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Tag: candidate

  • Trump returning to California for big-dollar fundraisers next week

    Trump returning to California for big-dollar fundraisers next week

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    Former President Trump is scheduled to return to California next week for a pair of high-dollar fundraisers, one notably hosted by relatives of the wife of Gov. Gavin Newsom, according to invitations obtained by The Times.

    On Sept. 13, donors are being asked to pony up as much as $500,000 per couple for an afternoon fundraiser in Woodside hosted by Tom and Stacey Siebel. Tom Siebel, a billionaire software developer and businessman who has donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to Trump’s 2024 campaign, is a second cousin once removed of Jennifer Siebel Newsom, the Democratic governor’s wife.

    Newsom’s representatives did not respond to requests for comment.

    Siebel Newsom’s family has a well-reported history of Republican activism, including by her father, Ken Siebel. But after Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, whose presidential bid Ken Siebel supported financially, misstated the motivation for Siebel and his wife moving to Florida during a debate with the governor, the first partner’s father described DeSantis as a “lying slimeball,” according to the Daily Mail.

    Trump will also headline an evening fundraiser in Los Angeles on Sept. 12, with top tickets going for $250,000 per person. The location and hosts have not been revealed.

    The gatherings take place at a critical moment in the campaign, in the window between the first debate between Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris, on Tuesday, and Sept. 18, when Trump is scheduled to be sentenced for his conviction on 34 felony counts of falsifying records to cover up a sex scandal that could have affected his 2016 bid.

    Trump’s vice presidential running mate, Ohio‘s Sen. JD Vance, will raise money in Los Angeles on Sunday, as Second Gentleman Doug Emhoff did on Thursday. Several Italian Americans, including Hollywood stars, will host a virtual dinner fundraiser for Harris on Sunday. Among the participants of “Paisans for Kamala” are actors Steve Buscemi, Alyssa Milano, Lorraine Bracco, Marisa Tomei and John Turturro, as well as former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.

    The amount of attention being showered on Californians in the waning weeks of the presidential campaign is due to its outsized role in fueling campaigns of both parties. Despite the state’s cobalt-blue tilt, it is home to an enormous number of Republican as well as Democratic donors and is typically among the largest sources of donations to candidates of both parties.

    As of Aug. 8, Harris had raised $65.5 million for her presidential campaign from Californians, more than any other state’s residents had donated, according to Federal Election Commission fundraising disclosures of donors who contributed more than $200 to a candidate committee.

    Trump had raised $24.8 million from California donors, the second-most from any state. (These figures reflect donations to the candidates’ committees, not to outside groups or independent expenditure committees.)

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    Seema Mehta

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  • Police Commission forwards three LAPD chief finalists’ names for mayor’s consideration

    Police Commission forwards three LAPD chief finalists’ names for mayor’s consideration

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    The Los Angeles Police Commission has forwarded the names of three finalists for LAPD chief to Mayor Karen Bass — but like much else about the search process, the identities of the front-runners have been kept a secret.

    The announcement came as the commission returned from closed session at the end of a special meeting Wednesday. Commission President Erroll Southers said the board had “discharged its duties as set forth in the city charter…and will be forwarding a list of recommended candidates to the mayor,” according to a recording of the meeting.

    He then made a motion to adjourn the meeting, without further comment. The brief announcement went largely unnoticed outside the commission, which did not issue a news release or otherwise publicly announce the decision.

    The move brings the city one step closer to ending what has been a months-long search for what is widely considered one of the most high-profile and challenging jobs in law enforcement. The post has been vacant since February, when former Chief Michel Moore retired.

    Under the city charter, the commission — a five-member civilian body that acts like a board of directors for the LAPD — is required to select three finalists for Bass to consider. But if the mayor is unsatisfied with the choices, she can ask commissioners to send additional names or continue the search. Whomever she picks will then need to be confirmed by the full City Council.

    Bass has declined through a spokesman numerous requests for comment from The Times about her priorities for chief, and she did not reschedule an earlier interview about the topic that she had canceled.

    Zach Seidl, a spokesman for the mayor’s office, said in a text message there was “[n]othing to share about the search at this time other than the Mayor is continuing to work with urgency on this search and her work to make LA safer.” He did not respond to a follow-up question about whether the mayor had started considering the finalists.

    Wednesday’s announcement squares with a previous timeline given by commissioners, who said they hope to finish evaluating what could be dozens of candidates and offer Bass their top three suggestions by the end of August.

    That hasn’t stopped fevered speculation among LAPD rank-and-file and command staff about who their next leader will be.

    There were at least 25 applicants for the job.

    Among the outside executives who received second interviews, according to sources, were Jim McDonnell, a one-time LAPD assistant chief and former Los Angeles County sheriff; former Houston and Miami chief Art Acevedo; and Robert Arcos, a former LAPD assistant chief who works for the L.A. County district attorney’s office. A high-profile former chief from a West Coast department was also said to have applied, but that name has never been confirmed.

    Those entries, confirmed by multiple sources, add another dynamic to what many consider a wide-open race to be the city’s next top cop.

    The department veterans who received second interviews, sources said, are: Assistant Chief Blake Chow, who oversees LAPD special operations; Deputy Chief Emada Tingirides, commanding officer of the department’s South Bureau; Deputy Chief Donald Graham, who heads the Transit Services Bureau; Deputy Chief Alan Hamilton, head of the Detective Bureau; and Cmdr. Lillian Carranza of the Central Bureau.

    Finding the city’s next police chief is one of the most closely watched decisions made by any mayor.

    Bass and commissioners have in recent months embarked on a citywide listening tour to canvass residents, officers and business owners about what they want to see in the next chief. The mayor has also made regular visits to police roll calls across the city.

    During the community forums, many attendees pushed for the selection of an insider who is attuned to policing in a city as vast and diverse as L.A.

    Others talked about the importance of picking someone who understands the complicated history between the department and the communities it policies. And yet, unlike in other recent chief searches, a growing number of people within the LAPD are pushing for an outside candidate to breathe new life into the organization.

    The process has been shrouded in an unusual level of secrecy.

    Although the names of candidates have occasionally been withheld to protect the identities of those working in other cities, officials this time have also declined to reveal how many people applied for the position, only saying that the number was “more than 25.” Sources have since told The Times that the number was more than 30.

    In the absence of information, the search has been the subject of almost daily rumors inside the department. A LinkedIn post by a former LAPD sergeant-turned-policing consultant went viral after it claimed to reveal a list of semi-finalists. Among those named in the post was Anne Kirkpatrick, the current police commissioner in New Orleans, who quickly issued denials of any interest in the LAPD job.

    At stake is the chance to lead the country’s third-largest local police force at a crucial time in its history. Whoever gets the job will be inheriting a wary department eager for clear leadership and a city worried about crime and the use of force.

    One of the key questions facing Bass is whether an outsider would be better at introducing reforms in the organization, rather than someone who has come up through the ranks here and already understands the political and labor landscape.

    The Los Angeles Police Protective League, the powerful bargaining body for the city’s rank-and-file officers, has not publicly staked out its position on the insider-outsider debate.

    One of Moore’s former assistant chiefs, Dominic Choi, was picked as interim leader. Moore has stayed on as a consultant on the chief search, and Choi has said he will not seek the job permanently.

    More risk management than crime-fighting, the job of running the LAPD — a vast, multibillion-dollar organization with more than 10,000 employees that operates under an intense microscope — involves balancing demands that are often at odds:

    Even though violent crime numbers have started to level out, with the exception of robberies, anxiety over public safety remains high among many Angelenos; the number of police shootings has also increased, raising concerns from the Police Commission. Meanwhile, any new leader, particularly one from the outside, will be expected to be a quick study and hit the ground running.

    Prognosticators have said Bass’ selection will indicate a lot about what direction she thinks the department is headed. Picking someone from within the organization to follow in Moore’s footsteps would signal that the mayor is looking to continue some of the reforms he started but would stop short of the wholesale changes that some have called for.

    Choosing an outside candidate would signal that the mayor is seeking a new direction for the department, some observers say. The city has hired only two outside chiefs in the past 75 years: Willie L. Williams and William J. Bratton. Both selections followed seismic scandals: the Los Angeles uprising in 1992 and the Rampart scandal of the late 1990s that saw more than 70 police officers implicated in unprovoked shootings, assaults and evidence-planting.

    Experts say the LAPD job is one of the toughest in law enforcement.

    Any serious candidate will have to have a proven track record as an experienced leader. The chief must be comfortable speaking extemporaneously — and often in front of cameras — about the work of the police department through the progressive lens of the city’s elected leaders, including the mayor and City Council.

    Whoever gets the job will need to navigate through many challenges at once, while dealing with the myriad issues confronting the city, including homelessness and the fentanyl crisis.

    The next chief will also have to recruit and inspire a new generation of officers, some of whom weren’t even born when the department was forced to undergo sweeping changes in the wake of the Rampart scandal and who grew of age in the Black Lives Matter era.

    The Olympics and the World Cup also loom as security challenges in coming years. Others are keen to see how the next chief will tackle a much-maligned discipline system that, depending on whom one asks, either lets too many bad cops off or has been weaponized to favor the well-connected.

    In March, the city hired the Northern California-based headhunter Bob Murray & Associates to conduct the nationwide chief search — the same firm that helped pick Bratton more than two decades ago.

    Joel Bryden, a vice president for the firm, said he could not discuss the search, referring questions to city officials.

    “It’s our hard and fast rule,” said Bryden, one of the two main recruiters on the chief search. “We at least have kept everything confidential even though leaks have occurred, some accurate, and some not.”

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    Libor Jany

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  • Call them super progressives: L.A.’s political left looks to expand its power at City Hall

    Call them super progressives: L.A.’s political left looks to expand its power at City Hall

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    You might call them political progressives. Or maybe super progressives, given how much they want to reshape politics in Los Angeles.

    Whatever the label, candidates on the left end of the political spectrum made crucial advances in the March 5 primary election for City Council, setting the stage for some hard-fought runoff campaigns and potentially, an expansion of their power by the end of the year.

    Progressive activists and advocacy groups helped reelect City Councilmember Nithya Raman, while sending two other left-of-center candidates — tenant rights attorney Ysabel Jurado and small business owner Jillian Burgos — into runoffs against more moderate rivals.

    “I think the results showed consistently across the board that when we show up, we win,” said Bill Przylucki, executive director of Ground Game LA, a nonprofit advocacy group that has spent several years pushing the council to the left.

    If Burgos and Jurado prevail in November, the number of council members with deeply progressive backgrounds will grow from three to five, making up a third of the 15-member council. Four of the five have campaigned alongside Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles. Burgos, the fifth, drew support from other big names in leftist political circles, including City Controller Kenneth Mejia and former mayoral candidate Gina Viola.

    A five-member super-progressive voting bloc would have significant influence over homelessness, subsidized housing, tenant protections, public transit, the installation of bike lanes and the size of the Los Angeles Police Department.

    The bloc would need only three more votes to pass legislation on a council where several members, including Marqueece Harris-Dawson and Katy Yaroslavsky, are left-of-center swing votes. Super progressives also would occupy additional seats on the council’s committees, allowing them to shape policies from their inception, Przylucki said.

    Los Angeles City Councilmember Nithya Raman speaks to the crowd on election night. She secured the majority vote needed to avoid a Nov. 5 runoff, winning a second term.

    (Myung Chun/Los Angeles Times)

    Some players in L.A. politics say the effect of the left in the primary is overstated. They point out that Councilmember John Lee, one of the council’s centrist members, easily won his reelection bid in the northwest Valley. Another incumbent, Councilmember Imelda Padilla, coasted to reelection after securing support from public safety unions, construction trade unions, Valley business groups and others.

    Raman won 50.7% of the vote, securing the majority she needed to win outright. But that victory simply preserved the existing political makeup of the council, said Tom Saggau, spokesperson for the Los Angeles Police Protective League, which waged an expensive but unsuccessful campaign against Raman.

    “At the end of the day, there’s been no net gain for any ideology on the council,” he said. “There’s still three socialists on the council. That was before the election, that was after the election.”

    Saggau said the police union has not yet decided how it will spend its resources in the upcoming runoffs.

    L.A.’s progressive groups remain hopeful that Jurado and Burgos will win and shift the status quo.

    Julio Marcial, senior vice president of the nonprofit Liberty Hill Foundation, said that expanding the council’s super-progressive bloc would ensure that City Hall has a “real, honest conversation” about strategies for community safety. For Marcial, that means shifting money out of the LAPD and into affordable housing, expanded mental health services, job training and other programs.

    City Council candidate Ysabel Jurado cuts a cake at an event celebrating her campaign's success in the March 5 election.

    City Council candidate Ysabel Jurado cuts a cake at an event in Little Tokyo celebrating her campaign’s success in the March 5 primary election.

    (Michael Blackshire/Los Angeles Times)

    “We can no longer follow the same playbook around budgeting, where we fully fund law enforcement and not the things that are proven to be effective in creating community safety,” he said.

    Burgos, who is running to represent an east San Fernando Valley district, said she’s hoping that if she and Jurado win, other council members will be inclined to embrace more progressive policies.

    “Right now, some people are afraid to make those choices,” said Burgos, an optician who lives in North Hollywood and part owner of an interactive murder mystery theater company.

    Burgos, 45, and Jurado, 34, have a long list of shared policy goals. Both want to repeal Municipal Code 41.18, which prohibits homeless encampments next to schools, daycare centers and “sensitive” locations such as senior centers and freeway overpasses. Both want to create “social housing,” assigning city agencies to buy, fix and manage low-cost apartment complexes.

    The two candidates want to shift traffic enforcement out of the LAPD. And they’re hoping to make bus and train fares free — a more complicated goal, since the decision rests not with the council but Metro’s 13-member board.

    “We have a real opportunity to usher in a progressive era” at the City Council, “instead of just chipping away at some the solutions that we care about,” said Jurado, who finished first in an eight-way race for the Eastside seat now held by Councilmember Kevin de León.

    Burgos, who describes herself as a leftist, finished second in the race to replace Council President Paul Krekorian, who is stepping down at the end of the year. In first place is former State Assemblymember Adrin Nazarian, a onetime Krekorian aide who describes himself as a “pragmatic progressive.”

    Los Angeles City Council candidate Adrin Nazarian grabs campaign signs in North Hollywood.

    Los Angeles City Council Candidate Adrin Nazarian, grabbing campaign signs in North Hollywood earlier this year, is touting his own progressive credentials.

    (Michael Blackshire/Los Angeles Times)

    Nazarian secured 37% of the vote in the primary, compared with 22% for Burgos. In an interview, he said that he, too, has pushed for progressive policies, such as expanded public transit, increased funding to help students pay for college and the creation of a single-payer healthcare system. In 2016 and again in 2020, Nazarian endorsed Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) for president in the Democratic primary.

    “Judge me by my record. Judge me by my work ethic. There’s a reason why, in a crowded field of seven people, that I was able to garner almost 40% of the vote,” he said.

    Nazarian, unlike Burgos, supports the continued use of 41.18. He also spoke in favor of Mayor Karen Bass’ push to hire more police and raise their pay.

    Burgos, asked about those two issues, called for more alternatives to police, saying in a statement that “data has shown that there is no correlation between the number of sworn officers or the police budget and crime.”

    De León, who came in second behind Jurado, also defended his progressive credentials, pointing to his work on immigrant rights, climate change and laws to prevent the displacement of renters in downtown, Boyle Heights and elsewhere.

    “My record of taking on the toughest fights — Sanctuary State, 100% clean renewable energy, tenant protections — and winning for my constituents shows I know how to actually accomplish progressive change,” said De León, a former president of the state Senate who is seeking a second term.

    De León faces a tough second round. He is still dealing with the fallout from a scandal over his participation in a secretly recorded conversation that featured racist and derogatory remarks.

    Like Nazarian, he supports the LAPD raises, the hiring of more police and the use of 41.18.

    L.A.’s leftists made their first serious inroads at City Hall four years ago, helping to elect Raman, a member of Democratic Socialists of America, to the council. Labor unions and advocacy groups replicated that success in 2022, working to elect two more Democratic Socialists of America-backed candidates — activist Eunisses Hernandez and labor organizer Hugo Soto-Martínez — and ousting two incumbents.

    Of the three, Raman has proved to be the most moderate. Like Nazarian, she sometimes refers to herself as a “pragmatic progressive.” At one point in the primary campaign, she declined to say whether the city needs more police officers. At another, she relied on former Councilmember Paul Koretz — who has drawn the ire of L.A.’s leftists — to vouch for her with the Los Angeles County Democratic Party.

    Attorney Edgar Khalatian, who represents real estate developers at City Hall, said he considers Raman to be pro-business. Raman, whose district straddles the Hollywood Hills, has shown “a strong backbone” on the city’s efforts to build more housing, while also working to address the homelessness crisis, he said.

    “The reason housing prices are as astronomical as they are is decades of elected officials not supporting the development of more housing,” said Khalatian, who chairs the board of the Central City Assn., a downtown-based business group. “She supports housing, and will take the political heat from people in her district when she supports that housing.”

    Los Angeles City Councilman Kevin de León leans against a doorframe.

    Los Angeles City Councilman Kevin de León, at his Eagle Rock office in September, is touting his work on climate change, immigrant rights and measures to prevent the displacement of renters.

    (Christina House/Los Angeles Times)

    Raman won despite more than $1.3 million in outside spending by the firefighters union, the police officers union, landlords and others for one of her opponents, Deputy City Atty. Ethan Weaver. Those groups waged a similar effort in the northwest Valley, spending a combined $1.1 million to help Lee turn back a challenge from nonprofit leader Serena Oberstein.

    In South L.A.’s 10th Council District, law enforcement groups spent a combined $103,000 on ads portraying Reggie Jones-Sawyer, one of the five candidates, as soft on crime. Jones-Sawyer, a state assemblymember, came in fifth.

    “For the rank-and-file of the league, we had a few goals” in this year’s city election, said Saggau, the police union spokesperson. “One of them was to ensure that Reggie Jones-Sawyer did not bring his brand of criminal justice reform, or ideas, to the city of L.A., and we succeeded on that.”

    The 10th District will instead see a runoff between Councilmember Heather Hutt and attorney Grace Yoo, who share the same views on some of the city’s more contentious issues. Both support the city’s package of police raises and 41.18.

    A spokesperson for the Democratic Socialists of America’s Los Angeles chapter said it’s unlikely her organization will get involved in that contest, in part because neither candidate is a DSA member. Given that they both favor the police raises, it would be “remarkably difficult” for either to win the DSA’s endorsement, said the spokesperson, who declined to give her full name.

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    David Zahniser

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  • Tenant rights lawyer Ysabel Jurado pulls ahead of Councilmember Kevin de León in L.A. election

    Tenant rights lawyer Ysabel Jurado pulls ahead of Councilmember Kevin de León in L.A. election

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    Los Angeles City Council candidate Ysabel Jurado didn’t have any big-money backers spending lavishly on her behalf.

    The Highland Park resident didn’t mail out glossy campaign mailers either, opting instead for an estimated 3,000 postcards, which were less expensive and personally handwritten.

    What Jurado, a tenant rights attorney, did have was a supercharged canvassing operation. According to her campaign, she sent 20 paid staffers and about 250 volunteers to 85,000 doors across the 14th District, which stretches from Boyle Heights and downtown north to Eagle Rock and El Sereno.

    That strategy is paying dividends. On Tuesday, she pulled ahead of Councilmember Kevin de León, who had been leading in the eight-way race to represent his Eastside district, according to the latest election results. Now in first place and likely headed to a runoff, Jurado is yet another example of the electoral might being wielded by the city’s political left.

    Jurado, in an interview, said she’s not certain who her opponent will be in the Nov. 5 runoff election, since votes are still being counted. She portrayed her campaign as a lean operation, one focused on supporting renters, fighting gentrification and “uplifting the voices of those who haven’t been heard.”

    “We don’t have an office. We haven’t sent mailers. We are talking to voters one-to-one,” she said. “Everything involved in building this campaign has been an uphill battle.”

    Jurado’s first-place showing was revealed Tuesday as part of the latest daily election update from the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk since the March 5 primary. Jurado had 24.5% of the vote, compared with 23.5% for De León — a difference of 318 ballots.

    On Tuesday, Assemblymember Miguel Santiago was 730 votes behind De León, with 21.2% of the vote.

    Election officials say an estimated 126,000 ballots are left to be processed countywide. Up until now, each of the county’s daily updates has broken in Jurado’s favor.

    On Friday, Jurado pulled into second place, securing more votes than Santiago. Four days later, she was leading the pack.

    De León, who is seeking a second four-year term, will face some serious challenges if he makes the second round. A former state lawmaker, he was at the center of the 2022 scandal over leaked racist remarks that spurred the resignations of former Council President Nury Martinez and Ron Herrera, former head of the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor.

    De León repeatedly apologized for his remarks during that conversation, and for failing to put a stop to those made by others. He resisted calls to step down from a wide array of politicians, including President Biden, showing up at meetings where he was frequently jeered by audience members.

    Less than a fourth of voters opted to keep De León in office, according to the results so far.

    If he and Jurado end up in the top two, voters in the 14th District will have a clear choice on several of the city’s most contested issues.

    De León voted last year for Mayor Karen Bass’ budget, which called for the hiring of 1,000 police officers. Jurado said she would have voted against the spending plan, pushing for funds to be allocated to social services instead.

    De León also voted for a four-year package of police raises, which Jurado opposed. In addition, De León is a supporter of Municipal Code 41.18, which bars homeless encampments within 500 feet of schools, day-care centers and “sensitive” locations designated by the council, such as senior centers and freeway overpasses.

    Jurado has called for 41.18 to be repealed, saying it has led to the criminalization of homelessness.

    On Tuesday, a De León representative made clear that his candidate would highlight some of those differences in a runoff against Jurado.

    “The voters have a clear choice in November between an experienced, results-driven elected official and someone who has promised to undo some of the progress we’ve made in housing Angelenos and cleaning up sidewalks,” said David Meraz, a De León spokesperson.

    Meraz pointed out that 18 months ago, in the wake of the audio leak scandal, many political groups called for De León to step down. The results so far show that “the community makes the choice of the candidate, not outside organizations,” he said.

    Jurado has been running to push the council to the left, expanding the size of the council’s ultra-progressive bloc if she wins. She would be the first Filipino American to serve on the council, representing a district that is 61% Latino, 16% white and nearly 15% Asian, according to a demographic breakdown posted by the city in 2021.

    De León, who was born in Los Angeles, is of Mexican, Guatemalan and Chinese descent, Meraz said. During the campaign, De León highlighted his own efforts to reduce homelessness, aid renters and halt gentrification in downtown L.A. and Boyle Heights.

    Brian VanRiper, a political consultant who does not have any clients in the race, said Jurado is in a strong position to prevail in the runoff. Still, he offered a word of caution for the Jurado camp, noting that the district has a “history of forgiving” incumbents with major political baggage.

    District voters reelected Councilmember Jose Huizar in 2015, even after he was sued by a former staffer who alleged that he had sexually harassed her. In that contest, Huizar easily defeated former County Supervisor Gloria Molina, a political “titan” who had been in office for about three decades.

    “[Huizar] doubled down on constituent services and making the case that he delivered for the district,” VanRiper said. “It seems like Kevin de León is following that playbook.”

    Huizar was later charged in a sweeping federal corruption case and was sentenced to 13 years in prison. De León was elected to the seat in 2020.

    In recent months, many of the groups that supported De León four years ago lined up behind other candidates. The Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, Western States Regional Council of Carpenters and other groups spent a combined $687,000 on efforts to elect Santiago, the state lawmaker who was in third place.

    A consultant for Santiago did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    Jurado, for her part, has secured endorsements from an array of politicians and community groups, many of them at the left end of the political spectrum.

    Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez, City Controller Kenneth Mejia and former mayoral candidate Gina Viola have been campaigning for Jurado. Volunteers from the Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles, Ground Game LA and Boyle Heights Vota — formerly known as Boyle Heights for Bernie — have knocked on doors for her.

    Caleb Elguezabal, who lives in Eagle Rock and is a member of the DSA, said the district has not “had the best representation” over the last decade.

    Elguezabal, who volunteered on Jurado’s campaign, said he expects her to bring change to City Hall with a new approach to homelessness, fighting for a tax on vacant residential units and helping renters purchase their apartment buildings.

    “Having someone with integrity would be a massive sea change,” he said.

    Times staff writer Angie Orellana Hernandez contributed to this report.

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    David Zahniser

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  • 31 candidates compete for 7 seats on the Los Angeles City Council

    31 candidates compete for 7 seats on the Los Angeles City Council

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    Voters in seven Los Angeles City Council districts went to the polls Tuesday to decide who will win outright and who will go on to a second round in a series of races that could reshape City Hall.

    Thirty-one candidates were competing in contests that will help determine the future of the city’s fight against homelessness, its approach to policing and public safety, and its ongoing efforts to make housing more affordable, particularly for the city’s renters.

    Six of the seven races feature incumbents who are seeking a four-year term.

    On the Eastside, Councilmember Kevin de León was hoping to fend off seven challengers, including State Assemblymembers Miguel Santiago and Wendy Carrillo, both Democrats, and tenant rights attorney Ysabel Jurado.

    De León, a former state lawmaker, has been attempting a comeback after being at the center of a scandal over a secretly recorded conversation with former colleagues that featured racist and derogatory remarks. Since then, he has repeatedly apologized for his role in that conversation, which took place in October 2021.

    Meanwhile, in the northwest San Fernando Valley, Councilmember John Lee was facing off against nonprofit leader Serena Oberstein. That race, in its final days, has focused heavily on the issue of ethics.

    Oberstein spent much of the campaign highlighting an ongoing ethics commission case against Lee, which deals heavily with allegations that Lee violated laws governing the reporting and acceptance of gifts provided to city politicians. Lee, for his part, criticized Oberstein over a 2019 court case that dealt with her eligibility to run for council, which ended when a judge found that she was legally barred from running.

    In a district that straddles the Hollywood Hills, Councilmember Nithya Raman was looking to fend off challenges from Deputy City Atty. Ethan Weaver and software engineer Levon “Lev” Baronian. Raman had been running in a race that was sharply different from the one that elected her in 2020.

    In South Los Angeles, Councilmember Marqueece Harris-Dawson was heavily favored to win his bid for a third and final four-year term. His rivals in the race are real estate broker Jahan Epps and union leader Cliff Smith.

    Meanwhile, in the San Fernando Valley, Councilmember Imelda Padilla was the heavy favorite in her race against real estate broker Ely De La Cruz Ayao and Carmenlina Minasova, a respiratory care practitioner who is also running for state Assembly. Padilla won a special election last summer, replacing former Council President Nury Martinez, and has been seeking her first full four-year term.

    Councilmember Heather Hutt, who has been in office since 2022, was running for her first full four-year term in a Koreatown-to-Crenshaw district.

    Four candidates — state Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, attorney Grace Yoo, former city commissioner Aura Vasquez and Pastor Eddie Anderson, a community organizer — were looking to unseat Hutt, who was first appointed to the seat several months after former Councilmember Mark Ridley-Thomas was charged in a federal corruption case.

    The only contest without an incumbent was taking place in the East San Fernando Valley, where seven candidates were seeking to fill the seat being vacated this year by Council President Paul Krekorian, first elected in 2009.

    Former state Assemblymember Adrin Nazarian, a former Krekorian aide, was competing against housing advocate Manny Gonez, small business owner Jillian Burgos, commissioner Sam Kbushyan and several others.

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    David Zahniser, Dakota Smith, Angie Orellana Hernandez, Caroline Petrow-Cohen

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  • California lawmakers can’t take lobbyist donations — unless they’re running for Congress

    California lawmakers can’t take lobbyist donations — unless they’re running for Congress

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    State Sen. Susan Rubio has a powerful position in Sacramento. As chair of the Insurance Committee, the Baldwin Park Democrat can help pass or kill any legislation affecting that industry.

    Due to a law meant to prevent corruption, Rubio can’t accept campaign donations from insurance lobbyists — or any other lobbyists — as she raises money for her 2026 reelection to the Legislature. State law forbids California lobbyists from donating to the campaigns of state lawmakers.

    But there are no such restrictions on lobbyists donating to campaigns for federal office, even when the candidate is a state lawmaker. So as Rubio runs for Congress this year, she can take donations for her federal campaign from lobbyists who may seek to influence her votes in Sacramento.

    And she is.

    Rubio has received nearly $43,300 in contributions from registered state lobbyists in her campaign to replace retiring Rep. Grace F. Napolitano in California’s 31st Congressional District. It’s a sliver of her overall fundraising as of Feb. 14, but the most lobbyist money of any California lawmaker who is running for federal office. Many of those who donated to Rubio’s congressional campaign represent companies that lobby bills that are heard before committees she sits on as a state legislator, including the Insurance Committee and those that oversee policy related to healthcare, alcohol regulations and energy and utilities.

    Eight state legislators are running for Congress this year. Six have received lobbyist donations, in amounts that vary widely, adding up to $96,090.

    The donations are legal and make up a small portion of the candidates’ overall fundraising. Still, some watchdogs say they should be prohibited because of the risk that lobbyists’ money could shape lawmakers’ decisions in the work they are doing at the state level.

    “It doesn’t mean they’ll vote in their favor, but the possibility that could happen exists,” said Sean McMorris, a program manager at the government watchdog group Common Cause.

    His organization was part of the coalition that 50 years ago introduced California’s Political Reform Act, the law that bans lobbyist donations to state lawmakers.

    Bob Stern, co-author of the law, said the state prohibition was put in place because “legislators were receiving huge amounts from people who were lobbying them, and we thought there should be a disconnect between lobbying and campaign contributions.”

    In practice, Stern said, the prohibition’s impacts were limited, since the companies hiring lobbyists could still give directly to candidates, as can affiliated political action committees.

    But there was “symbolism” to the separation, he said.

    Rubio’s campaign manager, Giovanni Ruiz, said all contributions she had received from individuals were “solely based on mutually respectful relationships,” and she had opposed issues that donors lobbied for in the past.

    Ruiz also noted that Rubio was being massively outspent by her opponent Gil Cisneros, who has put $4 million of his own money into his campaign.

    Silicon Valley congressional candidate Assemblymember Evan Low (D-Campbell) received $21,650 from lobbyists, making up 2% of his fundraising. He joined the late-breaking race to replace retiring Rep. Anna G. Eshoo in early December, just months before the March primary.

    State Sen. Dave Min (D-Irvine), who is running to replace Rep. Katie Porter in an Orange County seat, received about $16,500 in lobbyist donations, accounting for 1% of total fundraising since he launched his campaign at the beginning of 2023.

    Assemblymember Laura Friedman (D-Glendale), who is vying to replace Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Los Angeles), received $4,000, and her opponent state Sen. Anthony Portantino (D-Burbank) received $6,500 from lobbyists. Those totals account for less than 1% of each of their fundraising.

    Portantino and Friedman have both been running for the Los Angeles congressional seat for more than a year.

    Central Valley congressional candidate State Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D-Sanger) received about $4,000 from lobbyists — a sum that accounted for 6.1% of her fundraising since she launched her campaign in August 2023.

    Hurtado told The Times that lawmakers should be able to receive those donations but acknowledged that “money has the ability to corrupt people, it’s plain and simple.”

    Since August, Hurtado has raised less than $100,000; she said she is in debt from putting her own money into the race. The only money she doesn’t accept is from the cannabis industry, she told The Times.

    Friedman went further, saying she sees the potential issues would support a law that prevents federal campaigns from accepting money from state lobbyists.

    Friedman noted that her campaign was turning down all corporate PAC money and described that as a far more salient issue in races like hers. She characterized the lobbyist contributions she and her colleagues had received as small compared with the “avalanche of money out there” from clients of the lobbyists.

    Portantino, Low and Min did not respond to requests for comment.

    Two state legislators running for Congress have not received any lobbyist donations: Sen. Bob Archuleta (D-Pico Rivera), who is also running for Napolitano’s San Gabriel Valley seat and launched his campaign last summer, and Assemblymember Vince Fong (R-Bakersfield), who is running for former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s vacant Bakersfield seat. Fong launched his campaign in December.

    Because of the limited disclosures required by the state, lobbyists are not required to publicly report which lawmakers they have attempted to influence on various bills, making it difficult to draw direct lines between their lobbying efforts and their donations. But campaign finance and lobbying records show that several of the candidates have received donations from lobbyists who work with companies seeking to influence policy in the areas in which they have power, based on committee positions.

    Sen. Susan Rubio (D-Baldwin Park) is one of several state lawmakers running for Congress this year

    (Robert Gourley/Los Angeles Times)

    Sacramento lobbyist Mandy Lee gave $3,300, the maximum allowable donation, to Rubio. Her firm represents the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., a major trade group for home, auto and business insurers. The association lobbied on bills heard in the Rubio-chaired Senate Insurance Committee. Lee also donated $500 to Min.

    Rubio’s spokesperson noted that the senator’s relationship with Lee long predated her election to the Legislature.

    Rubio also received $2,000 from lobbyist Paul Gladfelty, whose firm represents the Travelers insurance company.

    “It is not uncommon for state lobbyists to make personal contributions to congressional candidates we know and believe in, which state law allows. Prior to the Senator running for Legislative office, I had the opportunity to establish a personal friendship,” Gladfelty said by text message, adding that his friendship with Rubio “exists regardless of her committee assignments.”

    Lobbyists Soyla Fernández and Kirk Kimmelshue, owners of Fernández Jensen Kimmelshue Government Affairs, both donated to the campaigns of Min and Rubio. Their firm’s client list includes the Regional Water Authority and Northern California Water Association, which both lobbied on bills that were heard in the Senate Committee on Natural Resources and Water that Min chairs.

    Their firm also represents Southern California Edison, which routinely lobbies on bills in the Energy, Utilities and Communications Committee that Min and Rubio both sit on; the Anheuser-Busch beer company that lobbies the committee that regulates alcohol, of which Rubio is a member ; and the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, which lobbies the health committee that Rubio sits on.

    Lobbyist RJ Cervantes, whose clients include trade associations for cryptocurrency and electronic payment companies, gave $3,300 to Low, who serves as co-chair of the Legislative Technology & Innovation Caucus, a group of lawmakers who want to foster a tech-friendly climate in California.

    Cervantes, Kimmelshue, Fernández and Lee did not respond to requests for comment.

    Jessica Levinson, an election law professor at Loyola Law School and former president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission, saw the situation as less clear cut than Common Cause’s McMorris.

    She didn’t think it was unethical for state lawmakers to accept lobbyist donations to their congressional campaigns, since there was “a very real opening in the law” that allows such donations to federal campaigns.

    “It’s up to the voters to determine if this is something that bothers them,” Levinson said. “My guess is that for most voters, it’s pretty far down on the list.”

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    Julia Wick, Anabel Sosa, Gabrielle LaMarr LeMee

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  • What Nikki Haley (Maybe) Learned in New Hampshire

    What Nikki Haley (Maybe) Learned in New Hampshire

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    “Everybody’s waiting to write my obituary.”

    This is never a good thing for a candidate to be saying on Election Day.

    But Nikki Haley, the candidate, was trying—pleading—to make a larger point to CNN’s Dana Bash as they sat on raised chairs in the middle of Chez Vachon, the landmark coffee shop and makeshift TV studio on the west side of Manchester, New Hampshire.

    “We had 14 candidates,” Haley said, referring to the number of people who were seeking the Republican nomination a few months ago. “It’s now down to two”—Haley and Donald Trump. “That’s not an obituary; that’s somebody who’s a fighter.”

    Fair enough. Haley was indeed still here and showing up, which is something to be proud of. She is the last woman standing between the former president and an unimpeded romp to the Republican nomination. This was Haley’s “closing argument” as she made her final rounds in New Hampshire yesterday, greeting volunteers at polling places, doing interviews, and hitting the tables at Chez Vachon. She would keep fighting and continue to flout the naysayers who have trailed her for her entire career. Underestimate me is the message printed on one of Haley’s favorite T-shirts. That’ll be fun.

    Almost immediately after the polls closed, a few hours later, networks declared Trump the New Hampshire winner. His margin of victory over Haley, however, looked smaller than expected. “THIS RACE IS OVER,” Trump insisted in a text blasted out to his supporter list just after 8 p.m. Nope, Haley told her Election Night revelers in Concord, vowing to persist as the campaign moved to her home state of South Carolina. “New Hampshire is first in the nation. It’s not last in the nation,” she said in her speech. “This race is far from over.”

    I spent much of December and early January watching Haley campaign for the job she quite clearly has been aspiring to for years. She proved to be disciplined and polished, good enough to outlast the battalion of male challengers arrayed alongside her—“the fellas,” as she has lately taken to calling her rivals, many of whom endorsed Trump as they fell away. She has claimed repeatedly to be part of a “two-person race” against Trump, despite finishing third in Iowa behind him and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis.

    This felt like wishful thinking at times, but it is unquestionably true now and will present Haley with what’s been a recurring dilemma of her candidacy: How hard will she be willing to campaign against Trump? Will she be as noxious and ornery as the former president surely will be against her? Will she be willing to attack Trump and seize the ample vulnerabilities he provides, even if it risks his unrestrained ire?

    Haley was hesitant to go after him when the field was more crowded. She offered only the mildest of critiques—that “chaos follows” Trump “rightly or wrongly” and that he was not “the right president” for these times (as he was before). But it was hardly a sure thing that Haley would deploy her best material against Trump—about his odd behavior and mental capacity and legal problems.

    The final days of the New Hampshire campaign offered clues that she might now be willing to do so. She mentioned Trump’s age throughout the day yesterday (inflating it by three years, to 80) and brought up the perplexing sequence from Trump’s Friday-night rally, in which he seemed to suggest that Haley had been in charge of security at the Capitol on January 6 (he apparently had mistaken her for Nancy Pelosi).

    Perhaps more notably, Haley conveyed that she was willing to draw out the race for as long as necessary. “Joe Biden isn’t going to get any younger or any better,” she said in her speech in Concord. “We’ll have all the time we need to beat Joe Biden.” This carried a sly message directed at Trump: He wasn’t getting any younger or better, either. And the longer the race continued, the more his court cases would advance, new facts would be revealed, and his behavior could spiral. Haley pointed out that voters in 20 states would be casting ballots in the next two months. There would be many more contests to enjoy, or stay alive for.

    If nothing else, Haley would live to see another Election Day, in another state.

    Primary days can give off an oddly freewheeling and punch-drunk vibe. Candidates, staffers, and volunteers have all done their work. Most of them are exhausted and often battling colds, hangovers, or other ailments. There is no more practice and preparation left to do.

    “The hay is in the barn,” as old political hacks like to say. Or, at least one political hack said this—to me—but I forget who it was. I’ve also seen the maxim attributed to stir-crazy football coaches (before the big game) and distance runners (before a race). The basic idea is the same: There’s not much left to do, except find a way to pass hours and burn nervous energy.

    Everything that remains tends to be improvisational and hardly strategic. Candidates rush around, trying to get supporters out to vote and, in Haley’s case, to convince them that the race is not over, despite all the polls showing Trump with a big lead.

    “I don’t even want to talk about numbers, and I don’t think y’all should either,” Haley admonished Bash at Chez Vachon.

    She then mentioned one number in particular: six.

    That reflects the sum of votes that Haley received in Dixville Notch, the tiny village in the northern tip of the state that is known for tallying its votes just after midnight on the morning of the primary. “There were more than 10 journalists for every voter,” The New York Times said in its report on the wee-hours scene, which it called “as much a press spectacle as it is a serious exercise in democracy.” (The same could be said about the New Hampshire primary in general, an exercise that features a relatively tiny number of voters whose views are comically amplified by media swarms.)

    “All six came to us,” Haley reported of the Dixville Notch vote. “Not part, not one—all six.”

    Haley was joined at Chez Vachon by New Hampshire Governor Chris Sununu, her biggest supporter and frequent traveling companion across the state in recent weeks. At one point, I asked Sununu, who was standing next to the kitchen door—nearly getting run over by waitresses carrying plates loaded with pancakes, bacon, and poutine drowned in brown gravy—whether he was worried that this might be the last New Hampshire primary as we know it. Some have predicted as much, given that the Democrats are no longer holding their first contest here. Was he feeling wistful at all, nostalgic maybe?

    “Nah, we’re always in this. It never leaves us,” Sununu said. He added that the Democrats had “learned their lesson”—that they never should have messed with New Hampshire and tried to take away its rightful spot at the front of the primary parade.

    Sununu has shown himself willing to question Trump’s age and mental fitness more directly than Haley had been until the past few days. “If he’s off the teleprompter, he can barely keep a cogent thought,” Sununu said of Trump in an interview with Fox News yesterday. “This guy is nearly 80 years old.”

    “He’s 77,” the Fox host corrected him.

    “That’s nearly 80,” Sununu maintained. “We’ll do math later.”

    He has an obvious point about Trump, one that’s worth making. But this is a pet peeve of mine. Sununu and Haley often say that a Donald Trump–Joe Biden rematch would feature “two 80-year-olds.” Haley recently said that if Trump were convicted, and she were elected, she would likely pardon the former president. Why? Because it’s not in the country’s interest to have “an 80-year-old man sitting in jail,” she said.

    It sounds like a minor thing, but if Haley is going to attack Trump (correctly) for lying, if she’s going to try to claim some moral high ground in this race, she herself should not be fudging the facts. There’s no need to anyway; at 52, she’s clearly younger than both him and Biden.

    Since I figured the encounter at Chez Vachon might be the last time that I’d be so close to Haley—maybe ever—I decided to be one of those nuisance reporters and follow her out of the restaurant.

    “How old is President Trump?” I asked her as she crossed Kelley Street. Haley ignored me.

    “How old is President Trump?” I tried again. She kept walking. Someone else shouted a question that I didn’t hear.

    “There’s a lot of energy, that’s what we’re seeing today,” Haley said in a rote tone, disappearing into a town car and motoring off to her next stop, and then more stops after that.

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    Mark Leibovich

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  • Opinion: Is Steve Garvey, or his California campaign, for real?

    Opinion: Is Steve Garvey, or his California campaign, for real?

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    Many years ago, I interviewed Steve Garvey’s ex-wife, Cyndy, whose memoir had just been published. She’d spent years as a lonely, resentful baseball wife wrongly blamed by fans for the breakup of her marriage to a man whose squeaky clean image belied his philandering and emotional bankruptcy. Shortly before I sat down with her, news had broken that Steve Garvey had fathered two children with two women, while engaged to a third.

    Yep, turns out he was a player in every sense of the word.

    Opinion Columnist

    Robin Abcarian

    There were times after the divorce, Cyndy told me, that she’d even contemplated suicide. But the thought of Steve Garvey raising their two girls stopped her cold.

    “If I had died,” she said, “my kids would have been left with a right-wing, pro-life, born-again Christian media prostitute for a father.”

    Well then. Even all these years later, what a tidy little description of the man who stood on stage at USC’s Bovard Auditorium on Monday evening, uttering platitudes and nonsense during a very serious debate among candidates for the California U.S. Senate seat that, until her death, was held by Dianne Feinstein.

    He faced a trio of accomplished Democratic representatives — Adam B. Schiff of Burbank, who led the first impeachment against then-President Trump; Barbara Lee of Oakland, who was the only member of Congress to vote against authorizing the war in Afghanistan three days after 9/11; and Katie Porter of Irvine, a protege of consumer champion Sen. Elizabeth Warren. As they discussed their solid legislative records, their fears about a second Trump presidency, their ideas for solving the housing crisis in California, their support for universal healthcare and a humane approach to immigration, Garvey, a Republican who voted twice for Trump, nattered on like a Little League first base coach.

    “Let’s get back to the economy,” he said. “Let’s get back to the foundations, a free-market economy. … Let’s stop that rising inflation; let’s get to the point where we cut this excessive spending in Washington.”

    What’s so damning about Garvey’s bromides is that the man has been talking about running for the Senate for decades. Literally decades. He had a stellar 14-year run with the Dodgers, then retired in 1987 after five years with the San Diego Padres when he was only 38. He is now 75 years old. That means he’s had 37 years — half his life — to bone up on the issues.

    Honestly, I could not help but imagine that the late “Saturday Night Live” comedian Phil Hartman had wandered into the room and was posing as a blowhard politician with a Jesus complex and good hair.

    “When was the last time any of you went to the inner city, actually walked up to the homeless as I have these last three weeks?” Garvey asked the Democrats. “I needed to talk to the people. I needed to talk to the homeless, went up to them and touched them and listened to them. And you know what? They said, ‘You’re the first time anybody’s come up and asked us about our life.’ ”

    Lee, who is African American and once became homeless with her kids after escaping an abusive marriage, practically sputtered: “I cannot believe how he described his walk and touching and being there with the homeless,” she said as the audience chuckled heartily at Garvey’s nerve. “Come on, there. Please, please.”

    Schiff was politely acerbic: “This will be my one and only baseball analogy for the evening. Mr. Garvey, I am sorry, that was a swing and a miss, that was a total whiff.”

    It’s a mark of the desperation that California Republicans, who have faded into powerlessness, would consider a candidate so ill-suited to the job of United States senator. And it is downright pathetic that Garvey may sail to the runoff on the strength of his name and baseball career.

    “Policy for me is a position,” said Garvey at one point. “I’ve taken strong positions.”

    Please help me understand how the man is different from an artificial intelligence bot programmed to utter the most anodyne phrases he thinks voters want to hear: “I’m common sense. I’m compassionate. I’m consensus building.”

    I think California can do better than to replace the legendary Sen. Feinstein with an algorithm masquerading as a public servant.

    @robinkabcarian

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    Robin Abcarian

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  • Assemblymember Vince Fong can run for Kevin McCarthy's House seat, court rules

    Assemblymember Vince Fong can run for Kevin McCarthy's House seat, court rules

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    Bakersfield Republican Assemblymember Vince Fong can run in a Central Valley congressional race to replace former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Bakersfield), a Sacramento County judge ruled Thursday.

    The decision by Judge Shelleyanne W.L. Chang overrules the office of the Secretary of State Shirley N. Weber, which in mid-December denied Fong’s bid to appear on the March 5 primary ballot. Fong sued Weber shortly after her office’s ruling.

    “Today’s ruling is a victory for the voters of the 20th Congressional District, who will now have the opportunity to select the candidate of their choice in the March 5th election,” Fong said in a statement.

    Weber’s office had said Fong could not run for two offices at the same time. Before Fong filed to run in McCarthy’s district, he had submitted paperwork for his reelection bid for his current Assembly seat.

    In her ruling, Chang wrote that allowing Fong to run for both offices “somewhat defies common sense” and might also confuse voters.

    State law says no person may run for “more than one office at the same election,” but Chang said that does not disqualify Fong.

    Fong argued that the law has not been applicable since 2010, when California voters changed the state’s primary system, scrapping party nominations for a setup that lets the top two vote-getters advance to the general election regardless of their party affiliation.

    Chang agreed with Fong, saying the state law applies only to someone going through California’s old primary system of party nominations.

    Chang’s ruling is understandable, said Jessica Levinson, an election law professor at Loyola Law School. Given how the state law was written and not updated, she said, the judge may have been “left without any choice.”

    “Typically judges prefer the route that allows a candidate to stay on the ballot,” Levinson said, noting criticism that kicking someone off could interfere with the democratic process.

    Chang’s ruling is another twist to the election to replace McCarthy, who will leave Congress on Dec. 31, months after he was ousted from House Speaker position. Gov. Gavin Newsom will call a separate special election after McCarthy’s official resignation to temporarily fill the 20th District seat until January 2025.

    Fong, McCarthy’s former staff member, has been considered the front-runner in the race. Fong quickly secured McCarthy’s endorsement after he entered the race.

    Other candidates include Tulare County Sheriff Mike Boudreaux; David Giglio, a self-described “America First” candidate who has been critical of McCarthy; Matt Stoll, a former fighter pilot who operates a landscaping business and has run for Congress twice before; and Kyle Kirkland, the owner of Fresno’s only card room.

    The most prominent Democrat in the race is Bakersfield teacher Marisa Wood, who raised more than $1 million in her unsuccessful run against McCarthy in 2022.

    California Republican Party Chairwoman Jessica Millan Patterson in a statement said the ruling puts “an end to Democrats’ political games.”

    “The Sacramento Democrat machine tried and failed to interfere in a district that heavily favors Republicans,” she said in the statement.

    Assemblywoman Wendy Carrillo (D-Los Angeles) in a statement called the ruling “a gross interpretation of the law,” saying her office plans to introduce a bill “that will clear up this mess.”

    “There is too much at stake and there is no time for GOP shenanigans,” she said in the statement.

    Weber’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment as to whether it plans to appeal the ruling.

    Times staff reporter Laura J. Nelson contributed to this report.

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    Jeong Park

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  • AI Hoiman: No More Two Party System – Ted Holland, Humor Times

    AI Hoiman: No More Two Party System – Ted Holland, Humor Times

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    Dispatches From SNN (Slobovian News Network)

    The AI candidate Hoiman says we should get rid of political parties altogether.

    Presidential candidate Artificial Ignorance Entity Hoiman says that the American system has ground to a halt because Congress is a joke. Further, Hoiman says today’s political parties are like two three-year-olds fighting over a lollipop.

    Artificial Ignorance Entity Hoiman
    Still from the movie, “A.I. Artificial Intelligence” (2001).

    “It’s time to get rid of political parties and elections as we now know them,” said Hoiman. “Because of the corrupt parties, nothing gets done on the local, state or federal government levels.”

    He states that the political process in the Democratic Republic of Pepperbutte is an improvement over the current US political system. “The people run the government of DRP. There are no political parties, no elections and no professional politicians,” he said.

    Hoiman explained that most Americans are unfamiliar with Pepperbutte. “It has a population of 7 million people and is the world’s largest exporter of organic digital condoms and ass wax,” he said.

    Since there are no political parties in Pepperbutte, citizens are drafted to fill public offices. Those between the ages of 18 and 30 are selected to serve one year in the Pepperbuttean military corps. Taxpayers and property owners between the ages of 30 and 60 are selected to serve on town counsels, state assemblies and the national congress. Once you serve your four year term you cannot serve another term.

    Pepperbutte has no political campaigns and no elections. Mayors, governors and the vice chancellor are picked from within the group draftees.

    This works for Pepperbutte and could work for America, Hoiman says. “I am looking forward to running against and matching wits with Donald Trump,” he added.

    SNN Words to Live By

    “Everything is beautiful in its own way” — Ray Stevens, “Everything is Beautiful,” 1970 song.

    “Don’t confuse feeling good with being good.” — writer James Fixx.

    Ted HollandTed Holland
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    Ted Holland

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  • California elections officials say Assemblymember Vince Fong can't run for Congress in Bakersfield

    California elections officials say Assemblymember Vince Fong can't run for Congress in Bakersfield

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    California’s chief elections officer said late Friday that Bakersfield Republican Vince Fong cannot appear on the ballot for a Central Valley congressional seat because he is already running for reelection to the state Assembly — a decision the state lawmaker vowed to challenge in court.

    When Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-Bakersfield) this month announced his retirement, Fong, 44, said he would stay in his job in the 32nd Assembly District and would not run for Congress. Days later, Fong changed his mind and filed paperwork to enter the race, prompting complaints from other candidates that he was trying to run for two offices at once, which is prohibited by state law, they said.

    Fong’s paperwork to run for Congress was “improperly submitted,” the office of Secretary of State Shirley N. Weber said late Friday. The office said Fong “will not appear on the list of certified candidates for Congressional District 20 that our office will transmit to county election officials on candidates on Dec. 28.”

    Fong’s campaign released a statement vowing to file a lawsuit “imminently” and calling the secretary of State’s decision an “unprecedented interference in the candidate filing process.”

    County elections offices have “full jurisdiction to qualify candidates for the ballot,” while the secretary of State “simply has a ministerial duty to certify the candidate lists and include ALL qualified candidates,” the campaign said.

    Fong was sworn in as a candidate for the congressional race Monday at the Kern County Elections Division office in Bakersfield.

    “I will fight the Secretary of State’s misguided decision and do whatever it takes to give voters in our community a real choice in this election,” Fong said in a statement.

    Jessica Levinson, an election law professor at Loyola Law School, said California is “not at all alone in making a policy choice that candidates should only run for one office at the same time.

    “Given that there are a number of state laws that do appear to have bans on running for two different offices in the same election, and California appears to have such a ban, this does seem to be an appropriate decision,” Levinson said.

    But, she said, she wondered whether Fong could challenge as outdated a section of the state law that reads: “No person may file nomination papers for a party nomination and an independent nomination for the same office, or for more than one office at the same election.”

    In 2010, California voters rewrote the state’s primary system, scrapping party nominations in favor of a system in which the top two vote-getters advance to the general election, regardless of party affiliation.

    Fong, 44, has been widely seen as the front-runner in the congressional race and has secured McCarthy’s endorsement. Born and raised in Bakersfield, Fong began his career working for McCarthy’s predecessor, then-Rep. Bill Thomas, then worked for nearly a decade as McCarthy’s district director.

    Fong was elected in 2016 to the state Assembly, where he has largely focused on public safety, water and fiscal issues, generally eschewing the culture wars that dominate factions of the GOP. He carried bills attempting to pause a tax on gasoline that funds road repairs and direct money away from high-speed rail, both of which were unsuccessful.

    Fong has served as vice chairman of the Assembly budget committee, a perch he has used to advocate for conservative fiscal policies, even though Republicans have little power to influence decisions in the state Capitol.

    Fong was the only candidate who filed to run for the 32nd Assembly district seat. The filing deadline for the race was Dec. 8.

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    Laura J. Nelson

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  • Israel-Hamas war puts top Democratic Senate candidates’ foreign policy differences in the spotlight

    Israel-Hamas war puts top Democratic Senate candidates’ foreign policy differences in the spotlight

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    Just a few days after terrorists attacked America on Sept. 11, 2001, as Congress rushed to give President George W. Bush wide-ranging power to invade Afghanistan, Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Oakland) faced a decision that would come to define her career.

    As she weighed her vote, Lee thought of a lesson she’d learned in an earlier job running a community mental health center: “Don’t make critical decisions when you’re grieving and mourning, angry, confused.”

    Lee decided that the authorization as written “could set the stage for forever wars,” she told The Times in a recent interview. After intense deliberation, she decided to vote no — the only member of Congress to oppose the bill.

    Twenty-two years later, Lee, Burbank Rep. Adam B. Schiff, and Irvine Rep. Katie Porter are the top Democrats in the race for the U.S. Senate seat once held by Dianne Feinstein, for decades a key player on foreign and national security policy.

    California voters now face a choice among candidates with vastly divergent approaches to — and experience with — foreign policy.

    Lee’s immediate reaction to the attack on Israel by Hamas militants this month sounded much like her response to 9/11.

    “Our country has a responsibility, I believe, to call for a cease-fire and to call for the whole world to come together to try to stop the escalation of what is taking place in the Middle East. And peace is possible if we can bring all parties together to talk,” she said at a candidate forum the weekend of the attack.

    Schiff sounded a different note:

    “The only sentiment I want to express right now when Israel is going through its own 9/11 is unequivocal support for the security and the right of Israel to defend itself,” he said.

    Lee and Schiff’s decades of work on foreign policy issues contrast with the relative inexperience of Porter, a third-term lawmaker whose House career has focused more on domestic issues.

    In her answer at the forum, Porter pivoted to a hawkish line about Iran that sounded a lot like what some leading Republicans said in the immediate aftermath of the attack.

    “I stand with Israel in this time and I condemn the loss of lives — both of Palestinians and Israelis who are being victims of this terror,” she said, asserting that “the United States has allowed terrorism to flourish and has refused to take a strong enough stance against Iran” — which backs the militant groups Hamas and Hezbollah.

    When asked what specific Iran policy Porter was referring to, a spokesperson pointed to President Trump’s withdrawal from the treaty aimed at curtailing Iran’s nuclear program.

    Lee and Schiff have long differed on foreign policy.

    Besides voting against the war in Afghanistan, Lee voted against authorizing the Iraq war and the Patriot Act, which expanded government surveillance powers. Schiff voted for all three. (He has since said he regretted his Iraq vote.) Lee opposed the Obama administration’s 2011 missile strikes in Libya, while Schiff conditionally supported them.

    Schiff voted to approve final passage of the last seven annual defense funding bills; Lee, who has long pushed to slash Pentagon spending, voted against every one. (Porter voted against the most recent two spending bills but voted for them the first two years she was in Congress.)

    Lee told The Times before the Hamas attack that Schiff was “part of the status quo thinking” in Washington on foreign policy, and argued that Porter “doesn’t have a foreign policy record to stand on because she just hasn’t been in Congress long enough.”

    Schiff declined to directly contrast his record with his opponents’ in an interview shortly before the Hamas attack. But he emphasized his years as the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee and the opportunity that’s given him to get to know world leaders.

    “I’ve been deeply engaged in both foreign policy issues, national security issues and intelligence issues,” Schiff said. “It’s given me, I think, a wealth of experience to deal with and address some of the paramount national security challenges facing the country.”

    Schiff’s years leading the House Intelligence Committee helped prepare him to prosecute Trump at his first impeachment trial — where diplomats and military officials testified that the then-president had tried to pressure Ukraine into launching an investigation into Joe Biden and his son Hunter in exchange for U.S. weapons the country wanted to defend itself against Russian aggression.

    “In terms of his impeachment efforts, he did a very good job,” Lee said of Schiff.

    Lee got her introduction to Capitol Hill foreign policy debates in the 1980s as a senior staffer for longtime Oakland Rep. Ron Dellums, then chairman of the House Armed Services Committee. During that time, Dellums led the bipartisan charge to sanction apartheid-era South Africa.

    In recent years, she’s been able to gain allies in her quest to rein in presidents’ expansive war powers — partly because elements of both parties had moved her way. Lee helped draft the Democratic National Committee’s national platform in 2016 and pushed the party’s official foreign policy stance in a much more dovish direction. Her once-lonely crusade to repeal the 2001 and 2002 authorizations of military force has gained strong bipartisan support.

    Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont) said Lee’s views on war and peace were a key reason for his decision to endorse her.

    “I view Barbara Lee as the strongest voice against endless war, not just in the race, but in the entire Congress,” he told The Times

    Schiff leads the Senate race in delegation endorsements — 22 of California’s 40 House Democrats have backed him, compared with three for Lee and none for Porter.

    A number of his colleagues cited his foreign policy experience and work leading the Intelligence Committee as a major reason they’re backing him.

    “That was a big part of why I chose to endorse Adam,” Rep. Ami Bera (D-Elk Grove) said. “There’s only 100 senators. So foreign policy experience is incredibly important.”

    Whoever wins the seat will be replacing a senator who played a crucial role on foreign policy, privacy and civil liberties issues for decades — at times to her fellow Democrats’ consternation.

    Feinstein was the top Democrat on the powerful Senate Intelligence Committee from 2009 through 2016, and often hewed in a more interventionist direction than many in her party.

    She voted to authorize the war in Iraq and was a major supporter of the Patriot Act. One of U.S. intelligence agencies’ staunchest Democratic allies for much of her career, Feinstein sided with Republicans to expand the government’s ability to covertly monitor Americans’ calls and emails without a warrant and supported giving immunity to telephone companies that had allowed the U.S. government to listen in on calls between suspected terrorists and people on American soil. When former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden leaked details of the government’s vast data-gathering operation, Feinstein accused him of treason. She also was a fierce defender of drone strikes and blocked President Obama from moving control of the drone strike program from the CIA to the Defense Department.

    But she also was key in defending Obama’s deal to prevent Iran from attaining nuclear weapons and led the charge to investigate and declassify a report on the CIA’s secret torture program. The document would never have seen daylight if not for her work.

    Schiff is probably the closest of the three candidates to Feinstein in terms of worldview and experience.

    The two worked closely together as the top Democrats on the House and Senate intelligence committees. In the lead-up to the 2016 election, they pushed hard for the Obama administration to publicly call out Russia for meddling in the election. After being rebuffed, they put out a joint statement in late September 2016 declaring they’d seen evidence Russia was trying to influence the U.S. election — weeks before Obama officials finally said the same.

    “Far too late,” Schiff lamented.

    In recent years, the foreign policy differences between Schiff and Lee have not been as far apart as earlier in their political careers.

    While Lee has fought to severely limit the CIA’s long-running drone strike program, Schiff hasn’t gone as that far — but in 2015 introduced legislation to put the program under Defense Department control. Schiff has also backed Lee’s work to repeal the 2002 law authorizing military force in Iraq. That effort has strong bipartisan support, including from Biden, and passed the House back when it was in Democratic hands in 2021 but has yet to become law.

    Schiff worked across the aisle to reform the Patriot Act and end its warrantless wiretapping program. He also said the lesson he drew from his vote to back the Iraq invasion based on incorrect intelligence provided by the Bush administration led him to push to reform American intelligence-gathering services’ reports so that dissenting views are aired and “group think” is avoided.

    “Seeing how an administration could mislead the country and use intelligence to do it was a very powerful motivator for me to work on reforms of the intelligence community,” he told The Times.

    Both Schiff and Lee criticized the Biden administration’s handling of the chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan, but praised him for deciding to do so.

    All three leading Democratic Senate candidates generally have strongly backed U.S. military aid for Ukraine, but voted against supplying that nation with cluster munitions.

    The candidates overlap on some issues regarding Israel as well.

    Schiff pointed out at the forum that he has criticized Israeli settlers’ expansion into the West Bank as well as Israel’s recent “move away from democracy” — alluding to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s attempts to undermine the independence of the judiciary.

    Lee has consistently voted to provide funding for Israel’s Iron Dome missile defense system. But she was also one of 16 House Democrats to vote against a nonbinding resolution that condemned the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, which looks to block investments in Israel, and co-sponsored legislation to bar U.S. aid from going toward Israel’s annexation of West Bank land or detention of Palestinian children.

    The reemergence of Israel as a global flashpoint puts their differences back on display.

    Schiff continues to offer a full-throated defense of Israel.

    “It is crucial that Congress works quickly to provide Israel with the security assistance, humanitarian aid and intelligence support it needs to defend itself and to safely recover the hostages taken,” he said in a statement. “Words matter and our allies around the world — as well as our adversaries — are watching us closely. It’s important, now more than ever, for the U.S. to stand united with Israel.”

    Lee recently joined a letter from the Congressional Progressive Caucus to President Biden expressing deep concern about Israel’s actions in Gaza and calling for an end to the siege and a humanitarian corridor to deliver lifesaving supplies.

    “Israel has the right to defend itself from Hamas, but must do so within the framework of international law,” she wrote in a statement, calling on the U.S. to “protect innocent civilians & ensure delivery of humanitarian assistance.”

    Porter released a five-minute video a few days later touting her support for Israel, strongly criticizing Iran and making only brief mention of Palestinian civilians’ suffering.

    “We cannot give in to Iran’s efforts to weaken our long-standing special relationship with Israel,” she said.

    Porter, whose district includes a large Iranian American community, has long spoken out against the Iranian government’s brutal oppression of women and other protesters.

    Porter’s campaign declined to make her available for an interview, but pointed to her work to trim defense spending and her successful push for an amendment banning senior Pentagon officials from owning stock in defense contractors as examples of her foreign policy work.

    At the forum, Porter was asked a question about her lack of foreign policy experience and responded that she was a quick study.

    “I have done the work and always do the work. I was a professor, so I take doing your homework pretty seriously,” she said. “I’m committed to continuing to learn.”

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    Cameron Joseph

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  • How Third-Party Hopefuls Could Put Donald Trump Back in the White House

    How Third-Party Hopefuls Could Put Donald Trump Back in the White House

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    President Joe Biden is a bit occupied with life-and-death issues at the moment. He flew into a war zone for eight hours to comfort Israelis and to negotiate relief for Palestinians and to try to avert even larger tragedies, then returned to Washington to deliver a rare, powerful Oval Office speech explaining the stakes to Americans–an address also aimed at growing domestic divisions about the U.S. role in the Middle East.

    That war, plus the one between Ukraine and Russia, will occupy a great deal of the president’s attention for the near future. But those conflicts are also likely to take up an increasing amount of space next year, as Biden runs for reelection–when he may well have more rivals criticizing him about foreign policy than just Donald Trump.

    Third-party candidates are the first worry a Biden adviser mentions when asked to list general election uncertainties: “This is set up for a higher percentage than the 6% in 2016, in the Hillary-Trump election.” In 2020, seven states were decided by less than 3% of the vote, and the margins in battleground states this time around are likely to be nearly as thin. The number of ballots cast for a third-party candidate doesn’t need to be large to do outsize damage. In Pennsylvania in 2016, for instance, Trump edged Hillary Clinton by 44,292 votes—while Green Party candidate Jill Stein attracted 49,941 votes. “It certainly concerns me because I worked for Hillary Clinton in Pennsylvania in 2016 and saw what Jill Stein was responsible for firsthand,” says Brendan McPhillips, who went on to run the state for Biden’s 2020 campaign and then managed John Fetterman’s winning 2022 Senate bid. “I hope anyone who is continuing with some quixotic vanity project of a third-party presidential run will pull their head out of their ass in the next few months.”

    What’s been missing in the chatter is that the most prominent, most likely candidates would pose significantly different threats. Cornel West, the professor and activist, is coming at the president from the left, with a platform that includes universal basic income, nationalizing the fossil fuel industry, and reparations for Black Americans. The conventional wisdom has been that West would appeal to two constituencies where Biden is vulnerable: progressives and voters of color.

    The dynamics are unlikely to be that simple. Democratic strategist Rebecca Pearcey thinks third parties ultimately won’t have much impact—particularly if the Biden campaign hammers home the election’s stakes. “I think voters realize if they are going to go vote for a third-party candidate, it’s essentially throwing their vote away,” says Pearcey, who was the political director for Elizabeth Warren’s 2020 run for the Democratic presidential nomination. “None of these independents are going to get to 270. I think what Biden will need to do, in particular with the challenges from the left, is ensure that people understand the gravity of their one vote: ‘We may not check all your boxes, but it is certainly better than having Donald Trump back in the White House.’”

    West is a charismatic presence, and he’s sold a lot of books over the years, though is new to facing the kind of press scrutiny that comes with a presidential campaign. This week, he had to answer to taking money from Harlan Crow, the GOP megadonor linked to right-wing Supreme Court justice Clarence Thomas. West defended the donation, saying he is “unbought and unbossed.” Then he said he was giving Crow his money back. Meanwhile, West’s recent decision to ditch the Green Party, which has a strong record of getting its presidential candidates on ballots, could present a major challenge to winning votes. It’s the second time in four months West has left a political party and it contributes to the perception that he isn’t really a serious candidate. “The Biden White House was probably very glad to see that happen,” a Democratic strategist says.

    Indeed, Biden’s camp, and most everyone else, is less sure what to make of Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s prospects. Earlier this month, Kennedy dropped his Democratic bid to run as an independent, breaking from his famous family’s deep ties with the party. The environmental lawyer turned conspiracy theorist has demonstrated skill at raising (and spending) money, as has the super PAC supporting Kennedy, though running a national campaign as a true outsider will become exponentially more expensive. The larger question is about his appeal. “Kennedy is more puzzling,” says Mark Longabaugh, a Democratic strategist who played a key role in the surprisingly strong presidential run by Bernie Sanders. “He’s moved beyond any kind of ideological association with his family’s political history. In some ways he’s more threatening as an independent than he would have been in a Democratic primary. His market would seem to be disgruntled voters, voters who are fed up with the system.” In the most optimistic Bidenworld view, this means Kennedy helps them by pulling fringe voters away from Trump. (Minnesota congressman Dean Phillips is still flirting with running in the Democratic primary, but has yet to officially challenge Biden.)

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    Chris Smith

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  • Column: Laphonza Butler aces her first political test, passing on uphill Senate run

    Column: Laphonza Butler aces her first political test, passing on uphill Senate run

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    Laphonza Butler has been living a whirlwind these past few weeks.

    Overnight she went from being a campaign strategist and behind-the-scenes operative — unknown to most, save political insiders — to a U.S. senator representing nearly 40 million residents of the most important state in the union.

    Even Butler was surprised Gov. Gavin Newsom tapped her to replace the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein. It was like plucking a set designer from the wings and placing her, with barely any notice, directly at center stage.

    Since then — as Butler learned which Capitol Hill stairways lead where, flew cross-country to meet with assorted constituencies and developed a case of COVID-19 — one overriding question trailed her: Would she run for a full term in 2024?

    On Thursday, she gave her answer: No.

    It was the right decision, and a politically astute one.

    By foregoing a campaign that would have been difficult to win, Butler leaves herself well-positioned for a future run if she chooses to seek office. It also allows the state’s very fresh freshman senator to devote herself full-time to her congressional duties.

    Which is exactly what Butler should do.

    The decision, announced abruptly, was hastened by a number of impending deadlines, among them cutoffs to vie for the state Democratic Party’s endorsement and to be included as a candidate in the information guide mailed to every California voter.

    But the most important date facing Butler was March 5, when the state holds its top-two “jungle” primary. (The two candidates receiving the most votes will advance to a November runoff, regardless of party.)

    That contest is a little over four months from now, an incredibly short time to ramp up a statewide campaign, raise the many millions of dollars needed to advertise and develop even a cursory relationship with voters sprawling over California’s vast expanse.

    Feinstein, for years the state’s best known politician, took a long time to develop her near-universal Eureka-to-Yucaipa name recognition. And that was after she had already waged two statewide campaigns.

    Butler faced other challenges.

    She lived in Maryland and worked in Washington, D.C., leading the women’s campaign organization Emily’s List before her Senate appointment. Her lack of longstanding California residency would have surely become an issue.

    A former labor leader, Butler also faced agita from the political left for the handsome sum she made working for Uber as the ride-hailing service worked to undermine its drivers’ push for better pay and working conditions. That, too, would have been an issue.

    Neither, however, posed insurmountable hurdles.

    The greater impediments for Butler were time and money, two vital ingredients to political success.

    She would have started flat-footed against a formidable field of contenders, including Reps. Adam Schiff, Katie Porter and Barbara Lee who, collectively, have already amassed tens of millions of dollars.

    Butler, for her part, has not demonstrated particular fundraising prowess. Some familiar with her work at Emily’s List were underwhelmed with its financial ledger under her watch.

    Also, political handicappers tended to overstate the advantage of Butler’s labor connections. Although she enjoys a number of personal connections, several unions had already committed to others in the race, or assumed a wait-and-see approach. It’s not hard to imagine much of organized labor staying neutral, or endorsing multiple candidates, had Butler belatedly entered the Senate contest.

    In bowing out, Butler issued the kind of statement — brave, a little cocky — one often hears under such circumstances.

    “Knowing you can win a campaign doesn’t always mean you should run a campaign,” she said.

    The rest of her written remarks seemed more cognizant and truer to the heart.

    “I know this will be a surprise to many because traditionally we don’t see those who have power let it go,” Butler stated. “It may not be the decision people expected but it’s the right one for me.”

    At 44, Butler could have a good, long political career if she wishes to stay in elected office.

    Once she departs the Senate, it’s not likely she’ll return anytime soon, given the relatively young age of California’s other senator, 50-year-old Alex Padilla, and the likelihood whomever voters choose in November 2024 will serve a good long time.

    But the California governor’s seat comes open in 2026 and Butler could be an attractive candidate in a wide-open field.

    She’ll now have a little over year to rack up some achievements in Washington, travel the state to introduce herself to voters and, if Butler chooses, lay the necessary political and financial groundwork for a future political run.

    Far better than working half-time in the Senate and half-time on a quite possibly futile attempt to stay there.

    To run or not to run was the first major political test facing California’s newly minted senator.

    She made the smart move.

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    Mark Z. Barabak

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  • Kevin McCarthy’s Reckoning

    Kevin McCarthy’s Reckoning

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    Republicans today could take control of the House of Representatives, giving them a foothold of power in Washington from which to smother Joe Biden’s agenda and generally make life hell for the president and his family.

    Or they might not.

    It all depends on whether Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the GOP House leader, can lock down the final votes he needs to become speaker. As of this morning, McCarthy was short of the 218 required for a majority. He can afford to lose only four Republicans in the party-line vote if all members are present. So far, at least five and potentially more than a dozen far-right lawmakers remain opposed to McCarthy’s candidacy or are withholding their support.

    Should McCarthy falter on the first vote, to be taken shortly after the 118th Congress gavels into session at noon, the House would remain in a state of limbo. (Democrats and more than a few Republicans might call it purgatory.) Without a speaker, the House can do nothing. It cannot adopt the rules it will use to operate for the next two years; it cannot debate or pass legislation; it cannot form committees and name chairs; it cannot unleash the torrent of subpoenas that Republicans have vowed to send the Biden administration’s way. Without a speaker, in other words, the GOP has no majority.

    So for the moment, the functioning of the legislative branch depends on McCarthy’s ability to wrangle votes. And like any deadlocked negotiation on Capitol Hill, his—and the GOP’s—predicament could be resolved quickly, or it could endure for quite a while. If no candidate receives a majority of votes on the first ballot for speaker this afternoon—the only candidate who has a legitimate chance on that roll call is McCarthy—then the House must keep voting until someone does. McCarthy has said he will not drop out after the first ballot, effectively hoping to wear down his GOP opposition or cut deals that will secure him the votes he needs. (His office did not respond to a request for comment last night.) He has little hope of appealing to Democrats, who neither trust nor respect a Republican leader who has spent the past seven years cozying up to Donald Trump.

    The vote for speaker is the most formal of congressional roll calls and lasts well over an hour. Beginning alphabetically by last name, the clerk calls out the name of each of the 435 members, who then reply verbally with the candidate of their choice. No speaker vote has gone to a second ballot in more than a century, leaving no modern precedent for what happens if McCarthy does not get the support of 218 members. He could strike a quick deal and win on a second ballot by nightfall, or the series of ballots could drag out for days or even weeks, especially if the House recesses so that Republicans can convene privately to figure out what to do.

    McCarthy is known for being affable but has no reputation for tactical or legislative brilliance. He has desperately tried to placate the five most ardent holdouts—a quintet that includes the Trump loyalist Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida—with concessions that would empower individual members at the expense of McCarthy’s sway as speaker. The most contentious of these involves what’s known as the “motion to vacate,” a mechanism by which members can force a vote to depose the speaker.

    Until recent years, the motion to vacate was a rarely used relic of procedural arcana. But in 2015, then-Representative Mark Meadows of North Carolina—an ambitious conservative who would go on to greater notoriety as Trump’s final chief of staff—dusted off the motion to vacate and essentially pushed Speaker John Boehner into retirement. When Democrats regained the House majority in 2019, Nancy Pelosi, who’d once again ascended to the speakership, engineered a rules change so that only members of the party leadership could deploy the motion to vacate. McCarthy was hoping to keep that change largely in place, but his GOP opponents have demanded that the House revert to the old rules, which would make it much easier for them to oust the speaker as soon as he antagonized them (say, by going around conservatives to pass legislation with Democrats). Over the weekend, McCarthy told Republicans he’d be willing to create a five-member threshold for forcing a vote on the speaker—a significant move on his part but still not as far as his critics on the right would like.

    Although the speaker vote today could be the most suspenseful in memory, McCarthy himself is not in an unfamiliar position. In 2015, he was the presumed successor to Boehner, but a poorly timed gaffe and mistrust among conservatives forced him to withdraw before the vote. He seems intent on avoiding that fate this time around. Nonetheless, McCarthy’s opponents see him as a stooge of the party establishment that they ran to dismantle; they also just don’t seem to like him very much. As yet, McCarthy has no real challenger. But the hardline holdouts have teased a mystery candidate who could step forward on the second ballot, and McCarthy’s ostensibly loyal second-in-command, Representative Steve Scalise of Louisiana, could emerge as a potential consensus choice.

    “Governance will be a challenge,” Oklahoma’s Tom Cole, a longtime Republican lawmaker and McCarthy ally, told me a couple months ago. He said it back when Republicans seemed to be on the verge of a resounding midterm victory, one that likely would have smoothed McCarthy’s path to the speakership. Now it sounds like a significant understatement.

    The high likelihood is that eventually, perhaps even today, Republicans will claim the narrow House majority that they won at the polls. But even if McCarthy squeaks by on the first or second ballot, the party’s struggle simply to organize itself behind a leader won’t soon be forgotten. It will stand as a painful reminder of the GOP’s electoral underperformance in November, and, almost certainly, it will serve as a harbinger of a rocky two years to come.

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    Russell Berman

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  • Austin Pets Alive! | Quiet Young Kitten Needs a Cardiologist so She…

    Austin Pets Alive! | Quiet Young Kitten Needs a Cardiologist so She…

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    Nov 17, 2022

    Kesha 21 is truly an Austin Pets Alive! kitten. This 3-month-old kitty
    was born in our care, and raised in the APA! nursery program. She’s what
    we call a “neonatal graduate”—and yes it’s all right to picture her
    sweet self in a teeny cap and gown.

    But when Kesha 21 got her spay surgery, our veterinarians discovered some heart issues that she’d likely been born with. Further examinations led our vets to believe that Kesha 21 has advanced pulmonic stenosis—a rare condition in cats.

    Having this condition means that one of Kesha 21’s heart valves is too
    narrow, making it hard for her body to get blood to her lungs. It’s not
    just affecting her health. Kesha 21’s personality is affected, too.
    She’s gotten a little more quiet as her heart issues have progressed.

    The veterinarians say things will get worse for Kesha 21, if she doesn’t begin work with a cardiologist. The
    blockage of blood flow is putting extra strain
    on her heart, which
    could cause Kesha 21 to faint or even go into heart failure.

    She will get short of breath, and exhausted, from the ordinary playing
    and running that most kittens are able to enjoy. We don’t yet know if
    the pulmonic stenosis will affect Kesha 21’s lifespan.

    A cardiologist who we’ve partnered with before to correct animals’ heart
    problems can consult with Kesha 21 and give her the specialty treatment
    she needs. Kesha 21 may be a candidate for surgery, or her condition
    could be

    managed through medication. After initial treatment, this young
    kitten will likely need more monitoring still, so we can keep an eye on
    that tiny ticker and keep Kesha 21 as healthy and well as she can be,
    for as long as we can.

    Kesha 21’s care is going to be very expensive. Just the initial cardiac consultation will cost $5,000.

    While some shelters would give up on a young kitten who needed such
    expensive care at such a tender age, we know our community is with us in
    believing with all our hearts that Kesha 21 deserves the opportunity to
    live, and to live well.

    With a woof, a purr, and a thanks,

    The APA! Team

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  • Dr. Brandon Ross, a Leading Democratic Challenger for California Governor in Recall Election, Promises to Appoint Female African American or Latina Democrat as Senator

    Dr. Brandon Ross, a Leading Democratic Challenger for California Governor in Recall Election, Promises to Appoint Female African American or Latina Democrat as Senator

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    If elected governor of California, Dr. Brandon Ross states his goal of replacing Senator Diane Feinstein with an under-represented female democrat, should Feinstein resign her position.

    Press Release



    updated: Sep 5, 2021

    The U.S. Senate is currently controlled by the Democratic Party, thanks to the tie-breaking vote of Vice President Kamala Harris. But the Senate is tied at 50-50, and the loss of a single senator to the Republican side would flip the balance of the Senate and have ramifications across America. Today, Republican candidate Larry Elder has stated that he plans to replace Feinstein with a Republican, should he become governor and Feinstein resigns.

    In response to Mr. Elder, Dr. Brandon Ross has made a similar commitment to replace Feinstein with a Democrat. Dr. Ross goes further and has stated his intention to appoint a Democrat who is female and either of African American or Hispanic descent.

    “My phones and email have been lighting up today from constituents asking me my take on Elder’s position. Obviously, there is no question that I will fill any void left in one of California’s U.S. Senate seats with a top-qualified Democrat. But I would like to take that a step further and commit to trying to even the playing field in the Senate. I will find the most qualified minority female candidate for the job. Females and minorities have been under-represented in U.S. politics for too long, and if I have a chance to make a difference, I will do so.”

    It should be noted that Senator Feinstein has recently stated that she has no intention of stepping down. Feinstein has served in the U.S. Senate since the early 1990s.

    For more on the Ross Campaign, see:

    www.ross4gov.com

    ross4gov@gmail.com

    (619) 883-3599

    Source: Ross For Governor Campaign

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  • Today an Authentic but Unknown Conservative Paola Tulliani Z Has Launched Her Campaign for Governor of Arizona

    Today an Authentic but Unknown Conservative Paola Tulliani Z Has Launched Her Campaign for Governor of Arizona

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    Italian-born Paola Tulliani Z immigrated to Chicago with her family at age seven. As a young adult in her twenties, she moved to Arizona to begin her own family.

    Press Release



    updated: Sep 2, 2021

    For over 40 years, Paola Tulliani Z experienced Arizona’s exciting growth and recognized this was one of the best places to live, and this is where La Dolce Vita had its beginnings. A cookie company, owned by Z, which grew into a successful Arizona business, employing more than 100  people. She achieved national disctribution with Costco and many other fine suppliers. As an Arizonan, she was able to achieve her own “American Dream.” Now she is running for Governor of Arizona.

    Self-educated to meet the challenging requirements for her industry, she learned to operate a successful business and now will come to operate a successful Arizona government. She is ready to achieve for and with the people of Arizona.

    “Trump was a great leader, but now I will continue his agenda and fight to protect our country. A successful businesswoman with experience, I am determined to fight the socialist agenda that is polluting Arizona and America.”

    “It looks like Arizona’s best is yet to come.”

    CONTACT: press@zforarizona.com

    Source: Paola Tulliani Z

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