also opened the door to more umpiring opportunities for women.

    “The rise of women’s franchise leagues has also been a key driver,” 31-year-old Shubhda Bhosle, one of India’s youngest female umpires, told Al Jazeera.

    “The short-format [nature] of the competitions allows scope for back-to-back power-packed tournaments [for an umpire to sign up],” added Bhosle, who was one of the four umpires on an all-women panel of match officials in the 2022 Legends League Cricket tournament in Oman, arguably the first such roster in high-profile men’s cricket.

    In recent weeks, men’s domestic competitions, too, have appointed women in prominent umpiring roles, including Ranji Trophy – India’s first-class men’s tournament – the Big Bash League in Australia, and the Super Smash across the Tasman where Australia’s Eloise Sheridan scripted history alongside New Zealand’s Kim Cotton as the first female duo to umpire in a men’s domestic tournament in the country.

    But when it comes to men’s international cricket – leaving out the odd instance in bilateral series or qualifying tournaments – women umpires are by and large absent.

    The 2022 men’s T20 World Cup had none and no female umpire has stood in a men’s world cup across its 12 editions in the 50-over format or eight in T20 cricket.

    In the only iteration of the men’s World Test Championship, only male umpires have officiated bar the Australia-India Test in 2021 where Claire Polosak discharged fourth-umpiring duties, marking the first instance of a female officiating in the 146 years of Test cricket’s history.

    In contrast, several other sports have fared better. Rugby entered a new era last year when Australia’s Kasey Badger became the first woman to referee a men’s Rugby League World Cup match. Football turned a corner with Qatar 2022 as it became the first men’s FIFA World Cup to have female match referees.

    According to Adrian Griffith, senior manager, Umpires and Referees at the ICC, a reason why female umpires are yet to reach the top of the cricketing food chain is down to how the system operates.

    “We [the ICC] look at women umpires as just umpires,” Griffith told Al Jazeera. “They have to come through the same system [as the men]. The system is such that everything is done on merit. So for female umpires to be at any men’s World Cup, they will have to be in the top 16 umpires in the world.

    “If there’s no woman umpire at the men’s World Cup it’s because … they haven’t been selected to be part of the four umpires from their home board who sit on the international panel.”

    ‘They are not there as tokens’

    The ICC’s Elite and International panels, which have 11 and 47 umpires at present, respectively, consist only of men and are at the higher end of the hierarchy. Women – 18 in total – are present only on the Development Panel and constitute only 30 percent of the 60 umpires that make up the category.

    “We pay close attention to them, particularly because it’s one of the major pillars in our strategy to grow and prioritise female involvement in cricket,” added Griffith. “They are not there as tokens, they are there because they are very good.”

    For a female umpire to be deemed good enough for the ICC to appoint in men’s major events, the national board’s role is critical.

    Each of the ICC’s 12 full members has its own umpiring-talent identification programmes through which they nominate four umpires each to the International Panel. The ICC then assesses their performance in international cricket and chooses a group for consideration for elevation to the Elite Panel.

    The Development Panel is made up of women from full member nations and both men and women from associate members who fall within the top 20 of the rankings. It is the primary platform for women to get a foothold on the international umpiring stage.

    “The ICC Development Panel allowed me to go to women’s World Cups, work in high-pressure situations, including doing televised games, which is a big skill one needs to develop,” said Agenbag, who, at 22, became the first South African woman to stand in a women’s T20 international in 2019.

    In the final of the World Cricket League Division 2 in April 2019, Polosak officiated the final between Namibia and Oman, marking the first time a woman officiated in a men’s ODI.

    In 2017, she became the first woman to stand in a men’s domestic fixture in the country. The previous year, she and Sheridan became the first female umpires to officiate on-field together in a professional match in Australia during the Women’s Big Bash League.

    “If you’d have asked a 16-year-old version of me if these things would have been possible, she would have said ‘go away, that’s a dream too big’,” said 34-year-old Polosak.

    A full-time umpire educator at Cricket New South Wales, Polosak is among the 3,711 umpires registered with Cricket Australia (CA), 246 of whom are female.

    Contracted part-time with CA, she is one of the only two women – alongside Sheridan – on the board’s six-umpire “supplementary” umpiring panel, the rung below the all-male 12-umpire “national” panel, which is contracted on a full-time basis.

    Whether in relation to contracts or appointments – at the regional, national or the ICC level – or how an umpire is “perceived” in the ecosystem, Polosak believes their gender is incidental.

    “Players don’t care if the umpire is male or female,” she said. “But they do want that umpires are good decision-makers and people managers. Similarly, as an umpire, I’d want all appointments to be done on merit because that’s what the game deserves.

    “You don’t, as male or female, want to be rushed through systems and then be found out too early. That may turn somebody off officiating altogether. Then, they don’t come back and that hurts a sport.”

    ICC’s ‘lofty goals’

    Griffith added that the ICC has “some very lofty goals” when it comes to s retaining talent and bringing more women into officiating.

    “One of the objectives we’ve set for the 2022-25 cycle is to have 48 women involved in umpiring [at the international level, in men’s and women’s cricket combined] and 24 in refereeing,” he said.

    “That will mirror the number of men we have at the moment [because] each full member at present nominates four male umpires each and two referees. By giving these opportunities for females to join our panels and giving them appointments, [we’re hoping] there’s more visibility. Hopefully, things like these help the members close the gaps, too, because the result is there for everyone to see.”

    Beyond structural and sociocultural hurdles that may be unique to every cricket-playing nation, the ubiquitous impostor syndrome is often a roadblock in women’s umpiring.

    “Though men in this space have never treated me differently because I’m a woman, coming into [the set-up], I was a little bit sceptical because it’s male-dominated with not a lot of female presence around,” said Agenbag, who is currently on a 12-month contract as part of Cricket South Africa’s 12-member reserve-list panel, secondary to the 16-member all-male elite panel.

    “So, it helps to have trailblazers like Claire, Kim [Cotton], Sue Redfern, Kathy Cross as good mentors, and have more women’s cricket televised matches, because if that’s where most women umpires are at, you’ve got to give young girls the exposure to see that.”

    How long until more women officiating in men’s international cricket is closer to becoming a norm?

    “It’s not too far, given the pace at which women’s cricket and women’s umpiring is growing,” added Agenbag.

    Bhosle and Griffith echo that view. Polosak, for her part, sounds a note of measured optimism.

    “I just hope all women umpires are well-supported and not thrown in before they’re ready,” she said. “One day, there will be a female who stands in a men’s Test match or a World Cup. How far away that is? I honestly don’t know.”

    Suffice to say, in true cricketing terms, the decision is pending.

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  • EDM.com Class of 2023 Revealed – EDM.com

    EDM.com Class of 2023 Revealed – EDM.com

    The official EDM.com Class of 2023 has been revealed.

    The Class isn’t an index of promising SoundCloud beatmakers or a trite “artists to watch” list. It’s an annual list of 10 musicians with transformative skill sets who are on the cusp of changing the fabric of electronic music.

    Through their workhorse mentalities and defiance of industry standards, these groundbreaking artists have already proven their volcanic potential in the electronic dance music scene—and now they’re ready to erupt.

    We’re publishing a wide range of special content in partnership with the EDM.com Class of 2023 over the course of the year, such as music premieres, guest mixes, interviews and social media takeovers with behind-the-scenes footage, among other exclusives.

    EDM.com Staff

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  • Can Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s ailing kingmaker, win the presidency?

    Can Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s ailing kingmaker, win the presidency?

    Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire & Lagos, Nigeria – Even before independence in 1960, Nigeria’s deeply embedded culture of political patronage was apparent. To date, kingmakers often jockey to become kings and kings morph into kingmakers, but no political godfather has ever become the number one citizen.

    After independence from Britain, the leader of the party with a parliamentary majority was meant to become the first prime minister. The lot fell to Ahmadu Bello, a powerful politician and aristocrat known by his title of Sardauna of Sokoto. But he declined, nominating his protégé Tafawa Balewa in his stead.

    In 1979, Obafemi Awolowo, former finance minister and founder of the Unity Party of Nigeria, fell at the final hurdle, losing his presidential bid.

    Ahead of the 1993 polls, retired general Shehu Yar’adua was barred alongside dozens of other heavyweight politicians by the military administration. His political associate and business partner Moshood MKO Abiola won the polls that were later annulled by the regime.

    This February, Ahmed Bola Tinubu, leader of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and indisputably the most influential political godfather in Nigeria now, is seeking to end that record.

    But Tinubu, regarded as a master strategist and seen by his supporters as Awolowo’s political heir, is facing perhaps the toughest hurdles of any kingmaker who has ever wanted the throne.

    Indeed, as President Muhammadu Buhari’s tenure winds out after serving the constitutional limit of two four-year terms, Africa’s largest democracy is witnessing its first-ever three-man presidential race.

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a former Yar’adua protégé and previously APC presidential aspirant, is the flagbearer of the leading opposition, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

    But there is also Peter Obi, a two-time governor of the southeastern state of Anambra who ran alongside Abubakar in 2019, who enjoys a massive youth following despite moving from the PDP to the hitherto unknown Labour Party only last May.

    A fourth candidate, former Defence Minister Rabiu Kwankwaso, another Yar’adua associate and former two-term governor of Kano – a huge voting bloc in the northwest – is lagging not too far behind.

    ‘It is my turn’

    In June 2022, ahead of the APC presidential primaries, Tinubu appeared before the party faithful in Ogun state to seek delegates’ votes. During his speech, he noted that he had installed the state governor and helped Buhari clinch the presidency after three unsuccessful attempts.

    “E mi lokan”, he said, the Yoruba phrase for “it is my turn”. It has since come to define his campaign.

    On December 18, the triumph of Argentina’s men’s football team over their resilient French counterparts in the 2022 Qatar World Cup final was seen as a swansong for Lionel Messi. After the game, Tinubu’s official Twitter handle posted a meme with the politician’s signature cap superimposed on the footballer’s face. It was a tacit allusion that like the World Cup for Messi, the Nigerian presidency remains the one height Tinubu is yet to scale.

    “Every move he has made has been leading to this point and he has been very deliberate about certain actions that led to this point,” Tunde Leye, a partner at SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based geopolitical intelligence consultancy, told Al Jazeera.

    Tinubu first came to national relevance during the 1993 election, defending Abiola’s presumed victory as a member of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), an alliance of politicians and civil society, after a brief stint as a senator.

    After two terms in office as governor from 1999 to 2003, he installed favoured candidates as successors in Lagos. But his magnum opus came in 2015: his party’s merger with that of Buhari who went on to unseat incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan.

    The Financial Times called him a “political Svengali” whose associates saw him as “deeply Machiavellian”.

    Around that period, indications that the jurisdiction of Tinubu’s ambition extended beyond being a kingmaker in Lagos and southwest Nigeria to include the presidency, began to crystallise after years of bubbling underneath the surface.

    “The entitlement to the presidency that reflects in his campaign stems from that long-term blueprint that has been essentially oiled by state machinery and political patronage,” Adewunmi Emowura, lead strategist at Gatefield, an Abuja-based public strategy firm, told Al Jazeera.

    The father of modern Lagos

    Tinubu’s supporters point to Lagos’s successes and insist he can replicate them on a national scale. The city-state is by and large the most viable economy in Nigeria; as a standalone country, it would be among Africa’s top 10 economies by gross domestic product (GDP).

    Lagos has also emerged as the hub of entertainment on the continent, the birthplace of the world-famous music genre, Afrobeats. Many industry insiders have cited him as a patron.

    Tinubu is credited with widening the city’s tax base and embarking on an infrastructure drive but some analysts disagree on the degree of his competence.

    “It is clearly a narrative that seems to resonate with a lot of Nigerians … the entire idea that Lagos is the place where Nigerians look for opportunities and where economic values are being created,” Emowura told Al Jazeera. “But Nigerians who care about policy will know that Lagos has been a development nightmare.”

    Others say the pro-Tinubu narrative erases the welfarist politics of Lateef Jakande, governor between 1979 and 1983, who laid the foundations of today’s Lagos, which has swelled from four million people three decades ago to 21 million people today.

    With that growth has come notorious traffic gridlock and repeated flooding. Multiple slums have also suffered from gentrification today with little or no compensation for those affected.

    There have also been multiple allegations of state capture and tax evasion levelled against Tinubu from his time as governor.

    A trail of controversies

    To fulfil his longtime ambition, Tinubu will have to contend with his personal demons too, critics say.

    Controversies about the true age of the 70-year-old, as well as inconsistencies in his educational and professional qualifications, have long circulated locally. In 2000, a young lawyer called Festus Keyamo sued the state parliament for clearing Tinubu on allegations of perjury about those qualifications – and lost.

    He also could not be prosecuted due to the immunity he enjoyed as governor, which exempted him from criminal prosecution. In 2011, he was acquitted by the Code of Conduct Bureau over prosecutorial misconduct after the federal government accused him of illegally operating foreign accounts when he was governor.

    The biggest blot has been his 1993 indictment in a drug cartel’s dealings in the United States, which led to his forfeiture of $460,000. Tinubu himself has never addressed the topic, but his camp has often refuted mentions of it as the opposition’s attempt to taint his image.

    “He has refused to address those claims to delegitimise them and keep them in the realm of conspiracy theory,” Emowura said.

    Instead, he has continued coalescing associates and adversaries into a formidable political machinery. For instance, Keyamo, now a minister, is also the APC campaign spokesperson.

    Tinubu’s health has also been the subject of speculation, after repeated medical trips to London in recent years. To prove his fitness, he has resorted to strained dancing at campaign rallies; his team also once released a video of him riding a stationary indoor exercise bike.

    He has also dodged election debates even as videos of his slurred speech at several rallies have gone viral on social media.

    This January, his running mate Kashim Shettima said there was a “mischievous fixation” on his principal’s health.

    “We are not preparing for the Olympics,” he stressed.

    History and legacy

    But the biggest hurdle in Tinubu’s way may be the legacy of the machine he built – the APC.

    Under Buhari’s eight-year tenure, there have been two recessions and the naira has shed more than three times its value in that time.

    Almost half of the country lives in multidimensional poverty – more people than there are in neighbouring Cameroon and all 11 countries of Southern Africa combined – according to the UNDP and Oxford University.

    There are also layers of rampant insecurity nationwide; Boko Haram and its ISIL (ISIS)-allied offshoot – the Islamic West Africa Province (ISWAP) – continue to launch offensives in the northeast, while armed bandits and separatists are running riot in the northwest and the southeast, respectively.

    In October 2020, two years after justifying opening fire on Shia Muslims in Abuja as they protested the detention of their leader after a 2015 massacre of 300 of them by pointing to a Donald Trump video, the Nigerian military shot dead an unspecified number of youths at an anti-police brutality protest in Lagos.

    That episode left many youths, particularly in the south, with no love lost for the government of the day and has inspired an exodus of young people from the country.

    Tinubu’s campaign has tried to dissociate his candidacy from the failures of the APC but he has also promised to build on the successes of the Buhari presidency if elected.

    His manifesto has pledged to “give economic opportunity to the poorest and most vulnerable among us”, tackle insecurity, expand public infrastructure and fight corruption.

    But that has been a tough sell.

    “People … believe he was a very eminent contributor to the emergence of the current administration and he is from the same party and people that are around him are stalwarts of the same party,” Leye said.

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  • Inside look: PNC looks to client feedback for innovation, inspiration | Bank Automation News

    Inside look: PNC looks to client feedback for innovation, inspiration | Bank Automation News

    Successful innovation in business requires much more than just a good idea. Strategic planning and having the proper teams and technology are also key, but what might be the most important element is listening to what the client wants. Banks need to listen to specific client feedback to determine where to invest time and capital […]

    Whitney McDonald

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  • 10 ID Showcases That Signal a Bright Future for Bass Music – EDM.com

    10 ID Showcases That Signal a Bright Future for Bass Music – EDM.com

    There’s a sea change going down in the world of bass music at the moment—and the future is bright.

    Whether or not you’re willing to admit it, dubstep has sadly grown stagnant. The genre remained sluggish in 2022, plunging further into saturation as its young artists recycled the same presets and arrangements en masse.

    But the lack of innovation has galvanized the bass music scene and emboldened its creator community at large. Legions of ambitious, hungry producers are on the grind, working around the clock to bottle the unbridled ethos of dubstep and redefine it into a sound all their own.

    Jason Heffler

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  • ‘Scariest thing I’ve ever seen’: Edmonton-made horror film Skinamarink breaks a million at the box office  | Globalnews.ca

    ‘Scariest thing I’ve ever seen’: Edmonton-made horror film Skinamarink breaks a million at the box office | Globalnews.ca

    An Edmonton-made film has reviews from the New Yorker, The Atlantic and Rolling Stone — and now it’s made over a million dollars at the box office.

    The debut film for director Kyle Edward Ball, Skinamarink, has had sold-out screenings in Toronto, New York and Los Angeles with audience members calling it ‘the scariest thing they’ve ever seen’.

    The movie was filmed in the Edmonton director’s childhood home with a small budget of US$15,000 and is quite possibly the talk of the horror movie world right now.

    John Kmech, associate producer on the film, is also a novice in the film world — his only other credit is on a documentary about Edmonton’s Waste Management Centre — and is blown away by the support so far.

    “I don’t think anybody thought anything like this was going to happen. It was really just intended as his local feature film debut,” said Kmech.

    Story continues below advertisement


    The poster for Edmonton-made horror movie Skinamarink.


    Kyle Edward Ball / Shudder

     

    The synopsis says the movie is about two children who wake up in the middle of the night to find their father is missing and all the windows and doors in their home have vanished.

    Kmech got involved with the movie after seeing Ball’s YouTube channel, where the director made nightmares come to life. Ball would ask viewers to describe their nightmares in the comments and in turn would make 5-minute videos that are “best watched with the lights off and headphones on,” according to the description for the channel, Bitesized Nightmares.

    The production of Skinamarink was crowdfunded online, making about $8,500 in donations.

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    Ball reached out to Kmech when he had a first cut of the film done in November 2021, because Kmech was the only person on the crew who hadn’t read the shooting script.

    “Despite the fact a lot of people are calling this a found footage film, it did have a 96-page shooting script. It was very tightly plotted and envisioned by Kyle,” he said.

    Kmech watched it by himself and said he was full of adrenaline and tension.

    “I really think it’s like really nothing I’ve ever seen in a film before.”

    Kmech said TikTok helped create hype for the movie after it was leaked online and creators started raving about the relentlessly eerie ambience of the 100-minute film.

    “Some of the early reactions that people were having were they were saying ‘This is the scariest thing that I’ve ever seen,’ … people who were saying that it made them cry,” he said.

    As for what’s next for Kmech and Ball, they’re very busy thanks to the virality of their movie, and that isn’t leaving much time to plan future projects.

    “I’ve heard that he wants to start writing something else in the next couple of months once he’s able to get past this initial rush. But I haven’t talked about anything — like this was really totally unexpected,” said Kmech.

    Story continues below advertisement

    Kmech mentioned another production that has put the province’s film and TV industry on the map: The Last of Us, the HBO series that had Albertans bursting with pride after it was filmed at several locations in Calgary and Edmonton.

    “They’re really kind of polar opposite, you know, one is a $15,000, micro-budget experimental film and I think The Last of Us is one of the biggest TV productions ever,” he said.


    Click to play video: '‘The Last of Us’ premiere draws excitement, momentum for Alberta film industry'


    ‘The Last of Us’ premiere draws excitement, momentum for Alberta film industry


    “But they were both filmed here. So I think that’s also incredible.”

    There are only two more chances to see Skinamarink in Edmonton, at the indie theatre Metro Cinema, on Jan. 29 and 31.

    These screenings were added after the first run sold out completely and prompted lineups outside the theatre, so don’t hesitate to get your tickets online.

    &copy 2023 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.

    Stephanie Swensrude

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  • How Iranians Influence EDM: Meet Rezz and Other Transformative Artists of Iranian Descent – EDM.com

    How Iranians Influence EDM: Meet Rezz and Other Transformative Artists of Iranian Descent – EDM.com

    Stereotypes often box Iranians into the fields of doctor, engineer or realtor, but they sure know how to have a good time.

    It isn’t unusual for family gatherings—ones that often welcome dozens of guests—to transform from dinner to dance party in the blink of an eye. Guests wield various instruments seemingly pulled from the ether, a circle forms in the center of the room and a party ensues. So it should come as no surprise that vivacious spirit has found its way to electronic dance music.

    Shakiel Mahjouri

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  • Photos: A year of facing nature’s fury

    Photos: A year of facing nature’s fury

    A cascade of extreme weather exacerbated by climate change has devastated communities around the globe this year, including through sweltering heat and drought, wilted crops, forest fires and big rivers shrinking to a trickle.

    In Pakistan, record monsoon rains inundated more than a third of the country, killing more than 1,500 people. In India and China, prolonged heat waves and droughts dried up rivers, disrupted power grids and threatened food security for billions of people. Widespread flooding and mudslides brought on by torrential rains also killed hundreds of people in South Africa, Brazil and Nigeria.

    In Europe, heat waves set record temperatures in Britain and other parts of the continent, leading to severe droughts, low river flows that slowed shipping, and wildfires in many parts of the continent. Much of East Africa is still in the grips of a multi-year drought – the worst in more than 40 years, according to the United Nations – leaving millions of people vulnerable to food shortages and starvation.

    An analysis by an international team of climate scientists in October found that human-caused climate change made drought across the northern hemisphere at least 20 times more likely, and warned that such extreme dry periods would become increasingly common with global heating.

    The planet currently remains off track from a goal set by the Paris climate accord in 2015 to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) above pre-industrial levels to avoid the worst effects of climate change.

    This year might provide a glimpse of our near future, as these extreme climate events become more frequent.

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  • 5 Absurd But True Stories That Captivated the EDM World In 2022 – EDM.com

    5 Absurd But True Stories That Captivated the EDM World In 2022 – EDM.com

    2022 was another banner year for electronic dance music history as festivals returned en masse, the scene’s biggest artists released albums and live music records were broken.

    But then there were times when things got… weird.

    From head-scratching revelations on social media to dance music veterans taking the genre where it hasn’t gone before, read on to discover just a handful of the stories that had us doing double-takes in 2022.

    Bizarre Reddit sex confession spikes Hudson Mohawke’s “Cbat” on the charts

    There’s no manual to achieving a chart topping hit—but having your music be the subject of an embarrassing sex confession may be one of the most absurd paths possible.

    Cameron Sunkel

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  • We Went to an Electronic Music Festival On a Remote Island In Fiji—Here’s What It Looked Like – EDM.com

    We Went to an Electronic Music Festival On a Remote Island In Fiji—Here’s What It Looked Like – EDM.com

    As humans, our need for connection is primal. But sometimes we have to travel to the edges of the Earth to find it.

    We recently crossed the Pacific for Your Paradise, an idyllic destination music festival on the remote Fijian island of Malolo Lailai, or “The Island of the Resting Sun.” 6,000 miles away from the influencer-infested covens of Los Angeles, we discovered a community as vibrant as the island’s crystalline waters.

    Roughly 500 people converged on Fiji’s Mamanuca Islands for the 2022 edition of Your Paradise, the first since the return of live music in the wake of the pandemic. Nestled in a halcyon shoreline, the festival is what happens when daydreams shed their idealistic layers and become reality.

    Jason Heffler

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  • Why do the rich get richer — even during global crises?

    Why do the rich get richer — even during global crises?

    Death and devastation are not the only calling cards COVID-19 will be remembered by. The pandemic has also drastically widened inequalities across the globe over the past three years.

    According to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, 131 billionaires more than doubled their net worth during the pandemic. The world’s richest person, Louis Vuitton chief Bernard Arnault, was worth $159bn on December 27, 2022, up by around $60bn compared with early 2020. Elon Musk, the planet’s second-wealthiest man, boasted a $139bn fortune — it was less than $50bn before the pandemic. And India’s Gautam Adani, third on the index, has seen his wealth increase more than tenfold in this period, from approximately $10bn at the start of 2020 to $110bn at the end of 2022.

    At the same time, close to 97 million people — more than the population of any European nation — were pushed into extreme poverty in just 2020, earning less than $1.90 a day (the World Bank-defined poverty line). The global poverty rate is estimated to have gone up from 7.8 percent to 9.1 percent by late 2021. Now, skyrocketing inflation is affecting real wage growth, eating into the disposable incomes of people around the world.

    To curb rising prices, central banks are reducing the flow of money into the economy by increasing interest rates and withdrawing excess liquidity. But that has again boomeranged on workers, with companies — from tech firms like Amazon, Twitter and Meta to banks like Goldman Sachs — announcing layoffs at the end of an already tumultuous 2022.

    Al Jazeera spoke to economists to understand why the rich keep getting richer even amid crises and whether that is inevitable each time there is an economic slowdown.

    The short answer: Many countries adopt policies such as tax breaks and financial incentives for businesses to boost economies amid crises like the pandemic. Central banks flood the economy with money to make it easier to lend and spend. This helps the wealthy grow their money through financial market investments. But widening inequality is not unavoidable.

    During economic crises, governments take measures to boost financial markets, like the New York Stock Exchange seen here, in turn helping the wealthy with major investments multiply their fortunes [Richard Drew/AP Photo]

    Stock market boom

    When the pandemic began, central banks across the world swung into action to protect financial markets that took a severe beating as governments started imposing lockdown restrictions.

    To save the economy from collapsing, central banks slashed interest rates, thereby lowering borrowing costs and increasing the supply of money. They also pumped trillions of dollars into financial markets with the aim of encouraging companies to invest in the economy. Major central banks have infused more than $11 trillion into the global economy since 2020.

    These interventions triggered a boom in the value of stocks, bonds and other financial instruments — but the rise in asset prices wasn’t accompanied by an increase in economic production.

    “Instead of leading to more economic output, a bulk of the sudden infusion of money into the financial system led to a dramatic rise in asset prices, including stocks, which benefitted the rich,” Francisco Ferreira, director of the International Inequalities Institute at the London School of Economics (LSE), told Al Jazeera.

    A year into the pandemic, capital markets had risen $14 trillion, with 25 companies — mostly in the technology, electric vehicles and semiconductors segment — accounting for 40 percent of the total gains, according to an analysis of stock performance of 5,000 companies by consulting firm McKinsey.

    “The result is that this pandemic period has seen the biggest surge in billionaire wealth since the records began,” Oxfam America’s Director of Economic Justice Nabil Ahmed told Al Jazeera. “And we are still coming to terms about how extraordinary that rise has been.”

    Billionaires saw their fortunes increase as much in 24 months as they did in 23 years, according to Oxfam’s “Profiting from Pain” report released in May this year. Every 30 hours, while COVID-19 and rising food prices are pushing nearly one million more people into extreme poverty, the global economy is also spawning a new billionaire.

    Industrialist Gautam Adani, center, sits for a group photograph during the Ground Breaking Ceremony @3.0 of the UP Investors Summit Lucknow in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, India, Friday, June 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)
    India’s Gautam Adani, centre, is today the world’s third-richest man, and his wealth has multiplied more than tenfold since the start of the pandemic [Rajesh Kumar Singh/AP Photo]

    Pre-pandemic factors

    To be sure, both income and wealth inequalities have been on the rise since the 1980s when governments across the world began deregulating and liberalising the economy to allow more private sector participation. Income inequality refers to the gulf in the disposable income of the rich and the poor whereas wealth inequality deals with the distribution of financial and real assets, such as stocks or housing, between the two groups.

    Among other things, the post-liberalisation period also resulted in declining bargaining power of workers. At the same time, companies increasingly started turning to financial markets to borrow money for their investments, Yannis Dafermos, a senior lecturer in economics at SOAS University of London, told Al Jazeera.

    “It is the financialisation of the economy in particular that generated a lot of income for the rich, who invest in financial assets,” Dafermos said. “And whenever an economic crisis strikes, the central banks’ response is to save the financial market from collapsing because it is so much interlinked with the real economy. This helps stock and bond markets to thrive creating more wealth and inequality.”

    This is what major central banks did during the global financial crisis in 2008-09 — injecting liquidity into the market through various tools and lowering interest rates to encourage companies to borrow and invest.

    “The easy money policy that began after the global financial crisis led to really low to negative interest rates and big liquidity in the financial system,” Jayati Ghosh, professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, told Al Jazeera. “So, in the past 15 years, corporations chose to reinvest the money into buying more financial assets chasing high returns, rather than increasing their production.”

    The pandemic accelerated those structures of inequality – be it liberalisation of the labour market, surge in monopoly power or erosion of public taxation – Oxfam’s Ahmed said. One example is that 143 of 161 countries analysed by Oxfam froze tax rates for the rich during the pandemic, and 11 countries reduced them.

    Meta's logo can be seen on a sign at the company's headquarters in Menlo Park, Calif., Wednesday, Nov. 9, 2022. Meta, which is Facebook's parent company, is laying off 11,000 people, about 13% of its workforce, as it contends with faltering revenue and broader tech industry woes, CEO Mark Zuckerberg said in a letter to employees Wednesday. (AP Photo/Godofredo A. Vásquez)
    Tech giant Meta announced in November that it would lay off 11,000 employees, or 13 percent of its workforce. It’s one of many major companies to cut jobs in recent weeks. [Godofredo A Vásquez/AP Photo]

    Inflation hits lower-income nations worst

    As countries started easing COVID-19 restrictions, a sharp rise in consumer demand coupled with supply shocks contributed to global inflation touching record levels.

    That has forced central banks to wind up their policies of allowing access to easy money. They have also announced sharp interest rate rises. Their aim now is to reduce demand so that prices soften and, in advanced economies like the United States, to also cool down the jobs market.

    To preserve their earnings in the wake of this policy shift, major companies have now started announcing job cuts, even as inflation bites the poor with low savings.

    “Even when inflation has increased, the profit margins of firms have not declined,” Dafermos said. Large companies are retaining profits to give dividends to their shareholders rather than increasing wage incomes, even as smaller companies suffer due to a lack of investments by bigger firms, he said.

    Interest rate increases have increased borrowing costs, also affecting the ability of low-income and developing countries to spend more on welfare schemes as they have high levels of public and private debt.

    “Because of the way the global financial system works, there will be a lot of pressure on developing countries to implement austerity measures,” Dafermos said. “That can create more inequalities and for me, this is perhaps more significant because it limits their capacity to provide social protection to the poor.”

    According to Oxfam, lower-income countries spent approximately 27 percent of their budgets in repaying their debts – twice the money spent on education and four times that on health.

    Former United States President Ronald Reagan hugs former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev after the two toured the floor of the New York Stock Exchange, May 14, 1992. Gorbachev is in the United States on a two-week goodwill visit. (AP Photo/Pool/Richard Drew)
    Former US President Ronald Reagan, seen here hugging former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev at the New York Stock Exchange on May 14, 1992, was among a series of leaders who deregulated economies in the 1980s [File: Richard Drew/AP Photo/Pool]

    Inequality is a political choice

    After World War II, countries started following progressive taxation policies and took steps to address monopoly power, Ahmed said. And while many nations reversed that approach during the pandemic, a few bucked the trend. Costa Rica increased its highest tax rate by 10 percent and New Zealand by 6 percent in order to redistribute wealth.

    “There are examples of countries doing the right thing. And it reminds us that inequality is not inevitable. It’s a policy and a political choice,” Ahmed said.

    If left unaddressed, on the other hand, wealth inequality gives power to the rich to influence policies in their favour, which can further deepen the income divide, independent of the boom-and-bust nature of economic cycles. “Higher wealth tends to be associated with capture of government and state institutions by the elite,” Ferreira at the London School of Economics said.

    This, he said, can take different forms in different democratic contexts. But the result is the same. “The bargaining power of the rich increases due to various tools they use such as lobbying,” he said. “Policies end up benefitting the wealthy and that again creates a cycle. But, this time, it’s a political cycle.”

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  • Photos: Sri Lanka’s cancer patients struggle amid economic chaos

    Photos: Sri Lanka’s cancer patients struggle amid economic chaos

    Priyantha Kumarasinghe starts his day in the small Sri Lankan town of Maharagama with a breakfast of two biscuits and a small glass of tea, followed by a round of cancer medicines.

    The 32-year-old vegetable farmer was diagnosed with lung cancer in 2021 and started receiving treatment earlier this year, just as Sri Lanka’s economy went into free fall.

    Amid crippling fuel scarcity and weeks of unrest, Kumarasinghe said he was unable to travel the 155km (96 miles) between his home and Sri Lanka’s main cancer hospital on the outskirts of the country’s largest city, Colombo, for treatment.

    Kumarasinghe is among hundreds of cancer patients who have had their treatment upended by Sri Lanka’s worst economic crisis since independence from Britain in 1948.

    Hospitals countrywide have struggled to contend with severe drug shortages, which have worsened over the last eight months, a representative of Sri Lanka’s largest doctor’s union said.

    “All hospitals are experiencing shortages. There is difficulty in even sourcing basics like paracetamol, vitamin C and saline for outpatient services,” said Vasan Ratnasingam, a spokesman for the Government Medical Officers’ Association.

    Specialist facilities like cancer and eye hospitals are running on donations, Ratnasingam said.

    Battered by the loss of tourism and remittance earnings because of the pandemic, alongside an ill-timed tax cut, Sri Lanka slid into crisis in early 2022 after its foreign exchange reserves dried up, leaving it short of dollars to pay for imports of fuel, food, cooking gas and medicines.

    For months, the country of 22 million people faced hours-long power cuts and severe fuel shortages.

    The economic hardship triggered protests, which in July led to the removal of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

    Currency depreciation and record inflation have pushed middle-class families like Kumarasinghe’s to the brink as they scrambled to meet higher living costs.

    For decades, Sri Lankans have benefitted from a universal public healthcare system that subsidises treatment, including medicine for serious illnesses.

    But services have been hampered by the dollar shortage, which has restricted imports of medicines, and limited public funds available to hospitals to provide care.

    President Ranil Wickremesinghe has pledged to restore economic stability but has warned reforms will be painful as the country strives to increase taxes to put its public finances in order and work with creditors, including India, Japan and China, to restructure debt.

    In September, the country entered a preliminary agreement with the International Monetary Fund for a $2.9bn bailout but has to put its huge debt burden on a sustainable track before disbursement can begin.

    The economic hardship remains crushing for many.

    Sathiyaraj Silaksana, 27, is visiting her five-year-old son S Saksan suffering from leukaemia, travelling 350km (217 miles) with her husband to feed him.

    “Due to the current crisis in Sri Lanka, we are facing severe problems in transport and food,” said Silaksana, who is pregnant with her second child.

    “I have no option but to pay for my son’s needs. My husband is a construction worker. In order to pay for all these expenses we pawned our jewellery.”

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  • Soaring living costs drain Christmas joy for families in Nigeria

    Soaring living costs drain Christmas joy for families in Nigeria

    Abuja, Nigeria – Adeola Ehi had been looking forward to taking her two-year-old daughter home to meet her grandparents for the first time this Christmas. But increased household spending which included an unexpected rent increase made the 43-year-old communications consultant shelve the planned journey.

    In Nigeria, where more than half of the population of 200 million lives on less than $2 a day, every little price increase puts a significant strain on household incomes. At least 133 million people suffer from “multi-dimensional poverty”, according to the National Bureau of Statistics, which says citizens spend about half of their income on food and another 20 percent on transportation.

    The strain has become even more evident during the holiday season as families cap their expenses, including traditional travel to spend time with extended families.

    “It’s safe to say Christmas has lost its cheer this year,” Ehi said from Abuja, the nation’s capital. “There’s just too much going on at the same time. The cost of food is rising, landlords are increasing rent, and even transportation costs are skyrocketing. So what is happening is that we are being forced to cut spending too tightly that we can’t even afford to buy Christmas presents for our kids,” she said.

    As many Nigerian families face a surge in the price of rice, the main ingredient for making the favourite Christmas meal in Africa’s most populous country, the festive season seems to have lost its cheer.

    ‘My food budget is double now’

    Unprecedented flooding this year, which washed away half a million hectares of farmland in parts of Nigeria, has seen the average cost of making a pot of jollof rice rise by 23.8 percent compared with a year earlier, according to Lagos-based risk advisory SBM Intelligence, which publishes the Jollof Index. Compounded by a previous ban on rice imports and dollar scarcity, a bag of rice now sells for 55,000 naira, nearly double the country’s minimum wage.

    With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in its 10th month, the effect of the war is squeezing Nigeria harder as a scarcity of energy resources and commodities, as well as a worsening foreign exchange shortage, have caused food budgets to more than double.

    A loaf of bread which sold at 650 naira 10 months ago now goes for 1,000 naira, while the price of eggs per crate has gone up from 2,200 naira to 3,000 naira.

    “My food budget is double now. Every month, I spend close to 150,000 naira on food and even at that, I am not buying everything,” said Ehi, whose family of six is living on salaries from both she and her husband.

    ‘It’s a nightmare’

    Surging transport costs from a near year-long fuel shortage also mean many people will not be going home for the festivities. The average intra-city and inter-city transport fares are up by 45 percent or more, according to the nation’s statistics agency. At the same time, a 5kg refill of cooking gas, used by most middle-income homes, is up by 37 percent in the same period.

    “I’m sad that I will not be seeing my family at Christmas this year, but it is what it is,” said Precious Jedidiah, a teacher, who said it’s the first time she will not be going home for the festivities. “I’ll rather send half of the fare home than waste it,” she said.

    The scarcity of fuel, the worst since outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari took office in 2015, has also caused people to avoid travelling by car this festive season. That, and a fear of kidnapping along the roads, according to inter-city drivers.

    “It’s a nightmare,” Baba Oyo, a commercial driver at Abuja’s Jabi Motor Park, said. “We haven’t seen low turnout as we’ve seen this year in quite some time. People are already afraid to travel because of the bad roads and kidnapping, and if you now add this increase in transport to everything, they are deciding to stay put and I don’t blame them at all,” he said.

    While prices of food, energy and transport peak during the holiday season because of a rise in seasonal demand, higher inflation could see a fall in the growth of the Nigerian economy in the fourth quarter, Ikemesit Effiong, head of research at SBM Intelligence said from Lagos.

    “Rising fuel costs, increased security, depressed food security on account of the floods at the beginning of Q4 and flatlined wage growth means that the bump in economic growth Nigeria experiences during the holiday season would be much smaller than usual this year. While negative growth is unlikely this year, aggregate GDP [gross domestic product] will fall well behind the typical Q4 trends we’ve seen in recent years,” he said.

    Buhari came to power in 2015 promising to lift 100 million Nigerians out of poverty, but living conditions have deteriorated since he took office.

    “We no longer eat what we want, but what is available, because of this excruciating inflation. I hope things get better soon because I don’t know for how long we can keep living like this,” Ehi said.

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  • Banks employ bots to fight rising fraud, compliance risks | Bank Automation News

    Banks employ bots to fight rising fraud, compliance risks | Bank Automation News

    Financial fraud is big business for cybercriminals, with the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) estimating that $5.8 billion was lost to scams in 2021, a 70% increase from 2020.   To fight the threat and help maintain compliance, several banks have turned to bots and robotic process automation (RPA).  Ally Financial, for example, has partnered with […]

    Brian Stone

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  • Could far-right AfD weaponise Germany’s cost-of-living crisis?

    Could far-right AfD weaponise Germany’s cost-of-living crisis?

    Concerns are being raised in Germany about how far Russian sanctions and the subsequent cost of living crisis are creating fertile ground for the country’s populist far-right party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), to regain lost political ground.

    After low poll ratings at the beginning of the year, recent developments and polling data show that the AfD party could be re-galvanised amidst the crisis.

    In October’s regional elections in the eastern state of Lower Saxony, the AfD gained nearly 12 percent of the votes, an increase compared with previous elections.

    Polls, including one by the strategic research company Pollytix,  show overall support for the party has gone up from about 11 percent across Germany to nearly 15 percent nationally since July.

    ​The fears come as authorities last week arrested 25 suspected members of the far-right so-called Reich Citizens (Reichsbuerger) movement​ who were allegedly plotting to overthrow the German government and install a leader who had reportedly sought support from Russia.

    Russian gas

    As the western European nation most reliant on Russian gas, with more than half of its gas coming from Russia prior to the Ukraine war, Germany has been hit particularly hard since the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24.

    Citizens have seen gas prices surge to more than 40 percent, which has come alongside an increase in rising living costs.

    The country’s inflation rate peaked in October at 10 percent – its highest in 70 years.

    Analysts say they are worried about how the crisis could be weaponised by the AfD, which came to prominence amidst Europe’s refugee crisis from 2015 onwards.

    Peddling an anti-immigration, anti-Islam narrative, it became the third-largest party in the German parliament in the 2017 federal election.

    Amid the current cost-of-living crisis, the party has been positioning itself as the party of the people, protesting against the government’s decision to fight the economic war against Russia.

    In October, it organised a huge rally in the capital that, according to police estimates, attracted nearly 10,000 people.

    During the rally outside the German Reichstag (parliament), AfD politicians accused the government of waging an economic war against its own people by sanctioning Russia and ignoring the needs of German citizens.

    Effective strategy

    Wolfgang Schroeder, a political scientist and far-right expert at the University of Kassel, told Al Jazeera that positioning itself as the pro-citizen party that is critical of the government is an effective AfD strategy.

    “If you only go by this increase in the polls, it shows that the AfD has done well since the summer to remobilize its party base,” he said.

    “The AfD’s message has been that it is not the task of the government to fight for peace and better living conditions for people in other countries, the only real task of this government is to support its own society.”

    “The government backing the war against Russia is disappointing people across the country.”

    “There is a chance for the AfD to take advantage of that disappointment and further push the message that it is the party advocating for the people and fighting against this government, which is not able to do a good job,” he said.

    East-West divide

    The crisis has also led to concerns about what it could mean for people living in former East Germany (the German Democratic Republic or GDR), the AfD’s political heartland.

    Economic differences continue between the two formerly divided parts of Germany, in areas such as wealth accumulation, wages and pension funds.

    Official government data shows that while the economic gap between the two sides has decreased within the last few years, there is still a difference of 18 percent between the two.

    The last few months have seen leaders of former eastern states express worries about what the impact the current situation will mean for the economic progress made by the five eastern states –  Brandenburg, Saxony, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia – since reunification 30 or so years ago.

    Protesters from across the political divide, including the far right, have been taking to the streets every Monday in the east, a tradition in the GDR days, to protest against the crisis, in what has been dubbed in mainstream media and political circles as an “angry winter”.

    ‘Democratic distance’

    David Begrich works at the anti-racism campaign group Miteinander (Together) based in Magdeburg in the former east.

    The group works with people on both sides of the former divide to tackle and raise awareness of hard-line far-right thought through workshops, advice, support and intervention programmes.

    “The financial reserves and capital accumulation in eastern Germany are lower than in the west, and the contemporary historical experience is also different,” Begrich told Al Jazeera.

    “Crises are interpreted against the background of the experience of the systemic upheaval of the 1990s, which West Germans did not experience,” he said. “There is also a measurable mistrust towards the mechanisms of representative democracy in East Germany, in other words, a democratic distance.”

    A protester in Berlin holds up a sign, reading: ‘No to retirement at 70’, left, during a rally of far-right groups including the AfD against rising prices [File: John MacDougall/AFP]

    Meanwhile, Jannes Jacobsen, the head of the research cluster data methods monitoring at the German Centre for Integration and Migration Research, told Al Jazeera that the current problem extends beyond historical context.

    “It is more about the individual circumstances than the East-West divide. Because what affects people is their individual circumstances and how resilient they are to such external economic shocks,” he said.

    “We need to look at factors like their income, net worth, and whether they have to provide for their family or for the elderly to identify whether social structures differ in the east than in the west.”

    Schroeder said that while it was a dangerous situation, “whereby more people in the east have more fear about their living conditions and what this could mean for the east-west economic divide”, it was not certain if it would go backwards.

    “In recent years, there has been a lot of new investment from industries such as the chemical and tech industries, and if you compare today to how things were 10 years ago, there is a big difference,” he said. “So, I’m not convinced that the economic distance between east and west will deepen amidst this crisis.”

    Main issue

    With energy and living costs set to remain high in the coming months, analysts agree that the main issue is ensuring stability in the country so the AfD does not regain power.

    “The AfD can capitalise on situations and it emotionalises situations. This is not good for our society, but this kind of polarisation has in the past made the AfD strong. But the question remains as to whether they will be able to galvanise support outside of its main base within parts of the east,” Schroeder said.

    “The AfD very skillfully exploits people’s fears and prejudices,” Begrich added. “It speaks to the already disenfranchised and stirs up resentment against politics in Berlin in a very sweeping and emotional way.”

    “People need a perspective of stability to help them get through the crisis. This is where the government needs to implement a strategic communication policy,” he said.

    A protester holds up a sign reading: "I'd rather have cheap Russian gas and nuclear energy than completely stupid politicians" during a rally of far-right groups including the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party against rising prices in Berlin
    A protester holds up a sign, reading: ‘I’d rather have cheap Russian gas and nuclear energy than completely stupid politicians’ [File: John MacDougall/AFP]

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  • I dated Dodi Al-Fayed at the same time as Diana – I know why they fell in love

    I dated Dodi Al-Fayed at the same time as Diana – I know why they fell in love

    ONE of Dodi Fayed’s former lovers has told how she ditched him when she feared he was cheating on her with Princess Diana – and now agonises over whether her move played a role in their deaths. 

    Ex-model Annie Cardone said: “One decision I made in that moment, in early summer 1997, right before they went public . . .

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    Ex-model Annie Cardone, one of Dodi Fayed’s former lovers, has told how she now agonises over whether her dumping him played a role in his death alongside Princess DianaCredit: Jerry Hinkle
    Annie told The Sun about her life with Dodi, whose death aged 42 in a Paris car crash with Diana came just months after he and Annie split up

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    Annie told The Sun about her life with Dodi, whose death aged 42 in a Paris car crash with Diana came just months after he and Annie split upCredit: AP
    Ex-model Annie, pictured now, has told how she ditched Dodi when she feared he was cheating on her with Princess Diana - and now agonises over the decision

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    Ex-model Annie, pictured now, has told how she ditched Dodi when she feared he was cheating on her with Princess Diana – and now agonises over the decisionCredit: Louis Wood

    “If I’d given him another chance, would things have been different? Would history have changed?

    “That’s a burden of responsibility that I feel I have.”

    She added: “When I last saw him, he was begging for another chance. He was crying. He was sobbing.

    “He was telling me he loved me and it was incredibly hard to see him like that. I still get choked about it.”

    READ MORE ON DIANA & DODI

    In her first ever full chat, Annie told The Sun about her life with Dodi, whose death aged 42 in a Paris car crash with Diana came just months after he and Annie split up.

    Now 57 and living in Canterbury, Kent, she recalled: “He was incredibly tactile, loving and sweet. It was very passionate and intense.”

    Annie claimed there was “definitely an overlap” with her and Diana dating playboy Dodi, who was known for his wild living and womanising.

    She admitted she was initially “annoyed” when she discovered he was dating Diana — who she believes knew nothing about her — but said she is now pleased she was able to experience Dodi’s devoted love.

    Of Diana, she said: “We were both very, very lucky to have been on the receiving end of that. Not many women were.”

    Cocaine brick

    Annie, now an author whose latest book is Menopause WTH!, spoke to The Sun ahead of Channel 5 documentary, Dodi: Last Days Of A Playboy.

    The programme, in which she features, lifts the lid on Dodi’s life, from his early days in his native Egypt, to dealing with his parents’ divorce at a young age, building a career in Hollywood as a film producer and going on to date the most famous woman in the world.

    Five-times-married Annie, who was scouted as a model in her early 20s, said she met Dodi in the summer of 1996 at London’s most decadent late-night haunt, Tramp nightclub.

    Annie, who by then had quit modelling for public relations, recalled how he asked her friend if she would dance with him but she declined.

    She said: “It was midnight and I didn’t want to be there.”

    But Dodi overheard her reply and Annie said: “I remember his little face. It’s like someone had sold his dog. I felt bad for him.”

    And she had a change of heart when her favourite song, Gangsta’s Paradise by rapper Coolio, started playing.

    Annie recalled: “Dodi had moves. He surprised me because he looked like a wet blanket.”

    She added: “He wasn’t a great conversationalist or raconteur. He was very shy.”

    The first night she stayed at Dodi’s Park Lane apartment felt like a scene from the film An Officer And A Gentleman, according to Annie.

    Dodi — who had attended Sandhurst, the British Army’s top officer training academy — had filled it with “beautiful military uniforms” and he held her hand as she walked down the stairs.

    As the son of billionaire former Harrods owner Mohamed Fayed, Dodi had private jets and yachts at his disposal.

    In the current series of Netflix drama The Crown, Dodi is seen snorting cocaine and making love to his latest girlfriend on a private jet paid for by his dad, but Annie said the reality was far less glamorous for her.

    She recalls: “We would go to Harry’s Bar, he’d have the truffles, then we’d go to Tramp and go back to his place with a bunch of losers.

    “I’d try and get an early night because I had to get up in the morning.

    “He’d come to bed a bit later.

    “We’d have a bit of hanky panky for a few hours. I’d get up at 6am and have to borrow one of his Ralph Lauren polo sweaters to wear on the walk of shame to work.”

    She added sarcastically: “So yeah, it was really glamorous.”

    Annie was a fan of the hit Netflix series but stopped watching before it focused on her ex’s famous relationship with Princess Diana, played by Elizabeth Debicki.

    She said: “I don’t trust The Crown to have done an accurate portrayal and it’ll just annoy me.”

    Annie said she decided to break off her romance with Dodi, which lasted almost a year, because she had a hunch there was another woman.

    Annie said she discovered her ex was dating Diana when she saw pictures of them in St Tropez on the French Riviera — including the famous 'kiss' photo

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    Annie said she discovered her ex was dating Diana when she saw pictures of them in St Tropez on the French Riviera — including the famous ‘kiss’ photoCredit: Jason Fraser
    As the son of billionaire former Harrods owner Mohamed Fayed, Dodi had private jets and yachts at his disposal

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    As the son of billionaire former Harrods owner Mohamed Fayed, Dodi had private jets and yachts at his disposalCredit: Alpha Photo Press Agency
    Diana and Dodi relax on a speedboat during a break in St Tropez in the South of France  shortly before their deaths in 1997

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    Diana and Dodi relax on a speedboat during a break in St Tropez in the South of France shortly before their deaths in 1997Credit: Rex Features

    She said she first suspected something was up when a trip they had planned to the US for Christmas 1996 with Bruce Willis and Demi Moore — who film producer Dodi worked with on the 1995 movie The Scarlet Letter — was cancelled.

    Annie said: “We had plans to go to Colorado to spend time with Bruce and Demi. We were all set to go and we were both excited about it.

    Absolutely destroyed

    “The trip didn’t happen and we had words about it.”

    She recalled how Dodi suddenly “changed” and “went quiet”. She added: “Obviously I knew. You can read the temperature.”

    Dodi had first met Diana at a polo match in 1989, but they did not get together until his dad invited her to stay at his mansion in St Tropez in July 1997. Annie said she discovered her ex was dating Diana when she saw the pictures of them in the luxurious resort on the French Riviera — including the famous “kiss” photo.

    But she believes they got together “quite a long time” before things were made public.

    When she heard the news she admitted: “I was a little annoyed.”

    As well as Annie, the new film hears from those closest to Dodi including British former Royal Military Police officer Lee Sansum, one of the Fayed family’s personal bodyguards, and Dodi’s personal butler of seven years, René Delorm, who lived with him and travelled the world with him.

    Peter Riva, who knew Dodi from his time at an elite Swiss boarding school, also claims in the documentary he once saw Dodi carrying a “brick” of cocaine at the notorious Studio 54 nightclub in New York.

     When the news came out that the Princess was dating Dodi, Annie said his wild past led her to predict a bad outcome for the relationship.

    She said: “There was a sense of foreboding. I knew he was going to get crucified. Everyone she was with was going to get absolutely destroyed.

    “He had a lot to hide, unfortunately. I had this real fear. And I just actually said to a friend, ‘This is not going to end well’.”

    In the 90s, well-connected Annie lived a jet-set lifestyle. She was pals with the late socialite Tara Palmer-Tomkinson and former Miss UK Kirsty Bertarelli, who last year became Britain’s richest divorcee with a £400million settlement after splitting from her billionaire husband, Swiss biotech tycoon Ernesto Bertarelli.

    Annie said: “I think I was the only one of my friends who wasn’t a Trust Fund kid. I was the only one having to get up at 6am and go to work.”

    And she said ditching Dodi was a “turning point” in her life.

    Annie said: “I wasn’t at all in the spotlight, but a lot of my friends like Tara Palmer-Tomkinson were, and I saw them spiralling out of control.”

    She added: “It was a turning point to leave behind a lifestyle that I wasn’t enjoying. And I made the decision to live a calmer and peaceful, quieter life.”

    Single Annie — who was once married to entrepreneur Gary Cardone, whose brother Grant was in US reality TV series Undercover Billionaire — said she and Dodi were not a great match — but he and Diana were.

    After seeing the CCTV footage of the pair in the lift at the Ritz Hotel in Paris on that fateful night in August 1997 just before they were killed, she said she could see he was “absolutely besotted” with Diana.

    While he was alive, divorced Dodi — who was married to model Suzanne Gregard for eight months in the 1980s — reportedly dated a string of famous models and actresses, including Julia Roberts, Brooke Shields and Winona Ryder.

    American model Kelly Fisher was reportedly engaged to Dodi before Diana. When paparazzi photographs revealed the Princess looking cosy with Dodi on a yacht, Kelly was so outraged she sued her fiance.

    Despite his playboy reputation, Annie insisted he would have stayed faithful to Diana, had they both lived.

    Annie, who also runs a dog rescue Facebook group, said: “I think they would have had children, had a family, because their goals and purposes were aligned.

    “I do believe, if there was The One, then Diana was his one.”

    • Dodi: Last Days Of A Playboy is on Channel 5 Wednesday at 9pm.
    Dodi and his father Mohamed Fayed, as depicted in the Crown Series 5

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    Dodi and his father Mohamed Fayed, as depicted in the Crown Series 5Credit: © 2021 Netflix, Inc.

    Emma Pietras

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