ONE of Dodi Fayed’s former lovers has told how she ditched him when she feared he was cheating on her with Princess Diana – and now agonises over whether her move played a role in their deaths.
Ex-model Annie Cardone said: “One decision I made in that moment, in early summer 1997, right before they went public . . .
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Ex-model Annie Cardone, one of Dodi Fayed’s former lovers, has told how she now agonises over whether her dumping him played a role in his death alongside Princess DianaCredit: Jerry Hinkle
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Annie told The Sun about her life with Dodi, whose death aged 42 in a Paris car crash with Diana came just months after he and Annie split upCredit: AP
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Ex-model Annie, pictured now, has told how she ditched Dodi when she feared he was cheating on her with Princess Diana – and now agonises over the decisionCredit: Louis Wood
“If I’d given him another chance, would things have been different? Would history have changed?
“That’s a burden of responsibility that I feel I have.”
She added: “When I last saw him, he was begging for another chance. He was crying. He was sobbing.
“He was telling me he loved me and it was incredibly hard to see him like that. I still get choked about it.”
Now 57 and living in Canterbury, Kent, she recalled: “He was incredibly tactile, loving and sweet. It was very passionate and intense.”
Annie claimed there was “definitely an overlap” with her and Diana dating playboy Dodi, who was known for his wild living and womanising.
She admitted she was initially “annoyed” when she discovered he was dating Diana — who she believes knew nothing about her — but said she is now pleased she was able to experience Dodi’s devoted love.
Of Diana, she said: “We were both very, very lucky to have been on the receiving end of that. Not many women were.”
Cocaine brick
Annie, now an author whose latest book is Menopause WTH!, spoke to The Sun ahead of Channel 5 documentary, Dodi: Last Days Of A Playboy.
The programme, in which she features, lifts the lid on Dodi’s life, from his early days in his native Egypt, to dealing with his parents’ divorce at a young age, building a career in Hollywood as a film producer and going on to date the most famous woman in the world.
Five-times-married Annie, who was scouted as a model in her early 20s, said she met Dodi in the summer of 1996 at London’s most decadent late-night haunt, Tramp nightclub.
Annie, who by then had quit modelling for public relations, recalled how he asked her friend if she would dance with him but she declined.
She said: “It was midnight and I didn’t want to be there.”
But Dodi overheard her reply and Annie said: “I remember his little face. It’s like someone had sold his dog. I felt bad for him.”
Annie recalled: “Dodi had moves. He surprised me because he looked like a wet blanket.”
She added: “He wasn’t a great conversationalist or raconteur. He was very shy.”
The first night she stayed at Dodi’s Park Lane apartment felt like a scene from the film An Officer And A Gentleman, according to Annie.
Dodi — who had attended Sandhurst, the British Army’s top officer training academy — had filled it with “beautiful military uniforms” and he held her hand as she walked down the stairs.
In the current series of Netflix drama The Crown, Dodi is seen snorting cocaine and making love to his latest girlfriend on a private jet paid for by his dad, but Annie said the reality was far less glamorous for her.
She recalls: “We would go to Harry’s Bar, he’d have the truffles, then we’d go to Tramp and go back to his place with a bunch of losers.
“I’d try and get an early night because I had to get up in the morning.
“He’d come to bed a bit later.
“We’d have a bit of hanky panky for a few hours. I’d get up at 6am and have to borrow one of his Ralph Lauren polo sweaters to wear on the walk of shame to work.”
She added sarcastically: “So yeah, it was really glamorous.”
Annie was a fan of the hit Netflix series but stopped watching before it focused on her ex’s famous relationship with Princess Diana, played by Elizabeth Debicki.
She said: “I don’t trust The Crown to have done an accurate portrayal and it’ll just annoy me.”
Annie said she decided to break off her romance with Dodi, which lasted almost a year, because she had a hunch there was another woman.
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Annie said she discovered her ex was dating Diana when she saw pictures of them in St Tropez on the French Riviera — including the famous ‘kiss’ photoCredit: Jason Fraser
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As the son of billionaire former Harrods owner Mohamed Fayed, Dodi had private jets and yachts at his disposalCredit: Alpha Photo Press Agency
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Diana and Dodi relax on a speedboat during a break in St Tropez in the South of France shortly before their deaths in 1997Credit: Rex Features
She said she first suspected something was up when a trip they had planned to the US for Christmas 1996 with Bruce Willis and Demi Moore — who film producer Dodi worked with on the 1995 movie The Scarlet Letter — was cancelled.
Annie said: “We had plans to go to Colorado to spend time with Bruce and Demi. We were all set to go and we were both excited about it.
Absolutely destroyed
“The trip didn’t happen and we had words about it.”
She recalled how Dodi suddenly “changed” and “went quiet”. She added: “Obviously I knew. You can read the temperature.”
Dodi had first met Diana at a polo match in 1989, but they did not get together until his dad invited her to stay at his mansion in St Tropez in July 1997. Annie said she discovered her ex was dating Diana when she saw the pictures of them in the luxurious resort on the French Riviera — including the famous “kiss” photo.
But she believes they got together “quite a long time” before things were made public.
When she heard the news she admitted: “I was a little annoyed.”
As well as Annie, the new film hears from those closest to Dodi including British former Royal Military Police officer Lee Sansum, one of the Fayed family’s personal bodyguards, and Dodi’s personal butler of seven years, René Delorm, who lived with him and travelled the world with him.
Peter Riva, who knew Dodi from his time at an elite Swiss boarding school, also claims in the documentary he once saw Dodi carrying a “brick” of cocaine at the notorious Studio 54 nightclub in New York.
When the news came out that the Princess was dating Dodi, Annie said his wild past led her to predict a bad outcome for the relationship.
She said: “There was a sense of foreboding. I knew he was going to get crucified. Everyone she was with was going to get absolutely destroyed.
“He had a lot to hide, unfortunately. I had this real fear. And I just actually said to a friend, ‘This is not going to end well’.”
In the 90s, well-connected Annie lived a jet-set lifestyle. She was pals with the late socialite Tara Palmer-Tomkinson and former Miss UK Kirsty Bertarelli, who last year became Britain’s richest divorcee with a £400million settlement after splitting from her billionaire husband, Swiss biotech tycoon Ernesto Bertarelli.
Annie said: “I think I was the only one of my friends who wasn’t a Trust Fund kid. I was the only one having to get up at 6am and go to work.”
And she said ditching Dodi was a “turning point” in her life.
Annie said: “I wasn’t at all in the spotlight, but a lot of my friends like Tara Palmer-Tomkinson were, and I saw them spiralling out of control.”
She added: “It was a turning point to leave behind a lifestyle that I wasn’t enjoying. And I made the decision to live a calmer and peaceful, quieter life.”
Single Annie — who was once married to entrepreneur Gary Cardone, whose brother Grant was in US reality TV series Undercover Billionaire — said she and Dodi were not a great match — but he and Diana were.
After seeing the CCTV footage of the pair in the lift at the Ritz Hotel in Paris on that fateful night in August 1997 just before they were killed, she said she could see he was “absolutely besotted” with Diana.
While he was alive, divorced Dodi — who was married to model Suzanne Gregard for eight months in the 1980s — reportedly dated a string of famous models and actresses, including Julia Roberts, Brooke Shields and Winona Ryder.
American model Kelly Fisher was reportedly engaged to Dodi before Diana. When paparazzi photographs revealed the Princess looking cosy with Dodi on a yacht, Kelly was so outraged she sued her fiance.
Despite his playboy reputation, Annie insisted he would have stayed faithful to Diana, had they both lived.
Annie, who also runs a dog rescue Facebook group, said: “I think they would have had children, had a family, because their goals and purposes were aligned.
“I do believe, if there was The One, then Diana was his one.”
Dodi: Last Days Of A Playboy is on Channel 5 Wednesday at 9pm.
This side could become only the second Asian nation to reach the quarter-finals of a World Cup.
Kagoshima, Japan – Japan take on Croatia in the group of 16 of the World Cup 2022 on Monday. The 6pm (15:00 GMT) kickoff means it will be midnight in Japan when the first whistle is blown.
Many will sacrifice their sleep to watch their team play. With extra time and penalties a possibility, there is a chance that Japanese football fans may be awake and glued to their screens well past 3am.
The wins over Germany and Spain mean that even casual football fans are glued to their screens and are willing to sacrifice their sleep, hoping and praying for one more sleepless night after every match.
Japan progressed beyond the group stage of the World Cup three times but never went beyond the last-16 stage.
The Group E wins over Germany and Spain have created strong hope and belief that Hajime Moriyasu’s team can become the first to cross that barrier. Should the Blue Samurai down Croatia, they will become only the second Asian nation to reach the quarter-finals after South Korea in 2002.
For 44-year-old Japanese fan Takuro Shinmyozu, the player who has made a difference in Moriyasu’s charges is Ritsu Doan. The SC Freiburg winger has scored twice, his goals helping Japan beat Germany and Spain.
While Shinmyozu has been happy with the performances of Doan, dubbed by some as “the Japanese Messi”, he does feel that the 24-year-old needs to improve his behaviour.
“Doan is the best player. He knows what Japan should do. He may need to work on his attitude though,” said Shinmyozu who credits Japan’s disciplined strategy for having helped them overcome Germany and Spain.
“Higher-ranked teams like Germany and Spain have better individual skills and passing than Japan. Japan fended off their attacks and responded with well-organised strategies in the second half of those games,” he added.
Shinmyozu conceded that the team surprised him. He admitted he turned off his television and went to sleep when the team was trailing 1-0 against Germany in their World Cup opener but realised what he had missed out on when he woke up.
Yoichi Tominanga feels that the strong performances of the Samurai Blue in Qatar will serve the national team going well into the future.
He also noticed a change in the mentality of players who now “do not give strong nations respect” on the field as previous generations of Japanese footballers may have been doing to their own detriment.
“We have picked up confidence. We don’t give too much respect to strong nations any more. We are not afraid of them. There are many strong nations like Brazil, Germany, Argentina, Spain and France that we could still learn a lot from. Kids who are watching these games will not think that we are just an underdog. They will think that we can beat these teams. It gives the future of Japanese football a lot of meaning,” he said.
After witnessing the team make gradual improvement since its first World Cup appearance in 1998, longtime football fans such as Tominaga, 38, expected the group-stage games to be difficult but always knew that Japan would have a fighting chance of getting out of the group.
“I thought the group would be hard. I knew we would have a chance of advancing beyond the group stage as most football fans know that anything can happen in football,” said Tominaga.
Warning: This story contains details of sexual assault.
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Uyo, Nigeria – When Blessing* boarded a bus early on a January morning in 2017 for the 60km (37 miles) journey from her home in Calabar, in Nigeria’s Cross River State, to a village in neighbouring Akwa Ibom State, she thought she was going to meet a corporate executive about a potential job offer.
The 10-hour ordeal that followed still haunts her, years later.
It all started with a job posting on Jiji, an online trade platform, in December 2016.
At the time, Blessing was 24 years old. She had just finished a diploma course and was planning to begin university the following year. But first, she needed to save money for her fees and living expenses. And that meant finding a job.
Like many other young Nigerians seeking employment in the digital age, Blessing made a social media post in search of job offers, leaving her contact information so that prospective employers could reach her.
A few weeks later, she got a call from a man who told her there was an opening for an entry-level role at ExxonMobil, an American oil and gas company with a drilling licence in Nigeria. He asked that she bring a hard copy of her ID to an address in the neighbouring state to continue the application process.
She had doubts but hoped her weeks of job hunting were finally about to pay off.
“I told [the man] that I wasn’t comfortable [travelling so far to meet him], being that I don’t know him. But he insisted that I didn’t have a choice. And I was desperately in need of a job at that time,” Blessing, who is now 30, recalls.
When she told her mother about the call, she too tried to persuade the man that Blessing could simply scan her ID and email him a copy of it, instead of travelling across states. But the man insisted, so Blessing’s mother borrowed the money for her bus fare.
‘Beware of dogs’
After four hours on the bus, Blessing arrived in the town of Uyo in Akwa Ibom State at 10am.
“When I got there, I called him. He sent me the location [an address in the village] via SMS. He told me to take a taxi to Oron road, then I should take a [motorcycle taxi] and look for a house with [a] ‘beware of dogs’ [sign],” she says.
The road to the village of Nung Ikono Obio is untarred and lined by thick vegetation on both sides. When she saw the condition of the road, Blessing contemplated turning back but reasoned that she had already spent too much on travel.
“I did not want to go home without feedback [for my mother],” she recalls.
[Jawahir Al-Naimi/Al Jazeera]
But when Blessing arrived at the house with the “beware of dogs” sign, she was shocked by what she saw. It was the site of ongoing construction; outside, labourers were moving sand from a heap to mix concrete which they used for the foundation.
The man she had been speaking to on the phone also surprised her – he looked too young to be a corporate executive. It later turned out that he was just 16.
Blessing says he asked her to sit on a bench and wait for his father, who would discuss the job offer with her. Meanwhile, the labourers continued working around her.
“There were people working so I did not suspect anything,” she recalls. “At about 2 o’clock, I became uncomfortable because time was running fast and I was supposed to be heading back to Calabar.”
The boy told her not to worry, that they would leave as soon as he had paid the labourers.
But at 5pm, when the labourers left, the boy locked the gate, and Blessing was left alone with him inside the compound. When she protested, he threatened to kill her and demanded that she enter a nearby room.
She describes what happened next. “He told me to obey him and not hesitate, otherwise he would hurt me and no one would come to my rescue. The room was so dark but there was a small mattress. He told me to sit on it. He told me to undress. That was when I started pleading.”
Blessing started crying. She told him that she did not want the job any more.
“He brought out a knife tied with red cloths and [said] that if I did not undress, he would stab me.”
Then he raped her.
Rape and murder
In August this year, Uduak “Ezekiel” Akpan, now 22, was found guilty of raping and murdering Iniubong Umoren, a 26-year-old job seeker, in April 2021. After Umoren’s case started trending on social media, Blessing saw posts and realised the attacker was the same man who had raped her in 2017.
Like Blessing, Umoren had made an open call on social media for a job. “#AkwaIbomTwitter please. I’m really in need of a job, something to do to keep my mind and soul together while contributing dutifully to the organization. My location is Uyo. I’m creative, really good at thinking critically, and most importantly a fast learner. CV available on request,” she tweeted on April 27, 2021.
As with Blessing, Akpan had then lured her to his home – the same one, still under construction all these years later – under the pretext of a job interview.
While there, Umoren sent a one-second WhatsApp audio message to her friend Uduak Obong. When Obong called her back, she heard her friend’s screams. So she sent a frantic tweet suggesting Umoren might be in danger. Online, Nigerians began investigating. Within a few hours, they found Akpan’s Facebook pages and dug up his digital footprint. A Twitter user got a leak of Akpan’s call log. With the call logs, he geolocated where Akpan was when he had last called Umoren’s phone.
The following day, Umoren’s body was found in a shallow grave in the same compound in Nung Ikono Obio where Blessing had been raped years earlier.
After Akpan attacked Blessing, she was too traumatised to report it. She did not even tell her mother what had happened. But she did go to the hospital to get tested for sexually transmitted diseases.
Blessing came forward after Umoren’s death, and prosecutors called her to give evidence against Akpan at his trial. Although she did not end up testifying – she was told her testimony was no longer needed – she sees her decision as a first attempt at seeking justice for what happened to her.
In the statement Akpan gave to the police before his trial commenced – a confession he later tried to recant, saying it was obtained under duress, although the judge ruled against him – he admitted to having attacked six other women, including Blessing. Umoren was the only one he killed.
[Jawahir Al-Naimi/Al Jazeera]
Multiple victims
Twenty-five-year-old Miriam Akpan (no relation to the perpetrator) was one of Akpan’s other victims. In December 2020, desperate for a job, she posted on a Facebook group called Job Vacancy in Uyo, advertising her interests and qualifications.
“Please, anything, I can do,” she wrote, mentioning that she had the equivalent of a high school certificate and would take any job. No one offered her one until Akpan said he would pay her 35,000 Nigerian naira ($80) a month as a secretary in an “integrated farm”. Miriam was excited. For someone without a university degree, a job that paid more than the minimum monthly wage of 30,000 naira ($69) felt like a great opportunity.
She agreed to meet him to discuss the details of the job offer. But instead of an interview, she was drugged and raped.
For more than a year Miriam had suppressed the memory of what happened to her. She kept it from her sister, the only immediate family she has. But as people tried to locate Umoren, she saw Akpan’s picture being shared on Twitter and all the emotion she had tried to bury came rushing back. “I did not even think about it, I just commented [on Twitter] that this person robbed me last December,” she says.
But her last name raised suspicions, and some accused her of being related to Uduak Akpan. Umoren’s relatives did not immediately trust her when she advised them to go to Akpan’s house that night to search for the missing woman.
The following day, Miriam’s directions led the police and Umoren’s relatives to the compound where they found her body.
Miriam’s court testimony also helped convict Akpan.
He was subsequently sentenced to death by hanging for the murder of Umoren, and life imprisonment for her rape.
Soaring unemployment
But Akpan is not the only person to have taken advantage of Nigeria’s employment crisis.
It is common for Nigerians to announce on social media that they are seeking jobs. With a soaring unemployment rate, many explore unconventional ways of finding work. Graduates are sometimes seen holding placards at major bus stops and expressways pleading for jobs; others make online banners; and members of the National Youth Corps who finish their service also post their certificates on social media, announcing that they are ready for employment.
Nigeria’s unemployment rate stands at 33.3 percent, according to data from the National Bureau of Statistics, which means that more than 23 million people either have no job or work for less than 20 hours a week. Among those aged between 15 and 35, the unemployment rate stood at 42.5 percent in 2020.
[Jawahir Al-Naimi/Al Jazeera]
The high number of unemployed people seeking jobs also makes Nigeria’s labour market a “breeding ground” for criminals who lure applicants in with job interviews, said Taibat Hussain, a youth and gender equality advocate. “Criminals … lure applicants in with fake job interviews, and then rob, rape and, in extreme cases, kill them. This category of youth, after spending years without employment opportunities, falls prey to the tactics and is left with no other choice than to give in,” she told Al Jazeera.
As part of reporting this story, Al Jazeera met a 26-year-old man arrested in Cross River State for the alleged rape of an 18-year-old woman to whom he had promised a job. We are not naming him as he is awaiting trial.
When Al Jazeera met him at Calabar Correctional Centre, he was wearing a blue shirt with its collar raised and a pair of too-small slippers. He had already been behind bars for more than a year. He told Al Jazeera he had slept with the woman but denied raping her. “I was going to help her get the job but she is angry because the job did not come as fast as she wanted,” he said.
But in a statement the woman gave to the police detailing her experience, she told a different story. She met the man while looking for work vacancies, she said. He told her there was a cleaning position open in his workplace – a manufacturing company in Calabar.
“He asked me to bring my application to his house so that he can help me correct it and submit [it]. He looked at my application and said it is not correct. He wrote another one and told me to recopy it with my handwriting. After I finished copying it, I wanted to go but he did not let me go. He started kissing me and touching my breast. He used his right hand to hold my hands together and his left hand to cover my mouth,” her statement in the police report reads.
Experts say that most victims of dubious employment scams are younger women seeking low-skilled jobs, who make up a significant number of the unemployed population, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.
Extorted by ‘jobs for sale’
While predators like Akpan take advantage of desperate job seekers, there are registered companies that also extort these desperate people in other ways.
Oladeinde Olawoyin, a Nigerian journalist who has investigated fake employment agencies, found 50 cases of applicants being extorted. These agencies get applicants to pay for a registration package – usually charging 5,000-10,000 naira ($11-23) – with the promise of finding them a job, yet most never do. Some of these companies are registered as consultancies to circumvent the law that makes it illegal for a person to pay to gain employment, Olawoyin explains.
“Many of the agencies do not have jobs to give,” he says. “They charge applicants for registration forms and don’t really get them any job. There are a few who might have [a] few jobs but they recruit more people than the [number of] job[s] they have. In a pool of about 1,000, they might throw in maybe 20 jobs or less.
“These agencies know that Nigeria is [a] free for all. So they … gamble with people’s life and extort them. Most often they change their location when their notoriety spreads. They change their name and location. So it is possible that a job seeker might get scammed two, three, or four times by the same set of people with different names and addresses.”
John Nyamani, the director of employment and wages at Nigeria’s Ministry of Labour, told Al Jazeera that “desperation”, social media and job seekers wanting a quick fix were to blame for people being preyed upon.
“We don’t want to follow the rules because we are in a hurry to get employment,” he said.
Nyamani advised job seekers to be circumspect of opportunities advertised on social media that cannot be traced to an established organisation. “They are deceived with jobs and it is because of the situation of things. The government can only try its best through the security agencies to educate people on how to be careful. Not every advert you see on social media [is one] that you respond to. If you have to respond to it, make clarifications, and ask the Ministry of Labour. The Ministry of Labour has a good, functional website,” he added, referring to the National Employment Electronic Labour Exchange (NELEX).
The website has a pool of vacancies and a list of legal organisations where Nigerians seeking employment can carry out background checks on their prospective employers, Nyamani said.
However, advocate Hussain, who has looked into the government’s youth unemployment reduction scheme, says such initiatives only provide “temporary relief”, and that there is a need for permanent and sustainable connections between the labour market and government initiatives that hope to help young people.
For many, Umoren’s death highlighted how dire the unemployment situation is in Nigeria, and the risks young people are willing to take to find a job.
Miriam has gone back to school where she is learning to become a data scientist. She said facing Akpan again was one of the toughest things she has ever done but, after the incident, she decided to relocate to Lagos to start afresh.
“I have left Uyo and everything else behind me,” she says. “I can now build a future that I want. I bought a laptop. I am going to start learning how to code.”
For Blessing, it has been harder. She will only feel that there has been justice when Akpan hangs, she says, adding: “I don’t think he will ever be killed.”
Al-Rayyan, Qatar – A group of friends and family gather daily at the majlis in a building that is walking distance from their homes in Al-Rayyan, just west of Doha.
It’s a tradition that has been going on for years and is part of daily life here in Qatar. A majlis is an area in a house or a separate building used for all sorts of gatherings, from daily lounging to more important events.
But now, with the World Cup in town, it has taken on a different theme: a football watch party.
The mostly middle-aged and older attendees at the majlis were there to watch Sunday’s opening match of the 2022 World Cup, Qatar v Ecuador.
In Qatar, they have been waiting for this moment for years. All across the country, in majlis just like this, Qataris tuned in to see themselves on the world stage.
Not that everyone was here for the game.
“Honestly, I’m not into football,” said Nasser Al Thani, who is here most days. “They’re all here for the game, but I’m here for the opening ceremony.”
The opening ceremony, with its display of Qatari history, took the guests back to their childhood. One moment, in particular, took them back when a video was shown of Qatar’s former Emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani playing football in the desert in what the guests estimated to be the early 1970s.
“We used to play in the sands like this,” said Al Thani. “Barefoot, toes bleeding. When I see these old images, it reminds me of the old days. People were simpler and nicer then.”
Al Thani and the other guests reminisced about their trips to the desert in their youth.
One of them, Mubarak al-Naeemi, used to play for the Qatari football teams Al-Rayyan and Al-Gharafa in the 1980s. He said that one of his teammates at the time was Hassan Afif, the father of the current star of the Qatari team, Akram Afif.
“I would play on the left wing; I was good, but Hassan could get the ball to anyone, wherever they were on the field,” al-Naeemi told Al Jazeera.
Distracted from the game
Qatar conceded a goal early, setting the game’s tone.
So, instead of wasting their time by paying too much attention to what was a poor performance from the Qataris, the majlis guests returned to thinking about the changes they have seen in the last 20 years in Qatar, particularly since the World Cup was awarded to the Gulf country in 2010.
It is well-known that Doha has changed rapidly since then. But listening to the guests here, who saw that change, it is clear how radically different things are.
“Look at these metro stations,” said one of the guests, Sultan Johar. “Four floors underground. It’s amazing. We got the World Cup out of it, but even if we hadn’t, these changes would have been enough. When you get off at each stop, you see something new.”
Al Thani points out that the change has gone beyond the infrastructure and spread to the people.
“Let’s be honest, we didn’t have a strong sense of nationalism or national identity before,” said Al Thani. “The World Cup, this project, has helped build this. Now you even hear the other Arabs who have been raised here, they speak with a Qatari accent. They have started to feel that pride in living in Qatar.”
But that does not mean that this group welcomes all the changes.
They recalled that the Qatar of their childhood and adolescence was less developed, but people were hardier and could survive on their own.
And not just that, the weather was cooler, and rainfall was still rare but more plentiful than today, they said.
Now, as many World Cup guests have found out, the temperatures are warmer than they used to be.
“It’s climate change, and it makes us worry about the future,” said Johar. “We never understood things like conservation or protecting the environment. Now we go on trips to the desert and pick up the litter. We get it now but look at the trees. They’ve disappeared in some areas because of the lack of rainfall. And the animals we used to hunt, you have to go deep into the desert to find them now.”
On the television, Qatar conceded a second and then showed little in the second half, with the game eventually ending 2-0 for Ecuador.
Most of the guests at the majlis had left long before the end of the games, and the jokes were already rolling into everyone’s phones, commiserating over the loss.
At the end of the day, the result was not too important for the guests here, but the symbolism of the arrival of such a significant event to their doorstep was. And yet, once this tournament is over, the majlis will carry on, and these friends will still gather, wondering how much more they will see their country change in the years to come.
Dwarfed by its more prestigious sibling, the Amazon, Latin America’s second-largest forest is a little-known victim of 25 years of gradual invasion by agriculture.
The Gran Chaco indigenous forest, which spans one million square kilometres (386,000sq miles) across Argentina, Paraguay and Bolivia, is at the mercy of ravenous soybean and sunflower crops, as well as pasture land.
Comprising a mix of dry thorn shrubland, woodlands and palm savannas, the dense tropical dry forest contains massive scars – vast areas of deforestation gouged out with alarming regularity.
The harm to local fauna and flora is immeasurable.
Here, in Argentina’s northeast, some 1,100 kilometres (685 miles) from Buenos Aires, is the country’s agricultural frontier. It is where the agro-export industry, so crucial for a country short on foreign currency, advances at the expense of various species of fauna and flora, as well as people.
Deforestation in the region has averaged around 40,000 hectares (154sq miles) a year, peaking at 60,000 (322sq miles) on occasion, said Ines Aguirre, an agricultural engineer from Chaco Argentina Agroforestry.
Gran Chaco includes a 128,000-hectare (494sq-mile) national park called The Impenetrable that is designated a “red zone” and strictly protected by a forestry law. But there are also “yellow” zones where tourism and “soft” agriculture are allowed, and “green” zones that are a free-for-all.
What this means is that deforestation around The Impenetrable park affects the rich fauna living within it, such as anteaters, peccaries, coral snakes, tapir and the continent’s largest feline, the jaguar, which is endangered in the region and the subject of an ambitious reintroduction programme.
“In the dry Chaco, we are probably facing a very serious effect of losing fauna. We are seeing especially the extinction of large mammals,” said Micaela Camino, a biologist at CONICET, Argentina’s government scientific agency, citing the giant armadillo and white-lipped peccary as examples.
It is not just fauna and flora being pushed out but also local Indigenous communities, such as the Wichi and Criollo who live in the forest.
“What generally happens is that before the logging, the rights of these families are violated. They are swindled [out of their land] and forced to leave their homes,” Camino said.
Maiduguri, Nigeria – One afternoon this August, Kaka Modu was wheeled into the emergency ward of the Umaru Shehu Stabilisation Centre in Maiduguri, the capital of the northeast Nigerian state of Borno.
The three-year-old had been brought in earlier that day from Konduga, a town 25km (15.5 miles) outside Maiduguri. She had shrunk in size and whimpered whenever her mother, Yagana Modu, adjusted her sitting position.
“She started by stooling for some days,” said Modu. “I was hoping it would stop. Then I noticed the belly and body were swollen.”
Kaka, who suffers from severe acute malnutrition (SAM), is one of more than 1.3 million children below five who are likely acutely malnourished in northeast Nigeria, according to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization’s (FAO’s) acute malnutrition analysis.
Food shortages and bouts of famine have affected the region for years as Boko Haram, which has been wreaking havoc since 2009, remains on a rampage. Thousands have been killed and millions displaced by the conflict.
Across the region, some 8.4 million people, primarily women and children, need humanitarian assistance, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Many are on the edge of death, experts say.
In 2019, Boko Haram attacked the Modu family’s village of Takari in Konduga, destroying Modu’s family home and livelihood. Her family of eight was held captive for months until Nigerian soldiers recaptured the town and transferred them to Konduga to join thousands of others displaced by the conflict.
Yagana Modu consoles her daughter, Kaka, as she whimpers at the emergency ward in a stabilisation centre in Maiduguri, Borno, Nigeria [Festus Iyorah/Al Jazeera]
‘Health facilities … overwhelmed’
Health authorities and non-profits say the situation is squeezing available resources.
Every week, one of the three ambulances operated by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) travels to outpatient centres in Konduga and nearby communities in Borno to transport patients like Kaka. Since May, admission of SAM cases, mostly children, has skyrocketed.
“This year, we are experiencing what we have not experienced in a long time,” Martha Budidi, IRC’s nutrition manager, told Al Jazeera. “Cases of children with severe acute malnutrition are beyond normal that even all the health facilities around Maiduguri are overwhelmed.”
Daily, 30-40 of those cases are admitted into IRC’s three stabilisation centres in the state – and about 200 people weekly, its officials said.
Elsewhere, the situation is bleaker.
The NGO Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres, or MSF), which has been treating malnutrition cases in Maiduguri since 2017, says there has been a record number of admissions since May, when health officials say malnutrition cases peak annually.
“Since week 30 [the last week of July], we are admitting 330 patients per week on average. In the same period, last year’s average number of weekly admissions was 69 patients.” Htet Aung Kyi, the MSF medical coordinator in Nigeria, told Al Jazeera.
This August, more patients were admitted in one week than in the entire month in the same period last year, Aung Kyi added.
Deepening food crisis
Two years ago, before armed groups struck Takari, life was good for Modu, a maize and millet farmer like her husband. Every year, they would rake in enough profits to feed the entire family.
But her fortunes changed after the attack. “I had no access to food and healthcare in captivity, so my children died,” she told Al Jazeera.
At the garrison town in Konduga, where internally displaced people (IDP) live, food is rationed so the family get one daily meal off her husband’s meagre income as a construction labourer.
Across the region, deteriorating food consumption patterns over the last year are deepening malnutrition.
The FAO’s analysis showed that 42.1 percent of households across the BAY states – Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe – had insufficient food intake, compared with 37.8 percent in the same period in 2021.
According to the organisation, the regional armed uprising has denied 65,800 farmers access to farms and agricultural inputs leading to a surge in food prices and a food crisis.
Within the Maiduguri metropolis, IDPs formerly dependent on food donations from NGOs such as Action Against Hunger and Save the Children at the camps are stuck in host communities, hungry.
Recovery and relapse
Since 2021, the Borno state government has resettled about 200,000 displaced people from relief camps across Maiduguri. While their resettlement gives them relative peace and stability, thousands are reeling from hunger.
According to a November 2022 report by Human Rights Watch, the government’s camp shutdowns exacerbated hunger and malnutrition in the city. IDPs interviewed in the report said the Borno State Emergency Management Authority (SEMA) and humanitarian organisations like Action Against Hunger stopped providing monthly food rations and cash donations that helped them buy food in Maiduguri camps.
“Once people don’t have access to food rations, it’s [malnutrition] is expected,” said Anietie Ewang, Nigeria researcher at Human Rights Watch. “For children, that’s more concerning because it has a lifetime impact on them and how they grow.”
In Maiduguri for instance, Hauwa Ali has struggled to feed her two children since being relocated from the Dalori I camp back in July. The 25-year-old is jobless, and her husband’s new life as a car mechanic’s apprentice has not taken off quite yet.
In June – and again in August – she rushed her nine-month-old daughter Hadisa to the stabilisation centre in Maiduguri and got a diagnosis of SAM with complications, including oral thrush and diarrhoea.
“The first time she was stooling and was treated,” she told Al Jazeera. “This second time I couldn’t breastfeed her, she started decreasing in weight. I noticed the symptoms one night when I checked her mouth and realized it was swollen.”
Hadisa’s is a case of relapse, which according to Ibrahim Mohammed, an IRC doctor in Bama, happens when a child returns to SAM after a recovery period. “It [relapse] can be caused by poor health or hygiene, but most times it is often the case of severe hunger,” he told Al Jazeera.
At the stabilisation centre in Bama, relapse cases are frequent due to food rationing and limited dietary choices.
Thousands of families eat only one meal a day across the region and “about 5,000 children could die of hunger if there are no resources shared to save them in the next two months”, John Mukisa, a nutrition sector coordinator for UNICEF, told Al Jazeera.
In the past, the Ali family relied on the food donated by the World Food Programme (WPF) and other donor agencies. But since relocating to a host community on the outskirts of Maiduguri in July, the household of four now eats only one meal per day.
Meanwhile, Hadisa who is on F.100, a calorie and protein formula used for quick weight gain for toddlers suffering from acute malnutrition, is recuperating.
But Ali fears another relapse is coming. “There’s nothing (food) to go back home to,” she told Al Jazeera. “I can’t feed her properly and I’m afraid she might be admitted again.”
A few months ago, a box was left outside the door of 34-year-old Yu Ting Xu’s* apartment in Beijing. Inside, there was an electronic monitoring wristband and a demand that she wear the wristband at all times as part of the fight against COVID-19 in her residential area.
While telling her story over a video call, Yu shuffles about in the background. When she returns to her screen, she is holding up the wristband, which looks like a smartwatch but has a plain white plastic surface instead of a display.
“I have never put it on,” she said.
“I have accepted lockdowns, forced COVID-19 tests and health codes, but this thing feels like surveillance just for the sake of surveillance.”
The wristband was the last straw for Yu who is among an increasing number of citizens concerned about the motivation for the Chinese authorities’ expansive use of COVID-19-related technology.
“I am afraid that the COVID-19 strategy is starting to be about controlling Chinese people instead of fighting COVID-19,” she told Al Jazeera.
China introduced a tracking app so that people with the virus or who might have been exposed would not spread it to others [File: Greg Baker/AFP]
Just a few days before Yu received the wristband, thousands of residents in central China had used social media to organise a protest outside a bank in Zhengzhou.
Many had been unable to access their bank deposits at the city’s Yu Zhou Xin Min Sheng Village Bank since April with the bank claiming that the problem was due to “system upgrades”.
Fed up with months of excuses, the depositors planned to protest in front of the bank’s headquarters. But the day before, thousands of depositors suddenly found their smartphones buzzing and the health codes on their compulsory COVID-19 apps turning from green to red.
Colour changes usually happen when the holder has visited a COVID-19-infected area or been designated a close contact with someone with the virus, and it means that the individual must quarantine immediately.
The red codes raised eyebrows.
There had not been a registered COVID-19 outbreak in the province, and the health codes of the family members who accompanied the many depositors to the protest remained green.
Some people who wanted to join protests in Zhengzhou over the freezing of their deposits suddenly found their COVID app went from green to red so they could not go out [File: Handout via Reuters]
Beijing has said technology such as the app and wristband are crucial to its zero-COVID strategy and its commitment to stamping out the virus, but the red health codes in Zhengzhou and the electronic wristbands in Beijing have contributed to growing scepticism.
Protection causing harm
When the health code system was implemented in early 2020, rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, warned such digital tools risked breaching the human rights of any Chinese citizen with a smartphone.
In the first two years of its operation, those early warnings were largely drowned out by thundering applause at the apparent success of the zero-COVID policy. While many Western countries were stumbling from one chaotic national lockdown to the next, Chinese authorities were able to keep most of China COVID-19-free with targeted lockdowns using digital tools to prevent the infected or potentially infected from spreading the virus.
Today, however, the roles are largely reversed.
While most of the world has used vaccination as a way to move on from coronavirus restrictions, China is stuck in a loop of relentless lockdowns in an unrelenting quest to stamp out every COVID-19 outbreak. Despite the wide availability of COVID-19 vaccines and the associated decrease in death rates, Beijing’s zero-COVID policy remains firmly in place with no end in sight.
The Chinese government defends the policy as a well-meaning strategy to protect people.
But prolonged lockdowns in cities such as Shanghai have brought with them reports of food shortages, family separations and even the killing of the pets of patients sent to quarantine. In the middle of September, there was outrage when a bus transporting people to a COVID-19 quarantine centre crashed, killing 27 passengers.
District lockdowns, security guards in protective clothing and COVID-19 testing sites remain common across the country nearly three years after the pandemic first began in its central city of Wuhan [Aly Song/Reuters]
The accident fed directly into the ongoing discussion in Chinese society about the accumulating costs of the government’s coronavirus policy.
“It is the government’s zero-COVID strategy that is killing us, not COVID-19,” one Weibo user declared after the accident.
His post was quickly removed by censors.
Censors were initially overwhelmed, however, by the popular uproar that swept through Chinese social media sites following the handling of the bank demonstration in Zhengzhou. What human rights organisations had warned about in 2020 had happened: digital tools supposedly implemented to secure the health of Chinese citizens had instead been used to rob those very citizens of their rights.
More intrusion, less support
Han Wu*, 37, from the southern city of Guangzhou, was among the many Chinese users on Weibo that expressed outrage following the incident in Zhengzhou. Like Yu in Beijing, he also believes that the authorities have gone too far in their pursuit of zero COVID.
Han was forced to leave his home and move into one of the government’s quarantine centres for 14 days after testing positive for COVID-19 at the end of June.
“When I returned to my apartment, I could see that the door had been forced open and my things were scattered all over the place,” he told Al Jazeera, before turning on the camera on his phone to show marks and cuts on the outside of his door as evidence of the forced entry.
Han later learned from the local authorities that they had entered his apartment to disinfect the rooms and to make sure no one else was living there. These were necessary precautions, he was told.
“I back the containment of COVID-19 infections, but I don’t back government break-ins and privacy violations,” he said.
Lin Pu is a scholar of digital authoritarianism and Chinese influence at Tulane University in the United States.
He explains that it used to be so-called terrorists, separatists, criminals and political activists who felt the Chinese authorities’ capacity for oppression, but the zero-COVID policy had exposed the usually more apolitical middle class to the strong arm of the government.
He says the discontent could prompt further abuse of the system.
“It is quite possible that the digital tools initially used for COVID control will be increasingly used for social control if dissatisfaction continues to rise,” Lin says.
“In turn, this can create a feedback loop where dissatisfaction with the COVID strategy tempts the authorities to use the digital tools to ensure social control which creates more dissatisfaction.”
‘No revolutionary’
Upset over the COVID policies comes at a time when the need for stability is paramount for China’s ruling party.
The 20th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is set to start on October 16 and President Xi Jinping is expected to secure an unprecedented third term, making him the party’s longest-serving leader since Mao Zedong.
The congresses are among the most important political events in China, and are held only once every five years.
“China is facing a series of compounding challenges at a time when the CCP and Xi Jinping needs China to appear prosperous and harmonious,” said Christina Chen, who specialises in Chinese politics at the Taiwanese think-tank INDSR.
The zero-COVID strategy is also damaging the economy, with growth at its slowest in decades, youth unemployment at a record 20 percent and a distorted housing market where thousands of people are refusing to pay mortgages on incomplete homes, while a decades-long building frenzy has left upwards of 50 million homes unoccupied.
“China needs to look stable, and the political projects associated with his presidency, like the zero-COVID strategy, must appear like indisputable successes in order to legitimise him serving a third term,” Chen adds.
Many welcomed the COVID-related digital tools when they first appeared thinking it would make their lives easier. But as time has gone on, resentment has grown [File: Hector Retamal/AFP]
Going into the congress, COVID cases are rising and new variants have been discovered. While no deaths have been reported since April, the government continues to stress its commitment to zero COVID no matter the resentment among the general public from the harsh restrictions and regular testing.
Back in Beijing, Yu admits the policy has made her more sceptical of the authorities.
“I am no revolutionary,” she said as she closed her fingers around the electronic monitoring wristband in her palm.
“I just don’t want to be monitored and exploited.”
When asked what she would do if she were forced to wear the wristband, she stands up and pushes her chair away.
“I will show you.”
She takes a few quick steps towards an open window at the back of the room and tosses the wristband out into the night.
* The names of Yu Ting Xu and Han Wu have been changed to protect their identities.
Jessica grew up with a foster family in Rio. She won the 2014 Street Child World Cup with Brazil and now wants to help other girls achieve their dreams.
Jessica was part of Brazil’s Street Child World Cup winning squad in 2018.
She grew up in a Rio favela with a foster family and said she was forced to like football before falling in love with the game.
Here, she talks about life in a community and how football has changed her life:
I’ve been living at Complexo da Penha in Rio since I was born. I’ve lived with a foster family since I was six months old but my biological mother and sisters live nearby and we get along.
The family has been friends with my mother for a long time – way before I was born. My foster family is also raising Jamylle, my youngest sister since she was two.
As we live in a community, people often look down on us and think about the bad things that happen there. There are also good things happening there.
We don’t have access to many opportunities, and we have to deal with a lot of prejudice towards Black people and those living in a community. It is not easy for anyone, but if we don’t focus, we won’t achieve anything.
The violence rate in Penha is high, but it never affected me directly. I missed classes many times because there was a police operation in the community. It’s quite challenging to be a child in Penha now if you don’t have parents that give you a good foundation, education and follow every step you take.
It is easy to get lost, as many children end up in crime. When I was a child, it was not allowed to have children as part of gangs but now it happens. There was more respect when I was a child. Now it is gone.
Enjoying football
There were mostly boys in the area I grew up and they played football on the streets. I was kind of forced to like it but after a while, I started to really enjoy it.
I remember one day I was playing on the football pitch and I saw a girls’ football project. They invited me to join them after they saw me play. That’s how I joined the Street Child United project in 2014.
Football has changed everything in my life. I became more responsible, the sport gave me a different perspective about respecting others, and I learned how to work as a team.
Before, I didn’t know how important it was to have the opinion and support of others. For example, a while ago, one of the girls had to get a passport made. Her family could not help her with it. She asked me if I could go with her and we did it together.
Football also helped me meet other people, travel outside of Brazil, experience different cultures and learn new things. I’m super happy at the path football has taken me on because having the chance to represent my country was a dream.
Almost every girl who aims to become a professional footballer wants those things. It was a huge opportunity because it sends a positive message to our family and the Penha community.
Those things will inspire other children.
The travels also gave me more visibility and some people who didn’t believe in me started to see me differently. I didn’t believe in myself either, but then I became more confident.
I now want to help people through sports, so I want to study physical education. I want to help people the same way others helped me: by opening doors, motivating them to go to university, study, respect people and also have empathy.
The project gave me all that, and I want the girls arriving at the project now to see what they can achieve. I want to help to keep those girls get away from crime.
Now, I work as a coach on the project every Saturday morning. During the week, I work in a tools factory. And I also have English classes three times a week.
In the future, I see myself graduating, working on the project and helping students. I want to help them as much as I can with school and education.
I want people to know that we can achieve our dreams. We just need to have faith and willpower.
Seemingly abandoned during the day, the damaged factory building in eastern Ukraine comes to life at night, when the smell of fresh bread emanates from its broken windows.
It is one of two large-scale bakeries left in operation in the Ukrainian-held part of the Donetsk region, most of which is under Russian occupation.
The others had to close down because they were damaged by fighting or because their electricity and gas supplies were cut.
The bakery in Kostiantynivka adjusted its working hours according to the rhythm of the war.
Employees at the factory come to work at 7pm to start kneading the dough. By dawn, truck drivers arrive to pick up fresh loaves of bread for delivery to towns and villages where the grocery stores are typically open only in the morning, when, on most days, there is a lull in Russian shelling.
“We bake more bread at night so we can distribute it to stores in the morning,” bakery director Oleksandr Milov says.
The factory bakes about 7 tonnes of bread daily, or about 17,500 loaves. Half of it goes to the Ukrainian military.
Another plant in Druzhkivka is still operational, producing rolls, loaves and cookies.
But the bakeries in Kostiantynivka and Druzhkivka do not make enough bread for the estimated 300,000 people who remain in the Ukrainian-controlled part of the Donetsk region. In the south of the region, entrepreneurs bring in bread from the neighbouring Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhia regions, and some supermarkets have small bakeries.
The Kostiantynivka bakery has remained open despite many challenges. In April, it lost its gas supply, but the ovens were reconfigured to run on coal – a system which had not been used at this plant since World War II. The coal-fired boiler is operated by three men.
Milov tried six types of coal before he found the right type with high heat output. One advantage of the coal system is that the plant will not need additional heating in winter. There will be no central heating in the region this winter because of the lack of gas.
The bakery faced its next problem in June, when Russia occupied the town of Lyman in the north of the region where the mill that supplied flour to the Kostiantynivka bakery was located. Milov had to buy flour from a supplier in the Zaporizhia region, which is 150km (about 90 miles) from Kostiantynivka.
The added transport costs increased the price of bread. So has the inflation rate, which is about 20 percent in Ukraine.
Another concern is a shortage of grain. In 2021, the harvest in Ukraine exceeded 100 million tonnes of grain. The new harvest, according to preliminary estimates of the Ministry of Agriculture Policy, is 65-67 million tonnes. Since Russia has attacked not only fields, but grain storage as well, some farmers are exporting grain for storage abroad.
The bakery in Kostiantynivka has 20 drivers deliver bread daily, not only to cities, but also to half-empty front-line villages.
One of them, Vasyl Moiseienko, a retiree, arrives in his car at the factory at 6am and fills it up with still hot loaves. He shows the crack in the windshield that a piece of shrapnel left a few weeks ago during a bread delivery run.
“Who else will go? I’m old, so I could drive,” Moiseienko said.
He drives along bad roads to the village of Dyliivka, 15km (9 miles) from the line of contact. The driver quickly unloads the bread and drives on to another town on the front line.
About 100 people live in Dyliivka, but the village looks empty. Every 10 to 15 minutes, the sounds of artillery can be heard. It is hard to find a mobile phone connection in the area, but the data network functions. The saleswoman of the local store writes in the village’s Viber chat that bread has been brought. And within 15 minutes, the store fills up with people.
Liubov Lytvynova, 76, takes several loaves of bread. She says she dries some of it to make breadcrumbs which she keeps in her cellar. She puts one loaf in the freezer to keep it longer.
“We only live in fear. And if they don’t deliver bread, what will we do?” Lytvynova said.
Lviv, Ukraine – Four-year-old Teona sits in a room filled with purple beanbags and other sensory toys, patting an inflated balloon vigorously with both her hands. She seems cheerful and vivacious, occasionally crying out in joy. Speaking to her in a kindly, measured tone is a play therapist, Sofia. Her job is to help Teona improve her social skills. Watching the two interact, it’s hard to imagine that the last few months have been intensely traumatic for Teona in ways that she cannot articulate.
For now, she is safe at the Dzherelo Children’s Rehabilitation Centre, an NGO offering rehabilitation services and treatment for young people with disabilities in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv. The journey was not easy, though. She and her mother, Viktoria Plyush, 33, fled by train, waiting fearfully at dangerous checkpoints before arriving on July 9, just over four months after Russian forces captured their hometown of Hola Prystan in the southern region of Kherson.
Teona has non-verbal autism, and before the Russians overran Hola Prystan she had been attending a kindergarten that provided play and speech therapy. For months, her mother clung to the hope that Ukrainian forces would liberate the area. Teona had been confined to their home for several months, unable to go to school or see any of her classmates, who had all gone to Poland or Romania with their families. She grew agitated, covering her ears and screaming constantly.
“All the facilities for children with developmental disabilities shut down because they refused to cooperate with the Russian occupiers, which we think is the honourable thing to do,” Plyush says. A mild-mannered woman with a determined gaze, she sits ramrod straight in her chair as she speaks, occasionally glancing at Teona as she plays with Sofia.
The family lived in fear. “Rockets were flying everywhere and there were no air raid sirens to warn us,” she recalls. The only times she left the house were to dash out to the market to buy food. The last straw came when she heard about the Russian army kidnapping civilians or fighters with Ukrainian loyalties.
Teona wailed throughout the arduous two-day journey from Hola Prystan into Lviv.
Now, Plyush, her husband and Teona live with her sister in Lviv. Plyush is relieved that Teona can resume the therapy she needs, and not be isolated any longer.
Despite her sunny disposition and the friends she’s made at Dzherelo, Teona is still on edge following her ordeal. After months at home with Plyush in Hola Prystan, she also has separation anxiety, screaming if her mother is out of sight for more than a few minutes.
But it’s not just Teona who has needed extra care after all the stress she has endured. Yaroslava Nikashin, 35, an easy-going and warm social worker at Dzherelo, says that her work in recent months has focused on supporting parents and ramping up psychological help and counselling for caregivers. “Some of the parents like her [Plyush] seem calm, but on the inside, they’re also really scared and sad,” she says.
Despite worries that financing for NGOs like Dzherelo will dwindle as the war drags on and most financial aid is diverted to the armed services, Nikashin has made up her mind to continue her work. “We have to try and maintain both the quality and quantity of the services we offer and give as much as we can,” she says.
The Dzherelo centre, in a suburb of Lviv, offers treatment and rehabilitation services for disabled young people [Amandas Ong/Al Jazeera]
Challenges accessing support
As the Russian invasion grinds into its eighth month, Ukrainians with intellectual and physical disabilities – as well as their carers – continue to encounter huge challenges in accessing the support they need.
According to two Brussels-based NGOs, the European Disability Forum and Inclusion Europe, some 2.7 million people with disabilities are registered in Ukraine. Of these, an estimated 261,000 have intellectual disabilities. Both organisations have documented a drastic deterioration in the quality of life for Ukrainians with disabilities.
Some are unable to access medication or food, while those with developmental disabilities have seizures or become aggressive while frightened by shelling. In addition, wheelchair users or those with mobility issues are not able to access bomb shelters, so people with physical disabilities have no choice but to remain at home, leaving them at a disproportionate risk of death. Thousands more are believed to be trapped in care homes or poorly-maintained institutions, cut off from their communities and languishing in neglect.
Since the end of June, Dzherelo has been working with UNICEF and the Ukrainian government on an emergency intervention, dispatching mobile teams of medical experts to seven regions of western Ukraine, focusing on remote areas where children with physical impediments and developmental difficulties might struggle to receive the assistance they need. In total, Dzherelo has supported more than 750 families through this scheme and their Lviv facility.
Zoreslava Liulchak, the director of Dzherelo, says that in the early days of the war, the centre met people at the train station in Lviv who had carried their children for the entire journey from the east to western Ukraine, as they were not able to bring wheelchairs from home. “There’s also a big problem with leaving itself,” she adds. “The Russians often do not release people from the occupied territory.”
She cites the example of a rehabilitation specialist from Kherson who is now working at Dzherelo. Along with his two nephews who have cerebral palsy, he had to escape through Russian-controlled Crimea, as they were not permitted to leave via any other route. These stories are commonplace, Liulchak says, and such stressful journeys can “provoke complications in physical and psychological conditions” already experienced by children with disabilities.
A trampoline at the Dzherelo centre, which has helped more than 750 families through a joint emergency programme focusing on remote areas which started in late June [Amandas Ong/Al Jazeera]
Gruelling, expensive work
Some 735km (575 miles) away in Galway, Ireland, 40-year-old Ukrainian disability rights activist Yuliia Sachuk is all too familiar with the frustrations faced by people with disabilities who are trying to evacuate to safety – whether to western Ukraine or abroad. As the chair and co-founder of Fight for Right, a female-led Ukrainian NGO for disability rights, Sachuk and her team of nearly 30 have been overworked arranging the delivery of essential medications, financial support and legal advice for more than 4,100 individuals in the disabled community since the end of February.
Sachuk was studying for a master’s in disability law in Galway when she returned home in early 2022 as tensions were rising in eastern Ukraine. She fled the country in the late hours of February 24, following the invasion, with her 17-year-old son and sister after hearing about a bombing near a medical facility for people with disabilities. Their train from Kyiv kept stopping amid explosions and she frantically texted other activists in neighbouring countries for help. One of her contacts helped the family get to Romania, and eventually to Ireland. Her husband has remained in Ukraine and is volunteering with the Territorial Defence Forces.
Sachuk says her work has been non-stop, gruelling and expensive. Arranging a medical evacuation for a person with disabilities, especially from the worst-affected cities, can cost the equivalent of $5,100 to $10,300 – in part due to the equipment needed.
The group started a GoFundMe online crowdfunding campaign to help with evacuations and support those who cannot leave with food and medicine. As of late September, it has raised 481,096 euros ($464,188) of its 700,000-euro ($675,390) goal. According to Sachuk, requests for help from people with disabilities continue to stream in.
Aside from receiving initial guidance from two US-based organisations – the Partnership for Inclusive Disaster Strategies and the World Institute on Disability – on how to set up Fight For Right’s response strategy, Sachuk says they were let down by other international disability charities.
“In the first months of the war, all these organisations were not helpful at all when it comes to direct support. Nobody worked with us,” Sachuk says. “If [we’re talking about] getting a person here and now to help a disabled person to their car, or to buy some food or medicine, all of these organisations have failed.” Ukrainian disability organisations were left on their own to save people, she says.
With sadness, she recalls the first few months of the war when she received goodbye calls and messages from people with disabilities in occupied regions. “They were stuck in their houses and they didn’t have the possibility of evacuation,” she says.
Sachuk knows intimately what it means to live with a disability. Born in the western Ukrainian city of Lutsk with severe congenital visual impairment, she was in and out of hospital throughout her childhood as she underwent multiple eye surgeries. Her sight is still poor today but she says she manages to get by with the aid of magnifying glasses and enlarged letters on computer screens. “When you have lived with this for all your life, you get used to it, and stop thinking of it as a problem,” she says.
She credits her parents for fighting for her to attend a state-run school, instead of one of the boarding schools for children with disabilities that are infamous for rampant abuse and mistreatment. At school, she was bullied by classmates.
She remembers hearing stories about children with disabilities who were confined to their homes as some parents were ashamed of them. “It was just not talked about so much in the past,” she says.
Sachuk is proud of how Fight for Right has brought people with disabilities safety and comfort. She recalls how, in June, her team helped organise the delivery of a prosthetic breast from Germany to a woman in the northeastern city of Kharkiv in Ukraine. The woman had had a mastectomy following a breast cancer diagnosis and was also suffering from mobility problems. “She was just so, so happy. She couldn’t believe it was possible,” Sachuk remembers.
Routine is critical
One formidable task for NGOs working with people with developmental disabilities is the pressure to provide stability amidst the turmoil of war. Routine is especially important for children with autism; disarray can jeopardise any progress that comes with therapy.
Anna Perekatiy, founder of the Start Centre in Lviv, an NGO that supports children with developmental disabilities, says 35 displaced families from regions in eastern Ukraine that were shelled intensely by the Russians, such as Kherson, Donetsk and Mykolaiv, have come to her for help since the start of the war. They have children with a range of physical, developmental and learning disabilities. Some 90 percent of them have autism.
“These children need stability, they need permanent therapy to help them develop crucial skills,” says Perekatiy, who has a 12-year-old son with autism. She stresses that children’s development deteriorates quickly when pedagogical therapy is put on pause.
Olha Chermayina, left, and her daughter Alisa, who has non-verbal autism, play at the Start Centre. When their city of Berdyansk was occupied in late February, Alisa’s speech therapy was disrupted [Amandas Ong/Al Jazeera]
Two-year-old Alisa has non-verbal autism – a diagnosis that she only formally received upon arriving in Lviv from her home in Berdyansk in southeastern Ukraine. Her mother, 37-year-old Olha Chermayina, cries as she describes how Alisa’s behaviour changed when the Russian occupation began. “She stopped making eye contact and shut down completely,” Chermayina recalls. As doctors fled the city, there was no proper medical care for children, and Alisa had no access to speech therapy.
When the family began to feel the impact of food shortages, they decided to flee. Upon arriving in Lviv, Chermayina and her husband Shota took Alisa to a children’s hospital, where a doctor confirmed she had autism. “He said we would have to start her treatment right from the beginning,” Chermayina says. “We’re taking a risk in staying here, but … we don’t know if she’ll get the care she needs if we go abroad, and there’s no guarantee that she can get used to it there.” Today, Alisa goes to the Start Centre five times a week.
Many children with disabilities were deprived of educational opportunities once the war started, as they could not partake in the online learning offered in mainstream schools. Perekatiy is also frustrated by the lack of governmental support, with the majority of rehabilitative services provided by NGOs like hers. She says the “old Soviet education system”, where the learning needs of people with disabilities were largely ignored, has meant that those who need support still feel stigmatised. Though she is optimistic that attitudes are changing, she worries that recognition of these needs won’t come quite fast enough for those most affected by the war.
Nine-year-old Milena, her hair in braids, who is from Bilytske in Donetsk, enjoys a play session at the Dzherelo centre [Amandas Ong/Al Jazeera]
Structured environment
Even for children with intellectual disabilities who may not have outwardly shown signs of trauma, a structured environment is just as important for their development. In Dzherelo’s spacious garden, with its trampoline and playground, Olena Filippova watches her daughter, nine-year-old Milena, play with other children.
At the beginning of April, Filippova travelled with Milena, who has Down’s Syndrome, westward from their home city of Bilytske in Donetsk. Unable to get on a bus to Poland, she decided to stay in Lviv and enrol Milena at Dzherelo for play therapy five days a week. For the time being, the pair lives in an overcrowded dormitory for internally displaced people where the conditions are dismal. But Filippova, 49, a secondary school teacher, hopes to secure a teaching job in the autumn.
Milena, who has limited speech and communicates predominantly with gestures, is curious and observant, having picked up new words in Ukrainian simply by listening to other people. Since she grew up speaking Russian, the linguistic switch is particularly remarkable. “But she’s very mischievous,” Filippova laughs. “Once she knows a new word, she’ll say it once but refuse to repeat it. It’s like she’s making fun of me.”
For Milena, it was only after the war started that she began receiving specialist care. In Bilytske, Milena attended a regular kindergarten where Filippova says the teachers “made sure to be very inclusive” and had similar play therapy but for only two hours a week, which her mother felt wasn’t sufficient.
“My daughter was born at a time when rehabilitation centres [for children with learning disabilities] were just starting to open,” she says. As the field opens up and improves, she hopes that “with this change of circumstances, Milena will start talking to me”.
From left to right, Volodymyr, Ivanka, and Danylo, long-term residents of the Emmaus Centre, are shown with two of the centre’s assistants, including Tetiana, standing, in the building’s lounge [Amandas Ong/Al Jazeera]
A glimmer of hope
At the Emmaus Centre, a home for adults with intellectual disabilities on the grounds of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv, residents offer fellow members of the disabled community a glimmer of hope by showing how stability and opportunities can facilitate social integration.
Emmaus provides individualised care – its four assistants live on site and support its five permanent residents – aged between 25 and 45 – with all aspects of their lives, from vocational training to employment to daily tasks such as shopping for groceries. At Emmaus’s request, the residents interviewed are referred to by their first names only.
The atmosphere in the home is relaxed and inviting, the residents chatting and laughing with each other. Sitting at the dining table in a cosy room lit by the afternoon sun, 32-year-old Ivanka speaks enthusiastically about her experiences with the 500-odd displaced people with disabilities who have over six months sought refuge at Emmaus and its surrounding dormitories for a few days at a time. Emmaus supported their subsequent evacuation to other countries in Europe.
Ivanka, who has a developmental disability, attended a boarding school for years, only coming to live in Emmaus in September 2017. “It was good when the refugees came because I was able to volunteer as a nanny for some of their children,” she says. In particular, she misses a pair of twin boys who were five months old and had mobility issues. Prior to the war, she had been regularly attending a workshop where she learned to craft origami and artwork for sale. “I stopped going because it was not safe. There was no bomb shelter near the place where the workshop was held. But I hope to go back soon,” she says with a smile.
Ivanka and Danylo are among the five permanent residents at the Emmaus Centre [Amandas Ong/Al Jazeera]
Two of her other housemates found their lives severely disrupted when the war began. One, 33-year-old Volodymyr, who has Down’s Syndrome, lost his job as a cleaner in a tech company several months ago. Having immensely enjoyed it, it was he who first suggested that other residents of the house would benefit from working.
“We are hoping to find him something else in the meantime,” says Tetiana Chul, one of the assistants at Emmaus.
“But it is still important to help out,” Volodymyr interjects. With not much on his plate at the moment, he spends his days cooking and cleaning for his roommates, and often volunteers to do chores on behalf of the staff. In his free time, he watches TV programmes from the 1990s and dreams of visiting Turkey, where one of his favourite soap operas is set.
Another resident, 25-year-old Danylo, who also has Down’s Syndrome, was taken by his family to Poland at the start of the war. “They felt I would be safer there. It was fun and I enjoyed going to school in Poland, but the language barrier was difficult for me,” he confesses. He ended up missing his friends in Lviv so much that his family agreed that he should return – and now he is back at Emmaus.
Danylo thumbs through a photo album to show Al Jazeera photos of his time in Poland. Suddenly, he recalls his mother, who died a few years ago and whom he calls his best friend. “Her lifelong dream was for me to live in a place like this, where I could be independent, and loved. I miss her very much,” he says, choking up with tears.
As Ivanka pats him on the shoulder, Chul holds out her hand to comfort him, and he kisses it. “Because of you, I am happy now,” he tells them.
Queen Elizabeth II’s son Charles is Britain’s new kingCredit: Alamy
And the royal cypher ERII can be seen on passports, post boxes and police uniforms.
As Britain comes to terms with the loss and moves from the Elizabethan era into the “Carolean” — from Carolus, the Latin for Charles — we explain how this will impact the day-to-day trappings of our lives.
MONEY
THERE are 4.5billion bank notes — worth £80billion — and 29billion coins in circulation bearing the Queen’s head.
They will remain legal tender but be gradually phased out for a design chosen by the new king.
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There are 29billion coins in circulation bearing the Queen’s headCredit: Alamy
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Charles’ image will face left due to a 17th-century tradition that the direction must alternate for each new monarch
While the Queen’s image faces to the right, her son’s will face left due to a 17th-century tradition that the direction must alternate for each new monarch.
The Queen’s picture did not appear on notes until 1960, eight years after her ascension to the throne so it may take a while for Charles III tender to be minted.
Other nations where the Queen is head of state will phase out their money.
The Stock Exchange will close on the day of the funeral if it is declared a bank holiday.
ROYAL FLAGS
THE Queen’s personal flag — featuring a gold E with the royal crown and roses on a blue background — will no longer be used.
The Royal Standard, with English, Scottish and Irish symbols, will change if Charles adds a Welsh element. The current one was in use before Wales had its own flag.
PASSPORTS
BRITONS will still be able to use their current passports for travel — even though they are issued on behalf of Her Majesty.
The wording inside the front cover will be changed to His Majesty in all new passports which are issued, meaning the old ones will disappear over time.
STAMPS
STAMPS with the Queen’s head will remain valid until the end of January 2023, the Royal Mail has said.
In the meantime new ones will no longer be produced and designs featuring King Charles will be commissioned.
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Stamps with the Queen’s head will remain valid until the end of January 2023Credit: Getty
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In the meantime new ones will no longer be produced and designs featuring King Charles will be commissioned
The postal service also said the release of any special stamps, which already carry the Queen, will still go ahead but may be delayed.
When Elizabeth took the throne in 1952 a series of stamps called the Wilding Issues, featuring portraits taken by photographer Dorothy Wilding, were released within a couple of weeks of King George VI’s death.
They were used until 1971 when decimal currency was introduced.
POLICE AND MILITARY
THE Queen’s royal cypher — or monogram — on government buildings, military uniforms and police helmets will be changed.
It is likely King Charles will use CR or CRIII as his unique cypher. Her Majesty’s Armed Forces, Passport Office and Prison Service will become His Majesty’s.
ROYAL WARRANTS
GETTING a royal warrant — a seal of approval — is a big deal in business.
About 800 companies, such as Cadbury and Boots, were granted ones by the Queen.
But they will lose the right to use the royal coat of arms unless King Charles renews permission.
POST BOXES
DURING the Queen’s reign, Royal Mail marked its post boxes with ERII, which stands for Elizabeth Regina II.
This will now most likely be CRIII — Charles Rex III — but it will take a long time to replace the 115,000 boxes dotted around the UK.
Royal Mail has said post boxes already in production or due to be installed will retain the Queen’s insignia.
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During the Queen’s reign, Royal Mail marked its post boxes with ERIICredit: Getty – Contributor
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It stands for Elizabeth Regina IICredit: Alamy
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This will now most likely be CRIII — Charles Rex III — but it will take a long time to replace the 115,000 boxes dotted around the UK