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Tag: Zelensky

  • Zelensky works yet again to break Putin’s hold on Trump

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    Standing alongside President Trump at his Palm Beach estate, Volodymyr Zelensky could only smirk and grimace without overtly offending his host. “Russia wants to see Ukraine succeed,” Trump told reporters, shocking the Ukrainian president before claiming that Vladimir Putin is genuine in his desire for peace.

    It was just the latest example of the American president sympathizing with Moscow in its war of conquest in Europe. Yet Zelensky emerged from the meeting Sunday ensuring once again that Ukraine may fight another day, maintaining critical if uneasy support from Washington.

    Few signs of progress toward a peace agreement materialized from the meeting at Mar-a-Lago, where Zelensky traveled with significant compromises — including a plan to put territorial concessions to Russia before the Ukrainian people for a vote — in order to appease the U.S. president.

    But Zelensky won concessions of his own from Trump, who had for weeks been pushing for a ceasefire by Christmas, or else threatening to cut off Ukraine from U.S. intelligence that would leave Kyiv blind on the battlefield. “I don’t have deadlines,” Trump said Sunday.

    Over the course of Trump’s first year in office, Zelensky and other European leaders have repeatedly worked to convince Trump that Russia’s President Putin is, in fact, an aggressor opposed to peace, responsible for an unprovoked invasion that launched the deadliest conflict in Europe since the Second World War.

    Each time, Trump has come around, even going as far over the summer as to question whether Ukraine could win back the territories it has lost on the battlefield to Russia — and vowing to North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies, “we’re with them all the way.”

    Yet, each time, Trump has changed course within a matter of days or weeks, reverting to an embrace of Putin and Russia’s worldview, including a proposal that Ukraine preemptively cede sovereign territories that Russia has sought but failed to occupy by force.

    Zelensky’s willingness to offer concessions in his latest meeting with Trump has, at least temporarily, “managed to keep President Trump from tilting further towards the Russian position,” said Kyle Balzer, a scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. “But Trump’s position — his repeated insistence that a deal is necessary now because time is not on Ukraine’s side — continues to favor Putin’s line and negotiating tactics.”

    U.S. intelligence agencies have assessed that Putin’s revanchist war aims — to conquer all of Ukraine and, beyond, to reclaim parts of Europe that once were part of the Soviet empire — remain unchanged.

    Yet Trump’s director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, whose own sympathies toward Russia have been scrutinized for years, recently dismissed the assessments as products of “deep state” “warmongers” within the intelligence community.

    On Monday, hours after speaking with Trump, Putin ordered the Russian military to push toward Zaporizhzhia, a city of 700,000 before the war began. The city lies far outside the Donbas region that Moscow claims would satisfy its war aims in a negotiated settlement.

    “Trump’s instincts are to favor Putin and Russia,” said Brian Taylor, director of the Moynihan Institute of Global Affairs at Syracuse University. “Ukraine and its European partners still hope to convince Trump of the obvious fact that Putin is not interested in a deal that doesn’t amount to a Ukrainian surrender.

    “If Trump was convinced of Putin’s intransigence, he might further tighten sanctions on Russia and provide more assistance to Ukraine to try to pressure Putin into a deal,” Taylor added. “It’s an uphill battle, one might even say Sisyphean, but Zelensky and European leaders have to keep trying. So far, nearly a year into Trump’s second term, it’s been worth it.”

    On Monday, Moscow claims that Ukraine orchestrated a massive drone attack targeting Putin’s residence that would force it to reconsider its stance in negotiations. Kyiv denied an attack took place.

    “Given the final degeneration of the criminal Kyiv regime, which has switched to a policy of state terrorism, Russia’s negotiating position will be revised,” Sergei Lavrov, Russia’s foreign minister since 2004, said in a Telegram post.

    Another senior Russian official said the reported attack shocked and infuriated Trump. But Zelensky, responding on social media, said that Russia was “at it again, using dangerous statements to undermine all achievements of our shared diplomatic efforts with President Trump’s team.”

    “We keep working together to bring peace closer,” Zelensky said. “This alleged ‘residence strike’ story is a complete fabrication intended to justify additional attacks against Ukraine, including Kyiv, as well as Russia’s own refusal to take necessary steps to end the war.”

    “Ukraine does not take steps that can undermine diplomacy. To the contrary, Russia always takes such steps,” he added. “It is critical that the world doesn’t stay silent now. We cannot allow Russia to undermine the work on achieving a lasting peace.”

    Frederick Kagan, director of the Critical Threats Project, which collaborates with the Institute for the Study of War to produce daily battlefield assessments on the conflict, said that the meeting did not appear to fundamentally shift Trump’s position on the conflict — a potential win for Kyiv in and of itself, he said.

    “U.S.-Ukraine negotiations appear to be continuing as before, which is positive, since those negotiations seem to be getting into the real details of what would be required for a meaningful set of security guarantees and long-term agreements to ensure that any peace settlement will be enduring,” Kagan said.

    Gaps still remain between Kyiv and the Trump administration in negotiations over security guarantees. While Trump has offered a 15-year agreement, Ukraine is seeking guarantees for 50 years, Zelensky said Monday.

    “As Trump continues to say, there’s no deal until there’s a deal,” Kagan added. “We’ll have to see how things go.”

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    Michael Wilner

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  • Moscow noncommittal on Trump proposal for Zelensky-Putin meeting

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    The presidents of Russia and Ukraine may finally meet to discuss peace after 3½ years of war, President Trump said Monday, hosting European leaders at the White House in a push to resolve the conflict.

    But it is unclear whether the Kremlin has agreed to the proposal, telling reporters only that Russian President Vladimir Putin would consider “raising the level” of negotiations between Russia’s and Ukraine’s representatives.

    Trump proposed that Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky meet one-on-one “at a location to be determined,” taking a call with the Russian leader in the middle of a high-stakes meeting with Zelensky and his European counterparts.

    “After that meeting takes place, we will have a Trilat, which would be the two Presidents, plus myself,” Trump wrote on social media. “Again, this was a very good, early step for a War that has been going on for almost four years.”

    The president’s statement came after European leaders urged Trump to “put pressure” on Russia, after his meeting with Putin in Alaska last week sparked widespread fears over the fate of U.S. support for security on the continent.

    The meeting had a historic flavor, with six European heads of government, the NATO secretary general and the president of the European Commission all converging on Washington for discussions with the president.

    Trump first met with Zelensky in the Oval Office, striking an affable tone after their last, disastrous meeting in the room in February. This time, Trump emphasized his “love” for the Ukrainian people and his commitment to provide security guarantees for Kyiv in an ultimate peace settlement with Russia.

    Zelensky offered only praise and gratitude to Trump, telling reporters that they had their “best” meeting yet.

    But an expanded meeting with Zelensky and the chancellor of Germany, the presidents of France and Finland, the prime ministers of the United Kingdom and Italy, and the heads of NATO and the European Commission hinted at a more challenging road ahead for the burgeoning peace effort.

    President Trump speaks to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, left foreground, as French President Emmanuel Macron listens during a meeting at the White House on Aug. 18, 2025.

    (Alex Brandon / Associated Press)

    “The next steps ahead are the more complicated ones now,” German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said. “The path is open — you opened it, but now the way is open for complicated negotiations, and to be honest, we would all like to see a ceasefire, at the latest, from the next meeting on.”

    “I can’t imagine the next meeting would take place without a ceasefire,” Merz added. “So let’s work on that. And let’s put pressure on Russia.”

    Emmanuel Macron, the French president, sat sternly throughout the start of the meeting before echoing Merz’s call.

    “Your idea to ask for a truce, a ceasefire, or at least to stop the killings,” Macron said, “is a necessity, and we all support this idea.”

    Trump had been in agreement with his European counterparts on the necessity of a ceasefire for months. Zelensky first agreed to one in March. But Putin has refused, pressing Russian advantages on the battlefield, and in Anchorage on Friday, he convinced Trump to drop his calls for an immediate halt to the fighting.

    “All of us would obviously prefer an immediate ceasefire while we work on a lasting peace. Maybe something like that could happen — as of this moment, it’s not happening,” Trump said at the meeting. “But President Zelensky and President Putin can talk a little bit more about that.”

    “I don’t know that it’s necessary,” Trump added. “You can do it through the war. But I like the ceasefire from another standpoint — you immediately stop the killing.”

    The European leaders all emphasized to Trump that they share his desire for peace. But the president of the commission, Ursula von der Leyen, called for a “just” peace, and Zelensky would not engage publicly with reporters on Putin’s central demand: a surrender of vast swaths of Ukrainian territory to Russian control.

    Putin first invaded Ukraine in 2014, occupying the Crimean peninsula in a stealth operation and funding an attack on the eastern region of Donbas using proxy forces. But he launched a full-scale invasion of the entire country in 2022, leading to the bloodiest conflict in Europe since World War II.

    In a hot mic moment, before the media were ushered out of the expanded meeting with European leaders, Trump told Macron that he believes the Russian president and former KGB officer would agree to a peace deal because of their personal relationship.

    He “wants to make a deal for me,” he said, “as crazy as it sounds.”

    ‘Article 5-like’ guarantees

    European leaders said that detailed U.S. security guarantees — for Ukraine specifically, and more broadly for Europe — were at the top of the agenda for Monday’s meetings, including the prospect of U.S. troops on the ground in Ukraine to enforce any future peace settlement.

    Asked whether U.S. forces would be involved, Trump did not rule it out, stating, “We’ll be talking about that.”

    “When it comes to security, there’s going to be a lot of help,” he said in the Oval Office. “It’s going to be good. They are first line of defense, because they’re there — they are Europe. But we’re going to help them out, also. We’ll be involved.”

    Von der Leyen, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer praised the Trump administration for discussing what it called “Article 5-like” security guarantees for Ukraine, referencing a provision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organizaton charter that states that an attack on one member is an attack on all.

    But the provision also provides countries in the alliance with broad discretion on whether to participate in a military response to an attack on a fellow member.

    Starmer and Macron have expressed a willingness for months to send British and French troops to Ukraine. But the Russian Foreign Ministry said Monday that Moscow would oppose the deployment of NATO troops to the country as “provocative” and “reckless,” creating a potential rift in the negotiations.

    A dark-bearded man, in dark suit, walks with another man, in suit and red tie, and a woman in a white suit

    President Trump walks with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and White House protocol chief Monica Crowley in the White House on Aug. 18, 2025.

    (Alex Brandon / Associated Press)

    Despite the gulf between Europe and Russia, Trump expressed hope throughout the day that he could schedule a trilateral meeting with Putin and Zelensky.

    He planned on calling Putin shortly after European leaders left the White House, he told reporters, only to interrupt the meeting to call the Russian leader with the proposal for bilateral talks.

    Trump’s team floated inviting Zelensky to attend the negotiations in Alaska on Friday, and Zelensky has said he is willing to participate in a trilateral meeting. He repeated his interest to Trump on Monday and asked him to attend.

    It is unclear whether Moscow will agree to a summit involving Zelensky in any capacity. Ahead of Friday’s meeting, Russian officials said that conditions weren’t right for direct talks between Putin and the Ukrainian president. The Russian leader has repeatedly questioned Zelensky’s legitimacy and has tried to have him assassinated on numerous occasions.

    Quiet on territorial ‘swaps’

    In the Oval Office, a Fox News reporter asked Zelensky whether he was “prepared to keep sending Ukrainian troops to their deaths,” or whether he would “agree to redraw the maps” instead. The Ukrainian president demurred.

    “We live under each day attacks,” Zelensky responded. “We need to stop this war, to stop Russia. And we need the support — American and European partners.”

    Trump and his team largely adopted Putin’s position Friday that Russia should be able to keep the Ukrainian territory it has occupied by force — and possibly even more of Donetsk, which is part of the Donbas region and remains in Ukrainian control — in exchange for an end to the fighting. But European officials were silent on the idea on Monday.

    The Ukrainian Constitution prohibits the concession of territory without the support of a public referendum, and polls indicate that 3 in 4 Ukrainians oppose giving up land in an attempt to end the war.

    Steve Witkoff, the president’s envoy for special missions, said Sunday that Putin agreed to pass legislation through the Kremlin that would guarantee an end to wars of conquest in Ukraine, or elsewhere in Europe.

    But Russia has made similar commitments before.

    In 1994, the United States and Britain signed on to a agreement in Budapest with Ukraine and Russia that ostensibly guaranteed security for Kyiv and vowed to honor Ukraine’s territorial integrity. In exchange, Ukraine gave up its nuclear weapons.

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    Michael Wilner

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  • Live updates: D-Day 80th anniversary in Normandy, Biden, Macron, Zelensky, Prince William attend

    Live updates: D-Day 80th anniversary in Normandy, Biden, Macron, Zelensky, Prince William attend

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    U.S. President Joe Biden and French President Emmanuel Macron attend a ceremony to mark the 80th anniversary of D-Day at the Normandy American Cemetery and Memorial in Colleville-sur-Mer, France, on June 6. Benoit Tessier/Reuters

    President Joe Biden reinforced the importance of the US’ alliances across the world, saying he was struck by the solemnity of the ceremonies honoring veterans who served on D-Day 80 years ago.

    Biden told ABC News in an interview from Normandy that the sacrifice of soldiers was “astounding.”

    “Now imagine what they had to come through — I was here 30 years ago, came in on a landing craft. You could see from out there what they saw here. The idea that they get off those boats, they get off those landing crafts, many of them died, sinking — you come across that beach, as long as it — it’s just astounding. It’s astounding,” he said.

    “What it says to me is, how critical alliances are, how critical alliances are for our security,” Biden said.

    The president has sought to contrast his vision of foreign policy with that of former president Donald Trump, who has struck a more isolationist tone, describing the NATO alliance as “obsolete,” and threatening to withdraw from the alliance.

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  • Ukraine’s Zelenskyy visits Washington for meetings with Biden, Congress

    Ukraine’s Zelenskyy visits Washington for meetings with Biden, Congress

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    Ukraine’s Zelenskyy visits Washington for meetings with Biden, Congress – CBS News


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    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited Washington, D.C., on Thursday. He attempted to win support for more military aid in Ukraine’s war against Russia. Ed O’Keefe has the details.

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  • Zelensky Calls On U.S. To Send Totally Psycho Marine

    Zelensky Calls On U.S. To Send Totally Psycho Marine

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    KYIV, UKRAINE—In a desperate plea for aid in the continued effort to expel his nation’s Russian occupiers, sources reported Friday that President Volodymyr Zelensky had called upon the United States to send a totally psycho marine to assist in Ukraine’s war effort. “You know, one of those expertly trained, one-man-army guys who carries an arsenal on his back and has killed so many people in combat he’s now cold, unfeeling, and completely insane—you gotta have at least one of those to spare, right?” said Zelensky, specifying that the ideal candidate would be a wild-eyed shirtless muscleman who functioned as a completely self-sufficient killing machine and could take out hundreds, if not thousands, of enemies all by himself. “In order to get the upper hand against Russia, we’re going to need your most batshit, balls-to-the-wall ex-special-forces guy. He’ll have a crazy name like Razor or Bloodhound or something, and he’ll always be blacking out and waking up covered in blood with a whole village dead around him. If he has a personal score to settle with the Russians, that’s great, but the most important thing is that he just kills and kills and kills and kills—sometimes using a cherished hunting knife that belonged to a fallen comrade, even though a gun would be faster. Honestly, he can kill a few Ukrainians too, if he wants, just so long as he gets the job done.” At press time, the U.S. Marine Corps had reportedly agreed to send “the craziest motherfucker” it had, just as soon as he had applied his face paint, donned a necklace of severed human ears, and stopped in for chest wax.

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  • U.S. Presidential Candidate Corey Stapleton to Visit Ukraine

    U.S. Presidential Candidate Corey Stapleton to Visit Ukraine

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    Montana Republican offers stark contrast to opponent Donald Trump’s praise for Russia’s ‘genius’ invasion.

    Press Release


    Jan 20, 2023 06:15 MST

    Republican presidential candidate Corey Stapleton announced Friday that he will be visiting war-torn Ukraine as the Russian-Ukraine war nears the one-year anniversary of Russia’s massive invasion on Feb. 24 last year.

    Stapleton stressed the importance of continued U.S. support and encouraged Congress to stand firm with Ukraine, citing the lessons of history.  

    Although early in the 2024 presidential primary season, Stapleton’s visit draws a contrast with the other announced candidate in the Republican primary, former President Donald Trump. Trump was impeached by the U.S. House of Representatives on Dec. 18, 2019, for “abuse of power” and “obstruction of Congress” relating to congressionally authorized funds for Ukraine. Later, former-President Trump praised Russian President Vladimir Putin’s attacks on Ukraine as “genius” and “savvy.”

    Stapleton said it’s time for the Republican party to follow a new vision.

    “The diplomatic solution to the Russian-Ukrainian war can be found, but it must involve strength and unity from the West. Similar to the Cold War, sustained peace is gained not by force, but strength and resolve between America and our European allies,” Stapleton said.

    Stapleton, 55, is a former naval officer and Montana Secretary of State, certifying the 2020 Presidential election.

    Source: Corey Stapleton for President

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  • Thursday, October 27. Russia’s War On Ukraine: News And Information From Ukraine

    Thursday, October 27. Russia’s War On Ukraine: News And Information From Ukraine

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    Dispatches from Ukraine. Day 246.

    As Russia’s attack on Ukraine continues and the war rages on, reliable sources of information are critical. Forbes gathers information and provides updates on the situation.

    By Polina Rasskazova

    Ukraine’s energy infrastructure is under Russian attack. At night, Russian forces damaged energy infrastructure facilities in the central regions, disabling a number of essential facilities. The attacks were carried out by so-called kamikaze drones. According to information from the head of the Kyiv Regional Military Administration, Oleksiy Kuleba, there were no deaths or injuries. The office of the President of Ukraine warned that in order to overcome the consequences of the night attacks on Kyiv city, Kyiv, Zhytomyr, Chernihiv and the Cherkasy regions, from today onwards, “energy companies are forced to introduce tighter restrictions” on their supplies of electricity.

    Kharkiv region.

    Last night, the Russian army shelled areas of the Ukrainian regions located on the border with the Russian Federation with mortars, barrel and rocket artillery. According to the head of the Kharkiv Regional State Administration, Oleg Synehubov, there were no injuries as a result of the attacks. However, Sineрubov reported a high number of mines in the region. “Yesterday, in the Izium district, an anti-tank mine blew up a car of pyrotechnicians of the State Emergency Service. 1 person died, 6 were injured,” he said. A 62-year-old man was also injured by a mine today.

    Russian invaders conduct military censorship in the temporarily occupied territories. According to the mayor of Melitopol, Ivan Fedorov, as of today, Russian forces may check the mobile phones of any resident in any occupied town of the Zaporizhzhia region. “They will check who a person communicates with, what they watch on the Internet. And if they find a subscription to Ukrainian Telegram channels there, the person will be fined or even thrown into a basement,” he said.

    Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, Ukraine has conducted 28 exchanges and freed 978 people from Russian captivity, including 99 civilians, announced the Deputy Minister of Defense, Hanna Malyar, at a briefing. “The past few weeks have been a landmark in the issue of prisoner of war exchanges. Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, 28 exchanges have already been carried out and 978 people have been released, including 99 civilians,” the deputy minister said. “Negotiations regarding the release and exchange of our prisoners of war are ongoing.”

    The National Police of Ukraine documented the mass burial of citizens in the Kharkiv region. The grave was found in the Boriv district and, according to preliminary police data, at least 17 people—civilians and soldiers of the Ukrainian Armed Forces—were buried there.

    Residents of the village of Kopanky told the police that the Russians collected the bodies of the dead throughout the district. “On April 13, they brought in two trucks, dug a hole up to 3 meters deep with an excavator, and dumped all the bodies there. Then the burial place was leveled with tanks,” said eyewitnesses. It is reported that the Russians didn’t mark the grave and did not allow the villagers to do so.

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    Katya Soldak, Forbes Staff

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  • The Books To Read About Russia And Ukraine

    The Books To Read About Russia And Ukraine

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    Reading Twitter threads is fine, but if you want a deeper understanding of an issue, it’s a good idea to read books. Below is a look at books to read on Russia and Ukraine that will enhance your knowledge of the war and both countries.

    Vladimir Putin: Many experts agree that without Vladimir Putin, Russia likely would not have launched its large-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. An excellent place to learn more about the Russian leader is Syracuse University Professor Brian D. Taylor’s The Code of Putinism, which explains the worldview of Putin and his closest supporters. Another outstanding book about Putin is journalist Catherine Belton’s Putin’s People, subtitled “How the KGB Took Back Russia and Then Took on the West.” In All the Kremlin’s Men: Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin, Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar paints a vivid portrait of those around Putin and the influence of the security apparatus.

    In Weak Strongman: The Limits of Power in Putin’s Russia, Timothy Frye argues that Putin is similar to other autocrats—much weaker than he appears, in part because he must rely on weak state institutions. Journalist Shaun Walker’s The Long Hangover: Putin’s New Russia and the Ghosts of the Past gives context to what became Putin’s ultimate plan for Ukraine. He writes that Putin used “a simplified narrative of the Second World War to imply Russia must unite once again against a foreign threat.”

    Peter Pomerantsev’s Nothing is True and Everything is Possible, Adventures in Modern Russia is an inside look from a former TV producer at the early freedom on Russian TV in the post-Soviet period—and how Putin and his allies snuffed out that freedom. In Between Two Fires, New Yorker Moscow correspondent Joshua Yaffa explains Putin’s control of Russian media, the belief in the need for a strong central leader, the compromises many Russians make and events that hinted at the wider invasion of Ukraine.

    The lost opportunity of Russia becoming a Western-style democracy with an economy not encumbered by corruption—if that opportunity existed—can be found in several books about reforms during Boris Yeltsin’s rule before Putin became president. These books include Chrystia Freeland’s Sale of the Century: The Inside Story of the Second Russian Revolution, Anders Åslund’s Russia’s Capitalist Revolution and Karen Dawisha’s Putin’s Kleptocracy, where she argues that a “kleptocratic tribute system [is] underlying Russia’s authoritarian regime.”

    In Not One Inch: America, Russia, and the Making of Post-Cold War Stalemate, M. E. Sarotte provides a comprehensive history of the expansion of NATO following the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of communist regimes in Eastern Europe. Anne Applebaum’s Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956 and Timothy Garton Ash’s The Magic Lantern: The Revolution ’89 Witnessed in Warsaw, Budapest, Berlin and Prague explain why so many people in Eastern Europe wanted their countries to join NATO.

    A genre of books exists that could be called “You should have listened to me about Putin.” They include Garry Kasparov’s Winter Is Coming: Why Vladimir Putin and Enemies of the Free World Must Be Stopped, Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy’s Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin, and Mark Galeotti’s We Need to Talk About Putin: How the West Gets Him Wrong, where Galeotti correctly predicted: “It is hard to see any substantive improvement in relations with Russia, so long as Putin is in the Kremlin.” A post-February 2022 entry is The Russia Conundrum by Mikhail Khodorkovsky—who suffered for years in a Russian prison but believes “Russia can be saved from an endless succession of dictatorships, that she can become a normal country.”

    Putin’s Other Wars: Russian armed forces have committed widespread human rights abuses in Ukraine, including torture, bombing hospitals and attacking civilians. Anna Borshchevskaya describes similar atrocities in Putin’s War in Syria: Russian Foreign Policy and the Price of America’s Absence.

    Mark Galeotti explains the brutal tactics used in Russia’s Wars in Chechnya 1994-2009. (Galeotti will release Putin’s Wars: From Chechnya to Ukraine in 2022.) Ronald Asmus describes Russia’s invasion of Georgia and the world’s response in A Little War that Changed the World: Georgia, Russia and The Future of the West.

    Soviet and Russian History: Books on the Russian Revolution by Richard Pipes and Sheila Fitzpatrick are an excellent place to begin learning about the Soviet period, as well as Antony Beevor’s new book Russia: Revolution and Civil War, 1917-1921. Beevor’s book reads like a novel. Orlando Figes takes a longer perspective in Revolutionary Russia, 1891-1991: A History and The Story of Russia. A broad overview of Russian history can be found in Mark Galeotti’s A Short History of Russia, while Rodric Braithwaite writes about Russia: Myths and Realities.

    Robert Conquest’s The Great Terror: A Reassessment describes the Soviet government’s mass killings and repressions, while Anne Applebaum (Gulag: A History) and Alexander Solzhenitsyn (The Gulag Archipelago) detail the horrors of the Soviet prison camp system. Two more good books are Paul R. Gregory’s Terror by Quota and Lenin’s Brain And Other Tales From The Secret Soviet Archives, which describes the perversity of Soviet terror under Stalin, noting authorities used central planning to “assign execution and imprisonment targets . . . on a regional basis.”

    A small number of the lives Stalin destroyed are depicted in My Father’s Letters: Correspondence from the Soviet Gulag (by Memorial) and in such classic works as Hope Against Hope and Hope Abandoned by writer Nadezhda Mandelstam, the wife of poet Osip Mandelstam.

    Biographies of Stalin include two by Robert Tucker (Stalin as Revolutionary and Stalin in Power) and two by Stephen Kotkin (Stalin: Paradoxes of Power, 1878-1928 and Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, 1929-1941).

    Simon Sebag Montefiore and Robert Service are also biographers of Stalin whose works should be read. Service also wrote Lenin: A Biography, A History of Modern Russia: From Tsarism to the Twenty-First Century and The End of the Cold War: 1985-1991. William Taubman wrote biographies of Nikita Khrushchev and Mikhail Gorbachev. Dmitri Volkogonov, a former Soviet colonel who became a notable Russian historian, writes short, compelling portraits of the USSR’s leaders in Autopsy of an Empire: The Seven Leaders Who Built the Soviet Regime.

    Ukraine: An excellent history of Ukraine accessible to Western readers is The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine by Serhii Plokhy. Another well-written book on Ukraine is Anna Reid’s Borderland: A Journey Through the History of Ukraine, where, like Plokhy, she details tragic events in Ukraine that include Russian suppression of its culture, language and aspirations, Stalin’s famine, the Holocaust, World War II and Chornobyl, followed by its vote for independence and Russian interference and aggression in the years after that vote. Robert Conquest’s Harvest of Sorrow and Anne Applebaum’s Red Famine: Stalin’s War on Ukraine provide comprehensive examinations of the Soviet-created famines that caused the deaths of millions of Ukrainians.

    Yale Professor Timothy Snyder’s book Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin describes how Ukrainians (and others) suffered before and during World War II: “In the middle of Europe in the middle of the twentieth century, the Nazi and Soviet regimes murdered some 14 million people. . . . This is a history of political mass murder.” He separates these 14 million from the casualties caused by military conflict. (Snyder has made his course lectures on Ukraine available free online.) In The Devils’ Alliance: Hitler’s Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941, Roger Moorhouse rejects “the Kremlin’s postwar exculpatory line that Stalin was merely buying time by signing the pact.”

    For a longer frame of reference on Crimea, which Russia annexed in 2014, there is The Crimean War: A History by Orlando Figes, who writes, “As for the Tsar, Nicholas I, the man more than anyone responsible for the Crimean War, he was partly driven by inflated pride and arrogance, a result of having been tsar for 27 years, partly by his sense of how a great power such as Russia should behave towards its weaker neighbors, and partly by a gross miscalculation about how the other powers would respond to his actions.” Readers will find parallels to the present.

    Journalist Tim Judah (In Wartime: Stories from Ukraine) writes, “For too long Ukraine, the second-largest country in Europe after Russia, was one of the continent’s most under-reported places.” That is no longer the case.

    Books about Ukraine’s post-Soviet period make clear that Russia’s war against Ukraine started in 2014, not in February 2022, as many in Western countries may think. In A Loss: The Story of a Dead Soldier Told by His Sister, Olesya Khromeychuk tells a heartbreaking story about her brother. He died fighting in the Donbas for the Ukrainian Armed Forces in 2017. The book reminds us how many lives a war can damage.

    Ukrainian journalist Stanislav Aseyev, author of In Isolation: Dispatches from Occupied Donbas, writes about the “underground torture chambers in Donetsk” where he found himself: “It was here, in prison, that I witnessed dozens of lives broken . . . but also the power of human will in situations that seemed entirely hopeless.”

    Ukraine vs. Darkness: Undiplomatic Thoughts by Olexander Scherba, a Ukrainian diplomat and former ambassador to Austria, is a prescient analysis of Russia’s intentions toward Ukraine written before the large-scale February 2022 invasion.

    Ukrainian writer Andrey Kurkov wrote Ukraine Diary: Dispatches from Kiev to describe the protests that started in 2013 and their aftermath. In The Fight of Our Lives: My Time with Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s Battle for Democracy, and What It Means for the World, Julia Mendel, the former press secretary to Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky, writes about the early days of the war and fills in biographical details about her former boss.

    Russian and Ukrainian Literature: Russian authors have contributed to the world’s culture even though Russian and Soviet leaders have killed, nearly killed and censored many of the country’s greatest writers.

    Soviet authorities killed Isaac Babel (born in Odesa), tormented Boris Pasternak for publishing Doctor Zhivago abroad and winning the Nobel Prize for Literature, prevented Mikhail Bulgakov from publishing his best novel (Master and Margarita) during his lifetime, and the list could go on. Fyodor Dostoevsky survived a Russian prison camp, and Alexander Solzhenitsyn lived through the Soviet Gulag. Leo Tolstoy was fortunate not to die during the Crimean War.

    Among the best-known works of Russian writers are Crime and Punishment and The Brothers Karamazov by Fyodor Dostoevsky, Anna Karenina and War and Peace by Leo Tolstoy, the plays and short stories of Anton Chekhov, Alexander Pushkin’s Eugene Onegin, Mikhail Lermontov’s A Hero of Our Time, Ivan Turgenev’s Fathers and Sons, Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, Yevgeny Zamyatin’s We (a precursor to Orwell’s 1984). See also the works of Soviet writer Vladimir Voinovich.

    Tolstoy and Dostoevsky, of course, wrote other well-known novels and short stories. Turgenev’s A Sportsman’s Notebook is credited with influencing Tsar Alexander II’s decision to end serfdom in Russia. Turgenev was arrested and spent some time in prison.

    Modern-day Russian writer Sergei Lebedev has written stories, such as about the poisoning of regime opponents, that hit close to home. Another contemporary Russian writer, Vladimir Sorokin, author of Day of the Oprichnik, lives in exile due to his opposition to Russia’s war in Ukraine.

    Russia ruled over Ukraine and suppressed the Ukrainian language. As a result, writers such as Nikolai Gogol typically wrote in Russian, even though he was born in Ukraine. He moved to Petersburg as a young man and wrote short stories set in Russia and Ukraine. His most well-known novel is Dead Souls.

    Taras Shevchenko (1814-1861) is Ukraine’s most famous poet. He wrote in Ukrainian and is credited with promoting Ukrainian culture, although Russian authorities suppressed his writings. There are several books available that translate his works. Contemporary Ukrainian writers include Andrey Kurkov (Grey Bees), Oksana Zabuzhko (Fieldwork in Ukrainian Sex), Serhiy Zhadan (Voroshilovgrad) and others.

    This list of books about Russia and Ukraine is not comprehensive, but a good place to start.

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    Stuart Anderson, Senior Contributor

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