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Tag: zoning

  • East Fort Worth residents want to halt rock crushing operation, oppose rezoning

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    The sign for the Crushtex rock crushing operation on McGuffin Way in east Fort Worth on Jan. 5, 2026. The site is operating without a city permit while an application is pending. Residents in the area want the city to deny that request, and they want the rock crushing to stop.

    The sign for the Crushtex rock crushing operation on McGuffin Way in east Fort Worth on Jan. 5, 2026. The site is operating without a city permit while an application is pending. Residents in the area want the city to deny that request, and they want the rock crushing to stop.

    Residents of east Fort Worth have mobilized to shut down a rock crushing operation near the West Fork of the Trinity River that is operating without a zoning permit. At the same time, they are asking the city to reject a request to rezone the site and surrounding property for further industrial use.

    In July, Crushtex, LLC, received a building permit from the city for a temporary construction trailer at 153 McGuffin Way, a property owned by Wallace Hall Jr. A Facebook page for Crushtex created in October says the company provides commercial flex base, which is used in road construction.

    Hall, however, did not receive a conditional use permit for the rock crushing operation, which is required since the property is zoned only for commercial, not industrial, use. Hall did not immediately respond to a phone message and email requesting comment.

    In 2016, Hall, a businessman and a former University of Texas System regent, attempted to open a concrete recycling plant in the same area. Opposition from residents and city officials ultimately halted those plans.

    On Jan. 5, the operation was running, with at least one front-end loader on site to load crushed rock into trucks. The rock crusher itself appeared to be a mobile unit, not a permanent one. It was situated next to a sizable rock pile.

    Linda Fulmer with the Neighborhoods of East Fort Worth Alliance said residents noticed the rock crushing operation on McGuffin Way in early November and alerted the city. According to permit records, the city notified Crushtex on Nov. 17 that rock crushing and concrete batch operations were not allowed, per zoning, and that a conditional use permit was needed.

    Fulmer’s residential alliance wants the rock crushing to stop because of concerns about air quality and increased truck traffic.

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    On Dec. 8, Hall requested a conditional use permit for the concrete crushing operation, according to Fort Worth permit records. That was part of a larger request to the city to rezone nearly 50 acres between East First Street and Elliott Reeder Road, which includes the McGuffin Way property, for light industrial use. According to a city spokesperson, the rock crushing operations have been allowed to continue on the site while the permit and rezoning requests are pending.

    John Grisham, from Athens, is the registered owner of Crushtex. He said the McGuffin Way site has been operating “off and on,” though he said he wasn’t sure of the exact date it went live. When asked about the conditional use permit, Grisham said that was something the property owner, Hall, is handling. Grisham said he had a Texas Commission on Environmental Quality permit, and that’s what he abides by.

    According to TCEQ records, Crushtex obtained an air quality permit for the concrete crushing operation that has been active since Dec. 5.

    Based on the site plan included with the conditional use permit application, the rock crushing operation will move farther east over time. Fulmer said she believes Hall is crushing rock that was brought in years ago to raise the property out of a floodplain.

    In addition to opposing the rock crushing operations, Fulmer and her residential alliance don’t want Hall’s land rezoned for increased industrial use, fearing the environmental impact to the nearby Trinity River and Gateway Park. The property under consideration is zoned for multifamily residential and commercial use, but only for things like retail stores, restaurants, hotels, office complexes and gas stations.

    Fulmer outlined reasons for opposing Hall’s rezoning request on the West Meadowbrook Neighborhood Association’s website. The West Meadowbrook Neighborhood Association is one of the groups comprising the Neighborhoods of East Fort Worth Alliance.

    The zoning commission hearing for Hall’s request is tentatively scheduled for Feb. 11, according to a city spokesperson.

    Fulmer hopes Hall’s requests will be denied, but she said she’s not sure residents were given enough notice ahead of the rezoning hearing to sway the city’s decision makers.

    Matt Adams

    Fort Worth Star-Telegram

    Matt Adams is a news reporter covering Fort Worth, Tarrant County and surrounding areas. He previously wrote about aviation and travel and enjoys a good weekend road trip. Matt joined the Star-Telegram in January 2025.

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  • Why Zoning Does More Harm Than Good

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    Thomas Kuhn was a philosopher whose groundbreaking 1962 book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, is credited with bringing the term paradigm shift to pop culture. Kuhn described how scientific communities stick to established paradigms, even as evidence of their limitations mounted. Widely accepted paradigms for understanding and interpreting knowledge don’t crumble under the weight of mere data. Instead, they tend to persist until a crisis emerges—when anomalies become so disruptive that a shift to a new paradigm is unavoidable.

    Zoning was established in the early 20th century as a way to protect homeowners from unwanted industrial developments nearby. It was pitched as a way to separate heavy industry from residential areas, which made practical sense at a time when factories polluted neighborhoods. Early industrial cities were notorious for their noise, filth, sickness, and all-around misery. 

    The wealthy had options, so they’d put some distance between themselves and factory life. You can imagine that the elite would want to guarantee never having to deal with the industrial riffraff. Zoning would give such guarantees. You can also imagine that social workers and other empaths would want to guarantee the poor and middle class had the same separation from the dirty parts of a city as the elites had. Zoning would give such guarantees. 

    But zoning wasn’t used merely as a tool to separate heavy industry from residential zones. Local power brokers segregated all the land uses—separating single-family homes from apartments, office buildings from retail, residential from retail, and so on. The regulatory framework became so normalized in America that it’s hard for people to imagine life without it: “Without zoning, my neighbor might build a strip club and a paper mill.”

    Unintended consequences

    Normal science, the activity in which most scientists inevitably spend almost all of their time, is predicated on the assumption that the scientific community knows what the world is like. Much of the success of the enterprise derives from the community’s willingness to defend that assumption, if necessary, at considerable cost.

    As Kuhn would’ve predicted, the normal science of zoning has produced a number of “anomalies” that increasingly contradict zoning’s purported benefits.

    1. Housing Expense and Shortage: By restricting a variety of housing sizes and types, zoning codes limit the supply of housing, driving up prices and making places unaffordable for many residents.
    2. Environmental Degradation: Zoning encourages urban sprawl by pushing residential development outward into zones that are only practically reachable by car. Zoning codes create low-density, car-centric development, at great expense to our natural environment.
    3. Social Segregation: Zoning is a devilish segregation tool. Throughout pre-zoning history, cities had opportunities for people from all walks of life, social standing, and economic standing. 
    4. Economic Stagnation and Opportunity Costs: By prohibiting a mixture of land uses in a neighborhood, zoning limits economic activity, making it difficult for small businesses to thrive in residential neighborhoods or for residents to access amenities without a car. 
    5. Car Dependency: Neighborhood pharmacies are outlawed, so you drive to CVS just to get a birthday card. Neighborhood restaurants are outlawed, so you drive your kids to Chick-fil-A. Neighborhood salons are outlawed, so you drive to get your nails done. 

    A resilient paradigm

    Changing a paradigm isn’t just about accepting new facts, it’s about challenging an entire worldview, and that’s something humans are generally reluctant to do. And in spite of all its harms, the zoning paradigm remains resilient among the experts because:

    • Planning departments are organized around zoning administration. 
    • Professional credentialing still lionizes zoning codes. 
    • University programs train students to use zoning for the greater good.
    • Thousands of attorneys specialize in zoning law. 
    • Lobbying pressure remains intense from industries that benefit from strict land-use policies.

    There are powerful incentives to preserve the system, even among professionals who privately acknowledge its failures. Kuhn observed that paradigms persist not because they work well, but because entire careers, departments, and professional identities are built upon them. Challenging zoning means threatening not just an idea, but the livelihoods and expertise of countless people.

    Much like a fundamentalist belief system, zoning has developed a language of justification that makes it difficult to challenge. Clever defenses like “preserving neighborhood character” or “protecting property values” are invoked to defend restrictive zoning policies, even when these policies have been proven to harm the vast majority of people. Zoning defenders use language not to inform, but to deflect and manipulate. 

    A tipping point

    Kuhn would say a paradigm shift requires a moment of crisis, a point at which the old framework can no longer explain or accommodate the reality of a situation. I think we’re getting there with zoning, because the accumulating anomalies are becoming too severe to ignore. 

    Scientific revolutions reshaped how we understand the world. A zoning revolution has the potential to transform our small towns, big cities, and sprawling suburbs in positive ways we have yet to fully imagine. We have 100 years of evidence that zoning has brought more harm than good.

    BY Andy Boenau

    This article originally appeared in Inc.’s sister publication, Fast Company.

    Fast Company is the world’s leading business media brand, with an editorial focus on innovation in technology, leadership, world changing ideas, creativity, and design. Written for and about the most progressive business leaders, Fast Company inspires readers to think expansively, lead with purpose, embrace change, and shape the future of business.

    Go inside one interesting founder-led company each day to find out how its strategy works, and what risk factors it faces. Sign up for 1 Smart Business Story from Inc. on Beehiiv.

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  • Tewksbury schools denied state grants due to MBTA Communities noncompliance

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    TEWKSBURY — The first consequences seem to be arriving for the remaining cities and towns out of compliance with the MBTA Communities law after Tewksbury Public Schools was informed it not be receiving certain state grant funding in fiscal 2026 as a result of the town’s noncompliance.

    A little more than a dozen towns remain out of compliance with the MBTA Communities law, which compels 177 communities in eastern Massachusetts to create zoning that would allow the creation of multifamily housing by right.

    Tewksbury is among the communities who remain out of compliance after Town Meeting voted overwhelmingly to reject the proposed zoning in town in 2024. An effort to bring the measure back to Town Meeting in 2025 was blocked by the Planning Board.

    In the Dec. 17 Tewksbury School Committee meeting, Superintendent of Schools Brenda Theriault-Regan said the district was recently notified it was “currently ineligible for certain educational grant funding due to the town of Tewksbury’s noncompliance with the MBTA Communities Act.”

    That funding includes an Early College planning grant for $50,000, an Early College designation funding grant for $250,000 over five years, a time-out practices implementation grant for $50,000, which Theriault-Regan said was meant to support the district with resources to help it comply with new Department of Elementary and Secondary Education regulations on “seclusion and restorative practices.”

    “DESE also shared with us that Tewksbury Public Schools’ participation in current 2026 state-funded grants and future grants remains at risk until the town remediates this compliance issue,” said Theriault-Regan.

    The superintendent referenced how earlier this month Gov. Maura Healey’s administration said Wachusett Regional High School and South Shore Vocational Technical “were mistakenly informed that they were not eligible for Credit for Life grant awards,” as reported by the Boston Herald. A spokesperson for the state Office of Consumer Affairs and Business Regulation told The Herald the mistake had been corrected, and those districts were eligible for that grant.

    “That was the only grant the article referenced, so we are very much concerned that our students could lose out on the programs and resources we depend on through grant funding, especially for factors outside the School Department’s control,” said Theriault-Regan. “But the article I referenced certainly gave us hope that maybe the state leaders and legislators will look at educational grant funding differently moving forward, aside from the MBTA Community Act compliance.”

    Theriault-Regan said the district was committed to working with town and state officials to “see if we can resolve this barrier and secure essential resources for our students.”

    In a phone call Tuesday, Tewksbury Select Board Chair Mark Kratman, a consistent critic of the MBTA Communities law, said there has been little communication from the state to the school district when it comes to grant funding eligibility.

    “When the schools try to reach out, they are not getting a clear answer … When they are applying for grants, we are getting crickets,” said Kratman.

    “Grants are nothing more than taxpayer dollars that have been given to the State House, and they are supposed to be fairly distributed to all the cities and towns,” Kratman continued. “We are sending our money there, and with that they are supposed to govern, they are not supposed to dictate.”

    In Greater Lowell, Tewksbury is joined by Dracut and Wilmington in still being out of compliance with MBTA Communities. In addition to the loss in state grant funding, towns out of compliance with the law have been threatened with the imposition of a special master that would impose a version of the zoning without input from the town.

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    Peter Currier

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  • Dracut zoning board’s draft decision downsizes Murphy’s Farm 40B

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    DRACUT — The Zoning Board of Appeals has published a draft decision signaling it is ready to approve the contentious Murphy’s Farm Chapter 40B proposal for apartments in East Dracut. Final approval is expected at the board’s Dec. 4 meeting.

    As published, the number of apartments has been downsized from 268 units to 200. The original proposal called for 300 units.

    One of the goals of the decades-old 40B law is to increase the stock of affordable housing in the state. Murphy’s Farm will have 20 low-income units and 20 moderate-income units.

    Chapter 40B gives the ZBA power to issue comprehensive permits that supersede the normal permitting process.

    The draft document lists more than 90 conditions the developer, O’Brien Homes of Andover, must comply with to be granted a comprehensive permit.

    If approved by the ZBA and accepted by the developer, an agreement would bring to an end almost three years of public hearings, neighborhood meetings and property tours.

    But the developer can appeal to the state Housing Appeals Committee — which operates under the Executive Office of Housing and Livable Communities — if the proposal would make the project economically unviable.

    Asked about the prospect of an appeal, developer Kevin O’Brien said, “The town’s got to do what it’s got to do. And we have to do what we have to do.”

    Selectman Tony Archinski, who has attended most of the hearings, told The Sun, “I have spoken to the town manager and secured funding for legal issues should the builder appeal the decision.”

    Speaking for the Citizens Against Reckless Development in Dracut, Michelle Boermeester stated, “We appreciate that the ZBA recognized the project as far too dense and moved to condition the development at 200 units. This reduction helps alleviate some of the anticipated density and traffic impacts on direct abutters and on the broader Dracut community. While we would have preferred an outright denial of the permit, the Board’s conditions represent meaningful modifications and will leave it to the developer to decide whether to accept the terms or pursue an appeal.”

    She added, “Even so, we remain concerned that the project—despite the reduction—still is overly dense for this area. We also believe the ZBA did not fully address public safety considerations. The current layout includes extended roadways without cul-de-sacs, leaving no margin for error for emergency response vehicles to maneuver, compromising public safety.”

    Aside from reducing the number of units in the complex, the proposal would make the developer pay $7,500 for sewer connections for each market-rate apartment. Connection fees for affordable units would be waived. The developer would pay a total of $1.125 million for sewer connections.

    Connection to the Kenwood Water District will cost $5,500 for the first unit and $4,125 for each additional unit. The estimated total for 200 units is $826,375. The connection fee for each building must be paid in full prior to connection to the town system.

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    Prudence Brighton

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  • Nearly 1,200 sign petition to stop treatment center from opening

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    HAVERHILL — A petition with nearly 1,200 signatures from concerned residents and property owners is calling to stop a proposed 24-bed men’s substance use and mental health facility from moving into the neighborhood.

    The petition, posted on Change.org and titled “Stop Riverbend House from coming into our neighborhood,” urges Haverhill residents to oppose Riverbend’s plan to open the “Bradford House” at 11 Kingsbury Ave.


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    By Jonah Frangiosa | Staff Writer

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  • Essex Planning Board offering articles for Town Meeting

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    ESSEX — When residents attend the Nov. 17 special Town Meeting, they may be voting on several articles now being considered by the Planning Board.

    In a posting to its page on the town’s website, www.essexma.org, the Planning Board offers details of the articles it plans to present at fall Town Meeting.


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    By Stephen Hagan | Staff Writer

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  • Outreach pro Victoria Ryan appointed to Islip Planning Board | Long Island Business News

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    With a career focused on representing development projects before officials, Victoria Ryan now finds herself on the other side of the table. 

    The development advocate and community outreach specialist is now a member of the Town of Islip Planning Board, appointed earlier this week to fill the unexpired term of former member Brad Wilson through the end of 2031. 

    Through her firm VR/PR, Ryan has worked with applicants who have appeared before planners in Islip and other towns to obtain land-use approvals, though her process has always begun with knocking on doors, acting as a liaison between the community and her clients to try and build consensus. 

    Ryan says talking to people in their homes has enabled her to get their unique perspectives and humanize the impact of each application, while working with developers to revise their proposals to smooth the long and arduous approvals process that Long Island is infamous for. Whether the project is multifamily development, a public works project, or a quick-service restaurant, Ryan stresses that communication is key to bridging the gap between concerns of residents and the goals of developers and her experience in the trenches brings a unique perspective to her new role. 

    “My goal is to find the sweet spot between what can turn into two polarities, particularly with controversial projects: the property owner’s right to develop their property, and the concerns of nearby residents,” Ryan told LIBN. “My experience in this business has shown that some concerns are valid, others less so. Some applications make sense, others less so. But everyone has a right to be heard.” 

    Ryan cut her teeth in the political arena, serving as the assistant to the mayor of Saratoga Springs, where she shared in oversight of the city’s planning and engineering departments. She later served as policy analyst for the Albany County executive. Ryan later served as vice president for a Melville-based advertising agency, producing award-winning television and radio advertisements for political candidates throughout New York. 

    In 2007, Ryan was tapped as executive director of lslip’s Foreign Trade Zone, where she ran day-to-day operations, uncovering and addressing non-compliance issues that saved the agency over $500,000 in pending fines. 

    Ryan, who is married to Phil Boyle, a former state senator and current president and CEO of Suffolk Regional Off-Track Betting Corporation, has served as a trade mission delegate to Ireland for the Ireland Chamber of Commerce-USA and currently serves on the board of the Long Island YMCA and on the gala committee for United Veterans Beacon House. In 2023, she was honored by LIBN as one of Long Island’s Top 50 Women in Business. 


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    David Winzelberg

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  • Despite Opposition, Dallas Gets One Step Closer to Landing Its First H-E-B

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    Fans of H-E-B’s fresh-made tortillas rejoice: During Thursday’s City Plan Commission meeting, the Texas grocery store chain received the first of two needed green lights to build its first store within Dallas city limits. A dozen residents spoke in opposition to the store’s North Dallas expansion plan, arguing that a grocer on the 10-acre plot of land on the corner of Hillcrest Road and LBJ Freeway would increase traffic congestion in the area, promote noise, and disrupt the general peace of nearby residential neighborhoods…

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    Emma Ruby

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  • Healey seeks to streamline housing permits

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    BOSTON — Gov. Maura Healey wants to streamline the state’s environmental regulatory process for building new homes as part of broader efforts to ease a shortage of housing.

    A set of draft regulations rolled out by the Healey administration on Tuesday would cut the review period for housing projects to a month by requiring developers to complete a “simplified” Massachusetts Environmental Policy Act review instead of a more detailed Environmental Impact Report, which can take up to a year.


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    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • Capitalism in the cracks: How Japan’s microspaces unleash economic experimentation

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    This is part of Reason‘s 2025 summer travel issue. Click here to read the rest of the issue.

    A three-story house tucked into a mere one-meter gap between tall buildings. A flower shop shaped like a triangle, wedged between a retaining wall and the sidewalk. A standing bar humming with laughter beneath the rumble of passing trains. In most cities, these spaces would be dead zones—awkward, overlooked, written off by zoning and building codes as unusable.

    But in Tokyo, they bloom with life. These microspaces are amenities. They’re capitalism in the cracks, not just in form but in function.

    These strange slivers often become homes for new ideas: a two-person bar, a bookstore barely wider than a fridge, a late-night shop that opens on a whim. They invite experimentation, economic as well as architectural.

    Tokyo’s ability to cultivate these spaces isn’t just a cultural quirk. It’s a byproduct of a city that leaves room for improvisation, that adapts to its imperfections, and that transforms constraints into creativity. These spaces reveal what is possible when cities loosen their grip on regulations—when policy becomes an enabler, not a gatekeeper. They offer a glimpse of what urban life could look like if more places embraced flexibility.

    Tokyo’s urbanism emerged more than it was planned. Most of its neighborhoods weren’t drafted in a planner’s office. They were shaped incrementally by individuals responding to need and opportunity.

    Modern Tokyo is a city born from ruin. After the devastating bombings of World War II, with little funding available for formal reconstruction, residents rebuilt on their own—using salvaged materials to create homes on the ruins of old neighborhoods. Over time, the government stepped in to connect and formalize what had already taken shape. The result is a dense, oddly beautiful patchwork: irregular lots, winding streets, and spaces so small that most cities would ignore them. But Tokyo doesn’t.

    There are at least three varieties of microspaces here: pet architecture, yokochos, and undertrack infills.

    ***

    Of all of Tokyo’s urban quirks, few are as endearing—or revealing—as pet architecture.

    Coined by the architectural firm Atelier Bow-Wow, the term describes buildings that are “unusually small, humorous, and charming”: little pets in a city built for human beings. Awkwardly shaped and impossibly tiny, they defy conventional notions about how much space is necessary for any given use.

    You might stumble upon a rubber stamp store crammed into a leftover triangle of land between a train line and the road in Nakano. A one-meter-wide real estate office in Shimokitazawa. A tiny bakery that somehow fits between a wall and a utility pole in Koenji. These are buildings that shouldn’t exist, but they do.

    In many cities, spaces like these would be rejected outright as unusable. They’d run into a wall of regulatory barriers: minimum lot sizes, minimum unit sizes, parking mandates, and zoning codes that separate uses into rigid slots—residential here, commercial there, industrial somewhere else.

    Omoide Yokocho; Katarina Hall

    But in Tokyo, they’re opportunities. They challenge bureaucratic assumptions about what buildings are supposed to look like. As the Atelier Bow-Wow architect Yoshiharu Tsukamoto has put it: “They illustrate unique ideas with elements of fun, without yielding to unfavorable conditions.” Pet architecture is playful, it’s resourceful, and it’s all over the city.

     

     

     

    ***

    Yokocho literally means “side street” or “alleyway.” In Japan, it means something more: narrow lanes filled with tiny bars and restaurants. Usually found near train stations or commercial centers, these narrow streets range from just 1.3 to 2.8 meters wide—narrow enough to stretch out your arms and touch both walls, too tight to meet code in most U.S. cities. Inside, you’ll find bars the size of walk-in closets, seating six to 12 patrons and often run by a single staffer.

    Yokochos emerged after World War II as black markets. They were improvised stalls selling basic goods. Over time these stalls became food joints and drinking dens, and eventually they were fixtures of Tokyo’s urban landscape.

    The Golden Gai district in Shinjuku packs more than 200 tiny bars into six alleyways in an area smaller than a city block. (It’s the kind of setup a North American fire marshal would never allow.) Most buildings are two stories high, with steep staircases leading to completely different experiences upstairs. Want a fancy whiskey bar? It’s there. A horror movie–themed bar? Absolutely. Hospital-themed? Erotic fetish? Retro video games? A quiet library bar? They have all of the above. All unique. All impossibly small.

    Nearby, on the other side of Shinjuku station, the Omoide Yokocho district is known for late-night yakitori (chicken skewers) and drinks, with around 80 shops squeezed into a single alleyway. In Shibuya, Nonbei Yokocho—or “Drunkard’s Alley”—crams 40 shops into spaces barely two meters wide. And in Ebisu, Ebisu Yokocho sits in a covered passageway built on the remnants of a former shopping center that houses izakayas (Japanese pubs) ranging from 10 to 16.5 square meters, serving everything from grilled fish to okonomiyaki to oden.

    So beloved are these places that developers have recreated them inside modern buildings. Shibuya Yokocho, a sleek version inside the Miyashita Park complex, mimics the feel of the real thing, with curated chaos, shared tables, and dishes from every prefecture in Japan.

    Nostalgia aside, yokochos are more than relics. Their size, affordability, and independence make them incubators for creativity and entrepreneurship.

    ***

    Tokyo’s rail system is everywhere—and wherever there are train tracks, there are gaps. In many cities, these would be fenced off. In Tokyo, they’re filled with life.

    Like yokochos, many undertrack infills began as black markets after the war. What were once dusty, makeshift stalls have since evolved into hubs of commerce and dining.

    Near Ueno Station, izakayas nestle underneath and between train lines. You can sit shoulder-to-shoulder with salarymen, sip a highball, nibble on sashimi, and watch the trains pass overhead.

    A few blocks from there is Ameyoko, a market wedged beneath the Yamanote Line between the Okachimachi and Ueno stations. It’s a sensory overload: cosmetics, spices, fresh seafood, and cheap street snacks packed into a narrow pulsing corridor under the tracks.

    A few stops away on the Yamanote Line, in Yurakucho, rows of cozy restaurants and standing bars are tucked into the arches beneath the tracks. Some are linked by narrow alleyways that run under the railway itself, connecting one lively pocket to another. At around 6 p.m., the lights come on, the smoke rises, and the area fills with after-work revelers grabbing food and drinks before catching their train home.

    What unites these undertrack infills is their uncanny ability to turn infrastructure into opportunity. Instead of ignoring the voids created by transit, Tokyo builds into them.

    To understand why Tokyo looks the way it does, you have to start with zoning. Zoning laws determine what can be built and where—homes, shops, factories, or nothing at all.

    In the U.S., zoning is local. Each city or county writes its own code, but most follow similar templates. Neighborhoods are typically residential, commercial, or industrial, with little room for overlap. The rules are rigid. It’s often illegal to run a small business out of your home or to build on a lot deemed too small. Any change of use typically requires hearings, permits, consultants, and months—maybe years—of paperwork. It’s a large bureaucratic system that tends to push out small, experimental, or unconventional uses.

    Japan takes a different approach. The same zoning system applies nationwide, from Tokyo’s densest neighborhoods to the smallest rural town. The rules are meant to maintain the scale of buildings, preserve sunlight access, and prevent fire hazards.

    Ueno; Katarina Hall

    Instead of rigid land-use rules, Japan uses a set of 12 flexible zoning categories, arranged on a spectrum from residential to commercial to industrial. These are broad guidelines, not strict prescriptions. Within them, landowners are largely free to decide how to use their space.

    Take Category 1, officially designated as “exclusively residential.” In practice, that doesn’t mean only homes can be built. Small shops, dental clinics, hair salons, and day cares are all permitted. What’s prohibited are large, disruptive developments. You won’t find a department store in Category 1, but you might find a ramen shop on the ground floor of someone’s home.

    Each zone builds on the one before it. If something is allowed in Category 1, it’s automatically allowed in Categories 2 through 12. The only major exception is strictly industrial areas. Elsewhere, layers of possibilities build on each other, allowing for the kind of vibrant, fine-grained mixing of activities you see in Tokyo.

    Japan also avoids rules that would make small-scale development impossible. There are no minimum lot sizes. Small parcels can be freely subdivided. Building heights are based on road width, not a fixed number. And it’s legal to run a business out of your house. The result is a city that allows for increasingly complex and nuanced configurations.

    The rules are more like scaffolding than a straitjacket. They set the frame, but decisions are left to property owners, architects, and builders.

    This flexibility has made Tokyo radically adaptable. It makes space not just for small businesses but even smaller microbusinesses. If you have an idea and a few square feet, you can start something without hearings or expensive consultants.

    “There are a lot of ways in which not only zoning but other pieces of the puzzle all come together to encourage these experimental, intimate, small-scale mom-and-pop businesses,” explains Joe McReynolds, an urban studies scholar at Keio University’s Almazán Architecture and Urban Studies Laboratory. “There’s a lot of tilt in the regulations toward small businesses,” he says, from lower taxes and simpler food safety rules to the relative ease of getting a liquor license.

    Gap House; Nicholas Kane

    Tokyo may be unique, but you can sometimes spot a glimmer of flexibility even in cities with heavy-handed planning systems.

    Take London. With its heritage protections, conservation zones, strict building codes, and endless red tape, changing the built environment there often means running an obstacle course of applications, consultations, and design reviews. Yet small-scale invention sometimes slips through.

    In West London’s Bayswater conservation area, where uniform facades and historical preservation rules are the norm, you’ll find the Gap House. With a street frontage of only 2.3 meters (8 feet), this five-story home fills what was once a narrow alley between two buildings.

    “My inspiration was Japan and the Netherlands,” explains the architect (and owner), Luke Tozer. “Both make good use of small bits of land.”

    The project required extensive negotiation, creative diplomacy, and imaginative design work to bring neighbors and planners on board. “We ultimately convinced them of a design that could be contemporary and sympathetic to the adjoining areas without it trying to mimic them,” Tozer says. “One of our arguments was [that] it should be different because it’s obviously of its time but also we want to try and still make it clear that it is a gap.”

    The result is a home that opens into a rear garden and maximizes every inch of its narrow footprint. “It required some imagination. Thinking out of the box. Good design, that’s where it comes in,” Tozer reflects. “That’s where good design adds value on tricky sites.”

    The Gap House shows that even in cities bound by strict zoning and preservation overlays, there’s still room for architectural courage.

    “I love the fact that in a city—even a city where you’ve got an acute housing crisis like in London—there are always bits of land that are left over, forgotten,” Tozer says.

    There are cracks worth filling. But if every project demands a fight, we will never see this kind of development flourishing.

    “Letting people run a little coffee shop, a little bookstore out of the ground floor of their houses, that’s the sort of thing that makes a neighborhood charming and local and lovable and livable,” McReynolds says.

    That’s part of what makes Tokyo so magnetic. It’s a city where the unexpected flourishes. Walk a single block and you’ll see a narrow home tucked between buildings, a pet-sized owl café, or a triangle-shaped standing bar. It’s this patchwork—this mixture of building scales and uses—that gives the city its pulse.

    Tokyo can’t be copied. Its history is unique. But we can learn from its ethos of trusting its citizens and adopting policies that enable rather than restrict. If more cities embraced the idea that flexibility breeds vitality, we might start to see cracks of our own—cracks that could be filled with opportunities.

    This article originally appeared in print under the headline “Capitalism in the Cracks.”

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    Katarina Hall

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  • State dangles new tax credits for housing projects

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    BOSTON — The Healey administration is offering new tax credits for real estate developers to convert vacant commercial properties as part of broader efforts to build more affordable housing in the state.

    The state Executive Office of Housing and Livable Communities on Thursday rolled out the Commercial Conversion Tax Credit Initiative, a new tax credit to help convert underused commercial buildings into residential and mixed-use housing. At least $10 million in tax credits will be available in the first round of funding, the agency said.


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    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • Georgia woman could lose $30,000 after local government denies her permit to open hair salon

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    When Khalilah Few opened her salon, Creative Crowns Collective, in 2023, she didn’t think her business savvy would put her at odds with the local government. But two years later, she now finds herself in a legal battle with Clayton County, Georgia. 

    After outgrowing her original studio space, Few signed a two-year lease for a new salon housed in an old barbershop in Jonesboro, a city in Clayton County, in March. She invested over $30,000 into the property and applied for a Conditional Use Permit (CUP) in April to open her salon. Despite meeting the legal requirements for a permit, the Clayton County Zoning Advisory Board and the Board of Commissioners denied Few’s application in July. 

    Instead of the law, county officials cited a “saturation” of similar businesses in a 5-mile radius, arguing the salon would not “grow Clayton County smartly.” Commissioner DeMont Davis, whose fourth district includes the new location of the salon, even noted that Few’s plan “does align” with the county’s economic development plan but still voted against it, saying Few’s business was “just in the wrong area.”

    Few has filed a lawsuit against Clayton County, alleging violations of the Due Process and Equal Protection clauses of the Georgia Constitution. Jessica Bigbie, an attorney at the Institute for Justice (I.J.), which is representing Few, tells Reason that “nothing in the ordinance or the law says anything about smart growth being a basis to deny a permit.”

    Throughout the process, Few says county staff gave “vague” responses when asked about requirements and reasons for denial. She tells Reason the first time she heard about “oversaturation” was when she attended her meeting with the zoning advisory board. “What’s frustrating and infuriating about this process is I asked questions, I directly asked, ‘What are some reasons that this application can be denied?’” She says, she “wanted to be prepared.” 

    Clayton County officials did not respond to Reason‘s request for comment.

    Few’s hurdles can be traced back to 2024, when Clayton County amended its municipal code and designated District 4, where the proposed salon is located, as a General Business Zoning District with a Business Corridor Overlay District. This overlay permits some businesses to open without a CUP while requiring one for others. Personal service establishments, such as dry cleaners or watch repair shops, typically do not require a CUP, whereas hair salons do.

    The county’s CUP criteria for District 4 appear arbitrary, as they treat similar businesses unevenly. Day cares and dance/music schools are permitted, but gyms and places of worship are conditional. Counterintuitively, even potentially hazardous companies, such as research labs, are permitted.

    To get a CUP, applicants must meet with the Technical Review Committee, community residents, and the Zoning Advisory Group, then attend a final hearing before the County Board of Commissioners. The board considers the application’s proper filing, the Zoning Advisory Group’s recommendation, compliance with permit conditions, and consistency with the ordinance’s purpose and intent. They also weigh the benefits against potential harm to properties or the county and can impose reasonable conditions to ensure public health, safety, and welfare.

    Few’s salon met the permit conditions, and she provided county staff and the commissioners with not only her application but a presentation detailing her alignment with the county’s 2039 comprehensive development plan as well as Davis’ stated economic priorities. She also had “over 50 letters of support,” yet none of that mattered. “I think you have a fabulous business,” said Davis. “You have a fabulous personality, and I love what you bring, and you actually hurt my heart right now, but we’ve got to deny,” he added. 

    “The Board of Commissioners concedes that the salon fits the plan; it’s a good business, she’s doing the right thing, she is just not doing it where they want her to do it,” says Bigbie. “The government shouldn’t be stopping legitimate businesses from opening to stop them from competing with others.”

    Clayton County officials have denied several other potential salon owners a CUP since the passage of the 2024 ordinance. Lea Bakam, who owned LeNa Braiding, tells Reason she was denied a CUP on June 17 after spending “more than $35,000” fixing up a salon in Clayton County. Like Few, Bakam presented the board of commissioners with her business plan and letters of support. Yet, in denying the permit, Davis again noted that the area was “extremely saturated with salons.” 

    The Georgia Supreme Court has already ruled, in Raffesnber v. Jackson (2023), that it is a violation of due process rights when governments restrict the pursuit of “lawful occupation of their choosing free from unreasonable government interference.” I.J. prevailed in a similar case in Fulton County, Georgia—Diagne v. City of South Fulton (2024)—in which the Fulton County Superior Court struck down the town’s attempt to block Awa Diagne from opening a salon. The court found that the county’s denial of a permit ran “contrary to Georgia’s long history of constitutional jurisprudence.”

    Few has filed for an interlocutory injunction to continue working while her court case is pending. Clayton County must respond to her lawsuit by September 18.

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    Tosin Akintola

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  • Marblehead voters reject plan for MBTA Communities Act compliance

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    MARBLEHEAD — Voters overturned a plan to put the town in compliance with the state’s controversial MBTA Communities Act this week.

    During a special election Tuesday, 3,542 Marbleheaders voted not to adopt an overlay zoning district that would allow multifamily housing by right as required by the law, also known as 3A, for all communities receiving MBTA service or abutting those that do.


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    kAmp D:>:=2C C676C6?5F> 6=64E:@? E@ |2C3=69625’D H2D 96=5 😕 v=@F46DE6C 😕 pAC:= 27E6C E96 r:EJ r@F?4:= E96C6 25@AE65 bp 4@>A=:2?E K@?:?8[ 3FE G@E6CD <6AE E92E K@?:?8 😕 A=246]k^Am

    kAmk6>mr@?E24E r2C@=:?6 t?@D 2Ek^6>m k6>mk2 9C67lQ>2:=E@irt?@Do?@CE9@73@DE@?]4@>Qmrt?@Do?@CE9@73@DE@?]4@>k^2mk^6>mk6>m]k^6>mk^Am

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    By Caroline Enos | Staff Writer

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  • West Gloucester in mix for 3A zoning

    West Gloucester in mix for 3A zoning

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    Officials this week mulled a possible multifamily zoning district in proximity to the West Gloucester commuter rail station as Gloucester faces coming into compliance with state MBTA Communities Act guidelines in less than six months.

    Officials also discussed Tuesday the possible creation of multifamily zoning districts at existing Gloucester Housing Authority property on Maplewood Avenue and Riverdale Park and possible mixed-use districts for the Shaw’s Plaza on Eastern Avenue and in the Maplewood and Railroad avenues area.

    This discussion came as the city has until Dec. 31 to comply with the state law. Communities that do not comply face the loss of eligibility for a number of state grants.

    The meeting was a way for the Planning Board’s Housing Subcommittee, the City Council’s Planning and Development Standing Committee and planning staff to get on the same page to give marching orders to the city’s consultant, RKG Associates, to model the various scenarios.

    The law, known as Section 3A, requires Gloucester adopt zoning to create one or more districts to allow multifamily housing by right. About half of the districts must be within a half-mile of one or both of the city’s train stations, with a unit capacity of at least 2,270 units, and an allowed density of at least 15 units an acre.

    In outlining the timeline, Community Development Director Alex Koppelman said there was a need for consensus to allow the consultant to draft and review zoning regulations, and have enough time so the state could review them and the City Council could hold a vote.

    At a public forum last month at which there was little consensus among residents, the consultant recommended three approaches, the first being the “simple approach” to allow the construction of three-family homes by right, instead of by special permit, in the downtown R-5 zoning district.

    This simple approach included the entire R-5 district. Factoring in lots that already comply and existing multifamily units, this could net 627 additional units over time than what is allowed under present zoning.

    A “minimal impact” approach would create several districts downtown, which comes up with 196 more units than what is allowed now.

    A third option for “housing production” proposed districts downtown and a district on Lexington Avenue in Magnolia with the potential for 244 more units than would be allowed now.

    On Tuesday, officials debated the fairness of zoning the entire R-5 district for three-family multifamily housing, or whether it made sense to create smaller sub-districts or narrow the zoning in the downtown somehow.

    Ward 2 Councilor Dylan Benson, who represents much of the downtown in the area of the Railroad Avenue station, was asked what he favored.

    “I think there has to be burden sharing,” Benson said, “and I think it shouldn’t just be in one specific area in the R-5 district.”

    Officials also looked at a proposed small district in West Gloucester of more than 17 acres along Essex (Route 133) and Lyndale avenues with a capacity of 416 units and a density of 27.1 units per acre. The area has sewer service, is unaffected by flooding and is proximate to the West Gloucester station.

    There was also concern about making a zoning district with mixed use optional as opposed to mandatory in the Railroad Avenue neighborhood in a move to encourage housing in the vicinity of the Shaw’s grocery store.

    Officials said creating a Mandatory Mixed Use district would require an economic feasibility analysis and pre-approval from the state, which would take time with not a lot of it left. There was some concern among officials that a developer might not keep the grocery store given the option to create just housing.

    “An optional mixed use,” Grow said, “would mean a greater likelihood that Shaw’s might disappear because they wouldn’t be obliged to keep any sort of retail use on the ground floor.”

    “We have to make sure that it’s mandatory if we are zoning that lot on Railroad Ave., specifically the Shaw’s there,” said Benson, who represents Ward 2. “This is critical.”

    Officials also discussed the creation of a district in and around the Shaw’s Plaza on Eastern Avenue, though this might be a subject for another time, they said.

    “I wanted to talk about Eastern Avenue because I think it’s really a good opportunity whether it’s included in the 3A or not,” Planning Board member Beverly Bookin said.

    Officials at the meeting did not give a date for another public forum.

    Ethan Forman may be contacted at 978-675-2714, or at eforman@northofboston.com.

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    By Ethan Forman | Staff Writer

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  • Zoning revamp looks at chickens, donation bins and EV chargers

    Zoning revamp looks at chickens, donation bins and EV chargers

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    SALEM, N.H. — The Planning Board will talk about chickens, donation bins and electric vehicle charging stations as its next meeting on July 9 to flesh out some hot topics for zoning ordinances and possible amendments to existing ones.

    “We’ve been talking about some of these for a while so it will be a good opportunity to dive in and make a determination how to handle them,” Salem Planning Director Jacob LaFontaine said.

    The Planning Board will first decide if it wants to move forward with either an amendment or create a zoning ordinance at the workshop. The recommendations then need to go before the Town Council in two public hearings before they are approved or denied.

    The ordinances do not need to be voted on during the March election.

    “Salem has traditionally had a strong agriculture tradition, but over the last 50 years, it’s been built out.”

    LaFontaine said the focus will look at determining the appropriate lot acreage needed to keep chickens and explore how surrounding communities are handling the issue.

    The town’s zoning ordinance regulates what areas of town residents can keep livestock and chickens, the land needed for that use and conditions for enclosures and coops where they are kept.

    LaFontaine said it’s an ordinance which comes up for discussion every few years, but one gaining more attention now as residents become interested in homesteading. Under Salem’s ordinance, residents need to have one acre of land and be in a rural zoning district.

    “There have seen people interested in homesteading and they’ve been disappointed when we have to notify them that they’re not permitted to keep chickens,” LaFontaine said.

    The zoning ordinance originally required two acres of land to keep chickens, but was reduced in 2016.

    Planning Board talks have revolved around allowing chickens on properties outside of the rural district, opening up residential and recreational districts with one acreage for use. But the board didn’t move forward with the change.

    While the Planning Board will discuss possible amendments to how the ordinance stands, it won’t give roosters a break. Roosters, along with pigs, are two animals which Salem does not allow residents to own.

    “It’s tough to be a rooster in Salem,” LaFontaine said.

    “We do receive a lot of complaints involving chickens, but they are almost solely because of roosters,” LaFontaine said. “The majority of complaints are regarding the noise.”

    Donation bins will also be on the table during the Planning Board workshop.

    LaFontaine said he believes the board is more open to potentially allowing them, or accommodating them, in town. The goal would be to regulate the amount of bins on a property and their location and to set policies in place for property owners to manage the bins so they don’t overflow.

    Right now, if someone wants a donation bin on their property, they need to go before the Planning Board with a request under public matters.

    But the planning director said he thinks the best move would be to adopt regulations surrounding donation bins.

    “It just makes the process predictable for the applicants and property owners, staff and the community,” LaFontaine said.

    He said the ideas of adopting regulations also apply to other areas of business and interest in town and finding consistency across the board on how to accommodate them.

    They could benefit food trucks and electric vehicle charging stations, the latter being a more emerging technology.

    Charging stations are found at The Mall at Rockingham Park and throughout Tuscan Village as well as dealerships in Salem. Nouria was approved for two charging stations, but did not install them. The gas station at The Salem Depot was also approved for one.

    Charging stations aren’t included in the town’s zoning ordinance, but again, LaFontaine said it’s about planning for the future and making the process to set up potential charging stations more predictable with set regulations. Changes could regulate how and where EV charging stations can be accommodated. Zoning could also regulate digital technology with the chargers, like TV screens similar to ones viewed when pumping gas now, LaFontaine said.

    “I don’t think we’d want to see something like that along Route 28,” LaFontaine said.

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    By Angelina Berube | aberube@eagletribune.com

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  • “Chicken Window Happy Hours” a way for Denver neighbors to form bonds through urban farming – The Cannabist

    “Chicken Window Happy Hours” a way for Denver neighbors to form bonds through urban farming – The Cannabist

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    Along the sidewalk of a street lined with brick and stucco homes in Denver’s Alamo Placita neighborhood, two makeshift stone steps lead to a nondescript window built into a backyard fence. Curious passersby are greeted by clucking hens, which occasionally stick out their heads between the wooden lattice in search of treats.

    To the left, a hand-painted sign reads, “Chicken Window Happy Hour,” scheduled for 5 p.m. Thursday. Peter Thulson, a third-generation Denverite, is the keeper of the birds and the stately house adjoined to the coop.

    A chicken is seen through a window cutout in a fence in the Alamo Placita neighborhood, so people can see the backyard poultry and feed them snacks in Denver on June 20, 2024. (Photo by RJ Sangosti/The Denver Post)

    Read the rest of this story on TheKnow.DenverPost.com.

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    The Cannabist Network

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  • Billerica Select Board wants to wait for Milton case outcome before deciding on MBTA Communities

    Billerica Select Board wants to wait for Milton case outcome before deciding on MBTA Communities

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    BILLERICA — The Select Board signaled a desire to wait on any action regarding MBTA Communities zoning until the outcome of the Milton court case becomes more clear, though members of the Planning Board, who had already drawn up districts for the zoning, may stand in opposition to that plan.

    The MBTA Communities law has seen a level of opposition in just about every city and town it is affecting in eastern Massachusetts, and Billerica seems to be no exception. Even on the Select Board, where unanimity has been rare for big issues, there seemed to be a general consensus of seeing whether the town of Milton’s case against the state mandate has any legal merit.

    The Planning Board had drawn up a proposal of three subdistricts, but they withdrew the article from the spring Town Meeting warrant because of last-minute changes that were not reflected in the already finalized Town Meeting warrant. Those subdistricts included the neighborhood subdistrict, which stretches along Billerica Avenue and Rogers Street between High Street and the northern tip of Letchworth Avenue; the mills subdistrict featuring the area around the north side of Mill Pond and the North Billerica MBTA station; and the Treble Cove subdistrict, consisting of an area around the intersections of Boston, Chelmsford and Treble Cove roads. The neighborhood and mill districts are in close proximity to each other, and the Treble Cove district is further to the south down the Concord River.

    The idea behind the law is to create zoning for denser multifamily housing. Select Board member Michael Riley asked why Billerica, which is compliant with 40B affordable housing standards, is being treated the same as cities and towns that do not comply with those standards.

    “We have done our job here, and Billerica should stay in control of our housing production,” said Riley at the June 3 Select Board meeting.

    Riley said he has a lot of problems with the MBTA Communities law, but he also understands the need to comply with it, given the possible repercussions from the state for not doing so, which could include the loss of local control when it comes to this zoning. While he wished for Billerica to not have to comply, he said the town should still have a district prepared in case that option completely vanishes — though he and other members of the board seemed to want to make a different plan.

    “Centralizing it into one spot is a bad idea. It would forever change the makeup of the community,” said Riley.

    Select Board member Dina Favreau agreed to a certain extent, but said the town should take advantage of the fact that the issue is going through the courts in a way that does not involve Billerica, but will affect it.

    “Right now, I think we do nothing,” said Favreau. “Other towns are spending the money to take it to court. We don’t have to spend the money to make that decision if we just wait.”

    Favreau said she agrees with compliance “to an extent.” However, she was concerned over the idea of the town approving a district, but then the courts finding the MBTA Communities law unconstitutional afterward.

    “How would we undo that?” Favreau asked.

    Select Board member Michael Rosa also agreed to a certain degree, but was wary of the repercussions of noncompliance if the courts rule in favor of the state.

    “I hope it is overturned and is found unconstitutional, but if the state does win, it is not just compliance, it is a loss of control,” said Rosa, also noting that he did not like the Planning Board’s plan.

    Rosa and Select Board member Kim Conway advocated for what Acting Town Manager Clancy Main called “compliance hybrid.” Main said this would be a similar strategy to what Chelmsford’s Town Meeting approved, where the zoning is created in a way that is compliant with the letter of the law, but in an area that is highly unlikely to see large-scale housing development.

    Main also warned that waiting for the courts to make their rulings carries its own risks. Billerica has a Dec. 31 deadline to be in compliance, but it is likely that the court case goes beyond that date.

    At the direction of the board, though, Main said he would hold off on moving the process forward until October, and would not take any action to put an MBTA Communities article on a Town Meeting warrant until the outcome of the Milton case becomes more clear.

    After seeing the Select Board’s position, Planning Board member Marlies Henderson said in a June 7 phone call that she thinks the Select Board has “no case” to take this process over.

    “The Planning Board has worked on this for a year,” said Henderson. “We are working with a Dec. 31 deadline, but it also has to be accepted by the Planning Board, Town Meeting, the Executive Office of Housing and Livable Communities and the attorney general. So the time to have this plan approved was this spring.”

    The next best thing, Henderson said, would be to get it onto the fall Town Meeting warrant and avoid the cost of having a special Town Meeting.

    “So now if we miss out on grants, or if we get a special master, that is on them, not because we didn’t do our homework,” said Henderson, referring to the Select Board.

    The Planning Board will likely be discussing the matter further during their scheduled meeting Monday. Planning Board Chair Michael Parker said in a voice message Friday afternoon that he “wants to work in a cohesive manner with all parties in Billerica” when it comes to MBTA Communities.

    “We have some more work to do, and they don’t want us to do it yet, but we need to do more work in order to be ready for that time,” said Parker, adding that he thinks the Planning Board needs to do more community outreach.

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    Peter Currier

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  • Editorial: If the ban on occupancy limits is combined with legalized ADUs density will come to single-family neighborhoods

    Editorial: If the ban on occupancy limits is combined with legalized ADUs density will come to single-family neighborhoods

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    Gov. Jared Polis just signed legislation to ban almost all occupancy limits, and coming rapidly toward his desk is a bill to allow ADUs on almost every single-family lot in big Colorado cities.

    The occupancy ban still allows cities and counties to enforce fire codes and to regulate unhealthy and unsanitary conditions, but for the most part, cities will no longer be able to restrict how many unrelated people live in a house or apartment together.

    Very few cities still have occupancy limits on their books, and those that do rarely enforce them. Most of the enforcement was occurring in areas near colleges where neighbors complained about cars blocking driveways and too many loud, late-night parties, and landlords use the law as an excuse to limit the number of tenants in an apartment (a discriminatory trick that can intentionally restrict units from less affluent renters).

    But late-night disturbances in college neighborhoods can occur whether it is guests or residents making the problems. And we know that both rich and poor tenants can trash a condo or fail to make rent payments on time.

    The reality is that with housing reaching unsustainable costs in places across the state, more and more families are doubling up to be able to afford housing. Those families should not live in fear of being “caught” and also should be afforded the protections that come with having their name on the lease as legitimate tenants.

    Colorado cities will just have to get more aggressive in enforcing nuisance ordinances that already exist in most places. Anyone can have a problem neighbor whether there is one person living in a house or 15. The problem most generally isn’t density, but rather is the behaviors that can be associated with many college-aged tenants living together. We doubt families will be a concern.

    Gov. Jared Polis was right to sign House Bill 1007, and unlike Denver’s effort in 2021 to alleviate occupancy limits, this bill was met with less fearmongering and more common-sense requests for amendments.

    Next up Polis will likely have to consider a bill to allow ADUs on every lot in large cities. Accessory Dwelling Units are a way to bring gentle density to single-family neighborhoods. We understand concerns that coupled with the occupancy limit ban, this bill may bring more than gentle density.

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    The Denver Post Editorial Board

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  • Long Beach Ups Zoning So Linc Housing Can Build Affordable Units

    Long Beach Ups Zoning So Linc Housing Can Build Affordable Units

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    Long Beach has upgraded its zoning to allow Linc Housing to build 72 affordable apartments and other developers to build homes in “high resource” neighborhoods.

    The City Council approved the zone change to allow the locally based affordable housing developer to build four- and three-story complexes at 4151 Fountain Street and 4220 Wehrle Court, the Long Beach Press-Telegram reported.

    The council also declared a two-thirds acre lot with a defunct grocery store owned by the city in California Heights to be surplus property. It’s where West Hollywood Community Housing Corporation has proposed building a 100-unit affordable housing complex.

    Both projects are in “high resource” or “high opportunity” neighborhoods, a designation by the State Tax Credit Allocation Committee. It’s based on the presence of schools, parks, access to employment, retail and other factors, according to one city official.

    Last summer, Linc Housing filed plans to build the 73-unit complex at 4151 East Fountain Street and 4220 Wehrle Court, to replace a troubled group home for disabled teens, Urbanize Los Angeles reported. 

    The City Council unanimously approved the zone change, general plan map amendment and a sustainable communities project exemption to make the project possible.

    Plans for the complex, dubbed the Fountain Street Apartments, call for a manager’s unit and 72 one-, two- and three-bedroom affordable apartments for households that earn between 30 and 60 percent of area median income.

    The complex will include 18 homes for people with disabilities, plus a playground, community room, green space and parking for an unspecified number of cars.

    The $58.7 million project was awarded $23.1 million by the California Department of Housing and Community Development this week as part of $523.8 million in “Super NOFA” grants for affordable housing, according to Urbanize.

    Neighbors expressed concerns about extra traffic, public safety and access impacts at a nearby elementary school.

    Councilwoman Kristina Duggan, who represents the Third District, said residents’ concerns were her concerns.

    She said city staff are looking to change street sweeping and work with the school district to improve before- and after-school traffic.

    “I’m happy that this is in the Third District and we’re part of the solution and we’re providing 72 families homes,” Duggan told the council and constituents. “Now, I also want to acknowledge the neighbors who have come out and worked with me and talked with me about this project.

    “It’s rooted in real concerns about the impact to the neighborhood and the quality of life for the people who will be living in the new development.”

    Long Beach must plan for 26,502 homes, more than half of them affordable to low- and moderate-income residents, by 2030, according to its state-mandated housing blueprint.

    — Dana Bartholomew

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    TRD Staff

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  • Opinion: I’ve covered California’s homeless since before the word was used. This is what I learned

    Opinion: I’ve covered California’s homeless since before the word was used. This is what I learned

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    In 1980, I reported on Sacramento’s “public inebriates.” Most of them, a few hundred in all, lived in flophouse hotels. But some slept “in the weeds.”

    I walked the wooded banks of the rivers that converge in the capital and found just a few dozen spots where men had bedded down on simple mats of cardboard or newspaper. There were no tents or camps.

    The word “homeless” was rarely used then. It didn’t appear in my article for the Sacramento Bee.

    By 1982, amid a recession, newcomers who had lost their jobs began to appear in the weeds. In 1985, after three years of reporting on the subject, I co-authored one of the first books on contemporary homelessness. In 1988, I spent a week walking 10 miles of Sacramento riverbank and found 125 elaborate camps. This was new.

    I returned to Sacramento more recently amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Now the tent cities in the woods along the rivers stretched as far as the eye could see, rivaling those photographed by Dorothea Lange during the Great Depression. The most recent federally mandated survey found more than 5,000 unsheltered homeless people in the city.

    I can trace several of our modern “doom loops” to the 1980s. The roots of our continuing struggles with police brutality and sexual violence were present in stories I covered then. Meaningful gun control measures could have prevented the proliferation of mass shootings over the past four decades. And pro-housing policies could have negated the presence of today’s tent cities.

    I’ve long despaired about the homelessness crisis in particular. In the wake of Ronald Reagan’s election, I blamed conservatives for abandoning the poor. I thought my journalism and others’ could change policy, perhaps even inspire a New Deal-style response equal to the challenge. Such was my naiveté.

    The blame, I eventually realized, also belongs to people we might call “good liberals.”

    By 1980, baby boomers were in their first decade of homeownership in places such as Silicon Valley and the New York City suburbs of Westchester County. They rapidly became NIMBYs, vehemently opposing affordable housing in their neighborhoods. Many were Clinton Democrats. They went on to plant “Black Lives Matter” signs in their lawns. The message was hollow: We support you; just don’t live near us.

    Boomers, especially if they were white, got to buy houses, and then they zoned everyone else out. They watched their lawns and home equity grow. I was one of them.

    In 1981, at 24, I bought my first house. At a price of $70,000, it cost less than three times my annual salary of $25,000, which was roughly the median income in Sacramento County. If adjusted for inflation alone, the home’s value would be $218,000 four decades later, and my salary $78,000.

    The median household income in the county today is about $84,000, not far from what inflation would predict. But Zillow estimates that my former home is now worth $578,000, more than double what can be attributed to inflation. My annual wages would need to be more than $190,000 to afford the house as easily as I did then. This is what the children and grandchildren of boomers face.

    Much was made of the more than 60 housing bills passed by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last year. The legislation will streamline approval of housing in cities that aren’t meeting their goals, limit the use of environmental laws to block affordable housing, allow developers to build more densely when they include affordable units and let faith-based organizations build housing on their land, among other measures.

    But it’s not nearly enough. Politicians have to get more aggressive in wresting control of zoning from cities.

    Starting in 2018, state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) repeatedly tried to advance bills that would have overridden local zoning to allow taller, denser apartment buildings near public transit and job centers. His fellow Democrats blocked them.

    Even less ambitious housing-friendly bills often face a similar fate in Sacramento. Last year, state Sen. Anna Caballero (D-Salinas) proposed legislation that would have eased approval of small “starter homes” in areas restricted to single-family housing. That provision was stripped out of the bill.

    It’s the same story on the East Coast. Last year, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul proposed legislation to override local opposition to housing. Fierce blowback came from largely white, relatively affluent “good liberals” in places such as Westchester County, where Joe Biden got 67.6% of the vote in 2020. As in California, Democrats opposed to the plan used code language: “local control,” “overcrowding,” “traffic.”

    New York state Assemblyman Phil Ramos cut through the euphemisms: “It doesn’t matter what kind of incentive you give them,” he said at a rally. “A wealthy community, before they allow Black and brown people in, they’ll walk away from any amount of money.” Hochul’s plan was defeated in the Democratic-dominated Legislature.

    Republicans, for their part, haven’t gotten any better on these issues. A podcast by the right-wing Cicero Institute suggested that instead of calling people “homeless,” we revert to words like “vagrants,” “bums” and “tramps.”

    Such vilification is proved off the mark by the fact that poverty-stricken Mississippi has relatively few homeless people. Los Angeles County has six times as many unhoused people per capita as metropolitan Jackson. Why? An average apartment in the Mississippi capital rents for around $900, compared with $2,750 in L.A.

    The Biden administration recently released a report calling for more housing, but the feds have limited power here. “Ultimately,” the report stated, “meaningful change will require State and local governments to reevaluate the land-use regulations that reduce the housing supply.” That largely means undoing single-family zoning.

    Sen. Wiener’s push for apartment buildings in transit corridors had it right. Would this make parts of Los Angeles a little more like Manhattan? We can only hope so. If New York City is any guide, it would mean more vibrant neighborhoods and higher property values.

    As the struggle over housing continues, tent cities have been normalized in California and beyond. Last year, a student of mine looked puzzled when I explained that homelessness of this kind hasn’t always existed. I couldn’t be frustrated with her, though: This crisis has lingered — and worsened — for more than twice as long as she’s been alive. It didn’t have to.

    Dale Maharidge is a journalism professor at Columbia University and the author of the forthcoming “American Doom Loop: Dispatches from a Troubled Nation, 1980s–2020s,” from which this was adapted.

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    Dale Maharidge

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