Trump Approval Rating on Economy Hits New Low

Donald Trump’s job-approval ratings have been essentially stable for the last couple of months. According to the Silver Bulletin’s polling averages, his net approval rating was at minus-8 percent on July 25 and is at minus-8.4 percent on September 22. Trump’s second-term job-approval averages started at plus-11.7 percent on January 21, went underwater in March, bottomed out in mid-July at minus-10.3 percent, then increased a bit and stayed put. That means Trump is less popular than any post–World War II president at this stage in their presidency, other than himself during his first term. (For comparison, Joe Biden was at minus-2.6 percent at this point.)

While Trump’s overall approval ratings have stabilized at the moment, there’s some churn beneath the surface in terms of how his performance is judged on specific issues. Again per Silver Bulletin, his net job-approval ratings on the economy have now sunk to a second-term low of minus-15.5 percent. Similarly, assessment of his handling of inflation — arguably the issue that got him elected last year — has steadily deteriorated throughout 2025 and now stands at a terrible minus-30.4 percent. Approval of his job performance on trade dropped to minus-20.2 in April, soon after his imposition of major tariffs on the so-called Liberation Day, and is at minus-18.9 percent now following much erratic conduct on tariffs.

It’s not so surprising, then, that the 47th president has shifted his emphasis from economic policy to law-and-order issues. His job-approval averages at Silver Bulletin on immigration went underwater in June and now stand at minus-3.4 percent — not great but much better than his standing on most other issues. Pollsters that break out “border control” separately from “immigration” typically find Trump doing much better in that subarea of immigration policy.

After Trump began talking about an imaginary national crime wave and then federalized law enforcement in the District of Columbia, assessments of his leadership on crime policy began popping up, and it consistently ranks as his second-strongest major issue area, trailing immigration. For example, a September 12–15 Economist/YouGov survey showed him with 42 percent approval and 49 percent disapproval on crime policy, significantly better than his overall job-approval ratio of 39 percent positive and 57 percent negative. Similarly, an September 11–15 AP/NORC survey gave him 46 percent approval and 53 percent disapproval on crime, and just 39 percent approval and 60 percent disapproval overall. Polls with higher overall Trump approval ratios showed the same pattern. A September 6–9 Fox News poll gave the president a relatively benign 50 percent–50 percent rating on “crime and public safety” (second only to border control in approval percentage) alongside a 46 percent approval to 54 percent disapproval in his overall job performance.

You could argue that the “law and order” issues of immigration and crime work better for Trump than anything related to the economy, including trade, inflation, or health care. It’s not surprising, then, that he’s leaning into such issues. There’s very limited polling on public reaction to his plans for deploying National Guard units and federal law-enforcement assets in urban areas. A September 3–5 CBS News survey shows 43 percent approval and 57 percent disapproval for Trump’s deployment of the National Guard in Washington, but it may go over well locally in red states with “blue cities.” Overall, what we have suggests that framing such initiatives as essential for fighting crime would be Trump’s best strategy.

The president’s latest threat to conduct a “crackdown” on supposed radical-left organizations deemed to have encouraged political violence could also be pitched as a law-and-order measure despite the ominous implications for civil liberties and democratic norms. Such an angle might thrill the GOP’s MAGA base without unduly alarming swing voters, but only if Trump exhibits some uncharacteristic self-control.