“The people of Israel deserve answers about how the terrible failure happened and how to prevent it from happening again,” former prime minister Naftali Bennett published on X/Twitter.
The protest was organized by the October Council, an activist group made up of hundreds of families affected by the massacre.
“The people of Israel deserve answers about how the terrible failure happened and how to prevent it from happening again,” former prime minister Naftali Bennett, who was present at the protest, published on X/Twitter.
Other opposition leaders were present alongside Bennett, including Yair Lapid, Avigdor Liberman, Benny Gantz, Gadi Eisenkot, and Yair Golan.
“Tonight in the square, we gathered with one clear call – the establishment of a state commission of inquiry. In our government, this will happen in the first days,” Lapid wrote on X.
In a separate event at Hostage Square, families of the hostages gathered to demand the return of the three missing hostages whose remains are still held by Hamas in Gaza.
Strong message against Netanyahu
“Nine ministers and officials in the government of default and disaster were called this week for the despicable task of training the creep called the ‘Special Investigation Committee.’ Their mission is to ensure that the truth is not investigated and never comes to light,” former MK Yizhar Shai, father of the late Yaron Shai, a Nahal Brigade soldier who fell on October 7, said.
Shai served as an MK for Gantz’s Blue and White party, and was Innovation, Science, and Technology minister.
Lior Akerman, a former brigadier-general who served as a Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) division head, said he used to identify with the right-wing policies in Israel, but the current events have made him understand that “the problems are no longer between right and left.”
“For three years now, the government has been attacking and harming the state’s institutions, its security organizations, the legal system, and the law,” Akerman said. He also claimed that the current administration is trampling on the values of statehood, morality, and unity in an effort to create a dictatorship.
The official resigned after an investigation was launched into her alleged role in authorizing the release of footage that appeared to show soldiers assaulting a Palestinian detainee.
Benny Gantz’s six-month government proposal to return all of the hostages and pass a haredi draft law is just what Israel needs, but it doesn’t address the major roadblocks.
On Saturday night, Blue and White party head Benny Gantz stood before the cameras and offered Israel a simple deal: build a short, focused “hostage-redemption and service-supporting” government for six months, set an agreed election date for the spring of 2026, and spend the interim period on two tasks only.
First, bring every hostage home. Second, pass a universal conscription framework that treats service as a national obligation, with real paths for military or civilian service and fewer loopholes.
In plain English, Gantz wants a unity cabinet with an expiration date and a narrow mission. He insists he will not join alone, calling on Opposition Leader Yair Lapid and Yisrael Beytenu chief Avigdor Lieberman to come with him, and repeats that his aim is not to “save Netanyahu,” but to save the hostages.
Pidyon shvuyim is a deep Jewish imperative, the redemption of captives. It is why hostage families have set the nation’s moral compass since October 7, 2023. Today, the official Israeli count says terror groups in Gaza hold about 50 hostages, at least 28 of them confirmed dead. Around 20 are believed to be alive, with grave concern for two others.
The government says it will resume negotiations, “on our terms,” after Hamas indicated openness to a new mediated proposal. That proposal’s contours have shifted, but the principle is clear: any serious deal requires choices that could crack the current coalition.
Haredi protesters against the IDF draft block Highway 4 near Bnei Brak, August 19, 2025. (credit: Shimon Baruch/TPS)
Now, the second pillar, the draft. Israel’s Supreme Court ruled in 2024 that, absent a new law, the state must draft ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students and stop funding institutions whose students evade service. That decision put a decades-old political compromise on a legal clock.
Since then, the government has sought a new bill. Every version is a fuse. Tighten enlistment and Haredi parties threaten to bolt. Soften it and the court, the army, and the broader public revolt.
Gantz is trying to cut through both knots with one rope: a narrow, time-bound government that exists only to pass a hostage deal and a service framework, then sends the country to the polls. He also says, pointedly, that a deal is attainable. And there is political oxygen for that claim. Lapid has offered a parliamentary “safety net” of 24 votes for any hostage agreement, no quid pro quo, just bring them home. If the far-right leaves the coalition, the votes would still be there to pass the deal in theory.
In practice, here is why it probably will not happen.
Reasons why Gantz’s proposal will probably fall through the cracks
First, the prime minister’s incentives. Benjamin Netanyahu has signaled he will negotiate, but “on Israel’s terms,” while planning expanded military operations. He governs by balancing partners to his right who oppose concessions in a hostage deal and partners to his ultra-Orthodox flank who demand a softer draft law. A six-month unity cabinet that passes both would solve Israel’s problems and create his. It would collapse the very leverage that keeps this coalition intact.
Netanyahu can also argue he does not need Gantz if Lapid’s safety net exists, which lets him pocket the leverage of the offer without paying the political price of a real unity reset.
Second, the coalition math. The draft law is an existential issue for Haredi parties. The court ruling is final, and public patience is thin. Any meaningful draft bill risks blowing up the coalition. Any cosmetic bill risks being thrown out in court. That is why this keeps returning as a crisis, week after week.
A temporary unity cabinet would absorb the blast so the country can move forward, which is precisely why existing partners will try to defuse it before it is lit.
Third, Gantz’s leverage is weaker than it was. Polls in recent days have his Blue and White party hovering near, or even dipping below, the electoral threshold. Rival opposition leaders worry he could waste center-left votes, as happened to Meretz in 2022, and they have little appetite to lend him political oxygen.
That makes it harder to assemble a credible unity line-up that can walk in together and walk out together six months later.
Fourth, the trust deficit. Israelis remember the 2020 “rotation” unity deal that collapsed in acrimony. Gantz still carries the scars of sitting with Netanyahu. Netanyahu still believes he can outlast rivals rather than empower them. Trust is not a policy, but in Israel, it is a governing tool, and there is not much of it left.
Still, let us say clearly what should be obvious. A six-month government with two jobs is exactly what Israel needs. The hostages come first. That is not a slogan. It is a policy choice. If twenty Israelis are still alive in Gaza, every day matters. A government that treats “bring them home” as its sole North Star is more likely to take the necessary political risks, use Lapid’s safety net, and bear the price.
The same is true for service. Most Israelis already carry the military and reserve burden. A fair service framework, with real civilian service tracks and real enforcement, would strengthen social cohesion and the IDF alike. The court has already forced the issue into the present tense.
Israel’s next regular election is currently scheduled for October 27, 2026. Gantz is proposing to move that up modestly, to spring 2026, after a short sprint to pass the two most urgent decisions facing the country. It is not radical. It is responsible.
So where does that leave us? With the right idea and a poor prognosis. Netanyahu’s survival instincts, the coalition’s red lines, Gantz’s polling slide, and the bitter lessons of the past make this plan unlikely to leave the podium and enter the plenum. I hope I am wrong. If Gantz, Lapid, Lieberman, and Netanyahu can surprise the nation and form a half-year government that returns the living and buries a broken draft system, I will be the first to write that I misread the moment.
Until then, expect more talk about “terms” and “timing,” more ultimatums from the extremes, and more hesitation. The hostages do not have that time. They need a government that behaves like a rescue team, not a focus group.
Gantz outlined two main goals of the temporary government: Returning all the hostages and passing the haredi draft law. Afterwards, he said it would dissolve and Israel would go to elections,
Blue and White Party head Benny Gantz called on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, opposition leader Yair Lapid, and Yisrael Beytenu chairman Avigdor Liberman to form a temporary “government of redemption for the hostages” for a period of six months, during a press conference on Saturday.
Gantz said that the temporary government should focus on two primary goals: securing the release of hostages held by Hamas and passing the controversial haredi (ultra-Orthodox) draft law.
The party leader also said that elections should be scheduled following the completion of these objectives.
“The government’s term will begin with a hostage deal that brings everyone home,” said Gantz. “Within weeks, we will formulate an Israeli service outline that recruits our ultra-Orthodox brothers and eases the burden on those already serving.
“Finally, we will announce an agreed-upon election date in the spring of 2026 and pass a law to dissolve the Knesset accordingly,” he said. “That is what is right for Israel.”
Leader of the Blue and White Party MK Benny Gantz leads a faction meeting at the Knesset, the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem, on June 30, 2025. (credit: Chaim Goldberg/Flash90)
Gantz addressed anticipated criticism of the move and dismissed claims that his initiative was politically motivated. He underscored that the proposal was solely for the purpose of rescuing the hostages and not to “save” Netanyahu’s government.
“I know, soon the poison factories will get to work. They will say I want to save Netanyahu. That is not true: I want to save the hostages,” he said.
“Some will say I am doing this because of the polls. I will remind them that I joined governments twice: once with 33 mandates and the second time when my party was leading in the polls.”}
Unity governments
Gantz has entered two unity governments under Netanyahu in the past. The last time was after the Hamas attacks on October 7, 2023. However, he had then left the coalition due to disagreements with the prime minister, claiming that Netanyahu was preventing Israel from “moving forward to a real victory” in the war.
Yisrael Beytenu responded to Gantz’s proposal, saying that “the only government we will be part of is a broad Zionist government, and we will not take part in any spin.”
Blue and White responded to Yisrael Beytenu, saying that “we were elected to the Knesset in order to use our political power. To bring back the hostages and to support those who serve, one must take initiative, not sit in the stands and hand out advice.”
After the conference, Gantz was asked by a journalist if he had spoken to Lapid or Liberman in advance about his proposal.
He responded that he had tried reaching out to them but was unable to reach them.
“I didn’t succeed, maybe because of Shabbat. Lapid was in an interview, Liberman didn’t answer,” Gantz said.
Before the press conference, Lapid addressed the possibility of Gantz joining Netanyahu’s government in a Channel 12 interview.
“You’ve been deceived twice – why would you go in again? Do you want to be deceived a third time?” the opposition leader said, addressing his Knesset colleague.
Gantz’s proposal comes amid expected opposition from National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich to any potential hostage release deal.
Until now, opposition parties had primarily discussed offering a “safety net” to support the government in reaching a deal. Gantz’s statement, however, puts the possibility of his party entering the coalition on the table.
Netanyahu has not yet responded to the proposal or to the latest draft of a potential deal reportedly submitted this week by international mediators.
MK Alon Schuster (Blue and White) said on KAN News Wednesday that while no formal negotiations were underway regarding joining the government, all options would be considered if it meant rescuing hostages.
“At the moment, there are no talks about joining the government, but if we understand that this is what will lead to the release of hostages, that is what we will do. What do you expect – that we let the hostages die?” Schuster asked.
Lapid addressed the matter of providing a safety net on Thursday, pledging support for any hostage deal and offering political backing without preconditions.
“You have from me a safety net of 24 votes for any hostage deal. You do not even need to give anything in return – just bring them home,” he said.
Gantz’s proposal came as thousands demonstrated in Tel Aviv to call for a deal to free the captives while warning that the planned conquest of Gaza City puts the lives of the hostages at risk.
April 18, 1996 – During his military service, Bennett leads a unit into Lebanon during Israel’s “Operation Grapes of Wrath,” in which an Israeli artillery strike near a UN camp kills more than 100 civilians. The incident is known as the Qana Massacre.
1999 – Moves from Israel to New York to launch the tech start-up Cyota, a cybersecurity and anti-fraud software company.
2005 – Sells Cyota to RSA Security for $145 million.
2009 – Serves as CEO of Soluto, a software company, for several months.
January 2010-January 2012 – Serves as director of The Yesha Council, an organization representing Jewish settlements in the West Bank and their populations.
2012 – Leads the pro-settler party Jewish Home, making his desire to prevent the formation of a Palestinian state a central plank of his pitch to voters.
March 2013 – Appointed as Minister of Economy, Minister of Religious Services, Minister for Jerusalem and Diaspora Affairs.
November 5, 2014 – Writes in an op-ed in the New York Times, “The old models of peace between Israel and the Palestinians are no longer relevant. The time has come to rethink the two-state solution.”
February 2015 – Appointed as Acting Senior Citizen Affairs Minister
May 2015 – Appointed as Minister of Education and Minister for Diaspora Affairs.
June 2, 2021 – Lapid announces an eight-party coalition agreement has been signed. Under the agreement, Bennett will focus on domestic issues during his two years as prime minister, before he hands the reins to Lapid in August 2023.
December 12, 2021 – Bennett travels to the United Arab Emirates to meet with Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan. Bennet is the first Israeli prime minister to visit the United Arab Emirates.
February 14, 2022 – Travels to Bahrain to meet with Bahraini Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa. Bennett is the first Israeli prime minister to visit Bahrain.
Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid Thursday conceded defeat in the general elections and congratulated opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu, whose coalition of right-wing parties secured a comfortable majority in parliament to form the next government and end the political impasse plaguing the country.
With 99 per cent of the ballots counted, Netanyahu-led right-wing bloc has taken a comfortable lead with 64 seats in the 120-member Knesset, paving way for his triumphant return.
Lapid, who has served as interim prime minister for the past four months, said that he called Netanyahu and congratulated him on his victory.
He further added that he’s instructed all departments of the Prime Minister’s Office to prepare for an orderly transfer of power.
“The State of Israel is above any political consideration,” Lapid said in a tweet. “I wish Netanyahu luck for the sake of the people of Israel and the State of Israel.”
Israelis voted on Tuesday for an unprecedented fifth time in four years to break the political impasse that has paralysed the Jewish nation.
According to the latest updates from the Central Elections Committee, Netanyahu’s Likud party will receive 31 seats, Prime Minister Lapid’s Yesh Atid 24, Religious Zionism 14, National Unity 12, Shas 11 and United Torah Judaism will have eight seats.
Among the smaller parties to have crossed the 3.25 per cent threshold required to qualify for the Knesset or parliament representation, Yisrael Beytenu will have six lawmakers, Ra’am is likely to win five seats along with Hadash-Ta’al. The Labour Party will win just four seats, according to the update.
The Left-wing Meretz party, which is hovering close to the threshold, seems to have slipped slightly even further from qualification.
Arab party Balad, which split from the broader coalition of the Arab parties to go independent, also seems to be failing the threshold mark.
The Netanyahu-led government would see a sharp drop in women in the coalition.
Current results project 9 female lawmakers in parties that back the former prime minister, with none among the ultra-Orthodox factions, according to the Times of Israel newspaper.
Based on these results, the likely Netanyahu-led coalition will have nine female lawmakers six in his Likud party and three from the far-right Religious Zionism, though the figure could end up rising through ministerial appointments.
The outcome marks a stunning comeback for Netanyahu, who is currently on trial in three corruption cases, after a short stint in opposition.
Israel has been locked in an unprecedented period of political stalemate since 2019, when Netanyahu, the country’s longest-serving leader was charged with bribery, fraud and breach of trust.
About 6.78 million Israeli citizens were eligible to elect their 25th Knesset.
Some 210,720 new voters were able to vote for the first time, accounting for about four to five seats, adding an interesting dimension to the polls.
Netanyahu’s return to power is likely to see an upward trajectory in Indo-Israel ties.
An advocate of strong bilateral ties with India, Netanyahu was the second Israeli Prime Minister to visit India in January 2018. Prime Minister Narendra Modi made his historic visit to Israel, the first by an Indian Prime Minister, in July 2017 when the chemistry’ between the two leaders became the subject of intense discussion.
India and Israel elevated their bilateral relations to a strategic partnership during Modi’s visit to Israel. Since then, the relationship between the two countries has focused on expanding knowledge-based partnership, which includes collaboration in innovation and research, including boosting the ‘Make in India’ initiative.
India’s relations with Israel have remained steady and strong even with the incumbent leadership, showing distinct signs of further progress with I2U2 (India, Israel, the United States and the United Arab Emirates) and discussions around a Free Trade Agreement, but it has not matched the heightened hype so visible with Netanyahu in power.
For many years, Netanyahu, Israel’s longest serving premier, appeared to be politically invincible. But he met with a rude jolt in 2021 after being ousted by an unprecedented coalition of parties whose only common goal was to see his ouster.
Born in Tel Aviv in 1949, Netanyahu holds the record of being the longest-serving Prime Minister in the country’s history.
Having served in the position earlier between 1996 and 1999, Netanyahu in 2020 surpassed the record held by one of the Jewish state’s founding leaders, David Ben-Gurion.
JERUSALEM (AP) — For the fifth time since 2019, Israelis were voting in national elections on Tuesday, hoping to break the political deadlock that has paralyzed the country for the past three and a half years.
Although the cost of living is surging, Israeli-Palestinian tensions are boiling over and Iran remains a central threat, the foremost issue in the vote once again is former leader Benjamin Netanyahu and his fitness to serve amid corruption charges. His main rival is the man who helped oust him last year, the centrist caretaker Prime Minister Yair Lapid.
“These elections are (a choice) between the future and the past. So go out and vote today for our children’s future, for our country’s future,” Lapid said after voting in the upscale Tel Aviv neighborhood where he lives.
Polls have predicted a similar result: stalemate. But a powerful new player is threatening to shake things up. Itamar Ben-Gvir, a leading far-right politician, has surged in opinion polls recently and will be seeking a harder line against the Palestinians if he helps propel Netanyahu to victory.
After he cast his vote in the West Bank settlement where he lives, Ben-Gvir promised that a vote for his party would bring about a “fully right-wing government” with Netanyahu as prime minister.
With former allies and proteges refusing to sit under him while he is on trial, Netanyahu has been unable to form a viable majority government in the 120-seat Knesset, or parliament.
A COVID positive man votes during Israeli elections in Jerusalem, on Nov. 1, 2022.
“I’m a little worried,” Netanyahu said after casting his ballot. “I hope we end the day with a smile.”
Netanyahu’s opponents, an ideologically diverse constellation of parties, are equally hamstrung in cobbling together the 61 seats needed to rule.
That impasse has mired Israel in an unprecedented political crisis that has eroded Israelis’ faith in their democracy, its institutions and their political leaders.
“People are tired of instability, of the fact that the government is not delivering the goods,” said Yohanan Plesner, a former legislator who now heads the Israel Democracy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank.
Election officials said that in the first three hours of voting Tuesday, turnout stood at 15.9%, which is about 1% higher than the morning hours of last year’s vote.
Buoyed by his followers’ almost cult-like adoration, Netanyahu, 73, has rejected calls to step down by his opponents, who say someone on trial for fraud, breach of trust and accepting bribes cannot govern. Netanyahu denies wrongdoing, but embarrassing details from his ongoing trial repeatedly make front page news.
In Israel’s fragmented politics, no single party has ever won a parliamentary majority, and coalition-building is necessary to govern. Netanyahu’s most likely path to the premiership requires an alliance with extremist ultra-nationalists and religious ultra-Orthodox parties.
These parties would demand key portfolios in a Netanyahu government, and some have promised to enact reforms that could make Netanyahu’s legal woes disappear.
The ultranationalist Religious Zionism party, whose provocative top candidate Ben-Gvir wants to deport Arab legislators and is a disciple of a racist rabbi who was assassinated in 1990, has promised to support legislation that would alter the legal code, weaken the judiciary and could help Netanyahu evade a conviction. Ben-Gvir, promising a tougher line against Palestinian attackers, this week announced he would seek the Cabinet post overseeing the police force.
Critics have sounded the alarm over what they see is a destructive threat to Israel’s democracy.
“If Netanyahu is triumphant,” wrote columnist Sima Kadmon in the Yediot Ahronot daily, “these will be the final days of the state of Israel as we have known it for 75 years.”
Netanyahu’s Likud party has tried to tamp down worries, saying any changes to the legal code won’t apply to Netanyahu’s case and that the extremist elements of his potential coalition will be reined in.
Netanyahu, currently opposition leader, paints himself as the consummate statesman and only leader capable of steering the country through its myriad challenges. Polls say the race is too close to predict.
Netanyahu was ousted last year after 12 years in power by the diverse coalition forged by Lapid, Netanyahu’s main challenger.
The coalition, made up of nationalists who oppose Palestinian statehood, dovish parties that seek a peace agreement, as well as for the first time in the country’s history, a small Arab Islamist party, united over their distaste for Netanyahu but collapsed this spring because of infighting.
The centrist Lapid, a former author and broadcaster who became premier as part of a power-sharing agreement, has portrayed himself as an honest and scandal-free change from the polarizing Netanyahu.
In his short term as caretaker leader, Lapid welcomed President Joe Biden on a successful visit to Israel, led the country in a brief military operation against Gaza militants and signed a diplomatic agreement with Lebanon setting a maritime boundary between the enemy nations.
Still, Lapid’s chances to return to leadership are shaky. He is relying on voters from Israel’s Palestinian minority, who make up one fifth of the population. Their turnout is predicted to reach historic lows, but if they unexpectedly do come out to vote, that could slash the Netanyahu camp’s numbers.
After the votes are tallied, the parties have nearly three months to form a government. If they can’t, Israel will head to yet another election.
“I hope this time it will be final,” said Avi Shlush, a voter in Tel Aviv. “But it will not be final. We are heading to another election.”
Stop us if you’re heard this one before: On Tuesday, Israelis are going to the polls to elect a new Knesset, or parliament. It’s the fifth time in less than four years that voters are casting ballots. Holding elections that often is bound to prompt some questions. Here are some answers.
Israel has a parliamentary system made up of several parties – none of which have ever received enough votes on their own to secure a majority of seats in parliament. That means parties must team up to form coalitions and reach the 61 seats needed to form a ruling government. Those coalitions can also be shaky – lose one party’s support, or sometimes even one member of parliament, and you’ve lost the majority.
The other factor is Benjamin Netanyahu. He served as prime minister for longer than anyone else in Israeli history, is in the midst of a corruption trial, and overall is a polarizing figure. Some top politicians on the center-right, who agree with him ideologically, refuse to work with him for personal or political reasons.
That made it difficult for him to build lasting governing majorities following the previous four elections, and last year, his opponents managed to cobble together a never-before-seen coalition of parties from across the political spectrum to keep him out of power. But that coalition only held together for about a year and a quarter before its leaders, Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, pulled the plug and called for new elections.
Netanyahu’s center-right Likud party will almost certainly be the largest party in the Knesset after Tuesday’s vote, if the polls are correct. They’ll probably win about 30 seats, a quarter of the total, a compilation of polls by Haaretz, for example, suggests.
Current Prime Minister Yair Lapid will be hoping his centrist Yesh Atid party will come in a strong second place.
The man he partnered with to assemble the last government, Naftali Bennett, is not running this time around; his party has splintered and faces a potential electoral wipeout.
Defense Minister Benny Gantz is aiming for a strong showing at the head of a new party called National Unity, a successor to his Blue and White party which now includes former Bennett ally Gideon Saar and former Israel Defense Forces chief of staff Gabi Eisenkot, making his political debut.
A far-right coalition called the Religious Zionist Party, headed by Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir, could be the largest extreme right-wing group ever seated in the Knesset.
On the other hand, the once-mighty Labor Party and its predecessors, which governed Israel essentially as a one-party state for its first 30 years under David Ben-Gurion and his successors, is a shadow of its former self, and is projected to win only a handful of seats.
Israel is a parliamentary democracy, where people vote for the party they support. Each party that gets at least 3.25% of the popular vote gets a certain number of seats in the Knesset based on the percentage of the total number of votes it won.
The 3.25% threshold is intended to keep very small parties out of the Knesset, an attempt to make it easier to build governing coalitions.
Israel has experimented in the past with electing the prime minister directly, separate from the Knesset, the way the US elects the president and Congress separately. It proved unwieldy and the country went back to standard parliamentary elections.
The final polls suggest that Netanyahu’s party and its potential allies are hovering right around the knife edge number of 60 seats and the drama of election night will be whether the former PM scrapes above it.
If his bloc clearly wins a majority, his path to building a government is clear and he will return to power.
If the pro-Netanyahu bloc falls below 61 seats, things are more complicated. Netanyahu would still probably have the first chance to form a government if his Likud party is the biggest in the Knesset, which could result in days or weeks of negotiations that go nowhere.
Current Acting Prime Minister Lapid could then get a chance to try to form a government, assuming his Yesh Atid party is the second largest. But his outgoing government included – for the first time in Israel’s history – an Arab party which has since fragmented into smaller parties which may not join another Israeli government (even if he invites them to, which is not certain.)
That could mean no one can build a majority government, raising the possibility of … more elections. While party negotiations are taking place and until a new government is formed, Lapid remains in place as caretaker prime minister.
Israelis are concerned about many of the same issues that people around the world are – the cost of living in particular.
They are also always focused on security. In the region, Iran’s nuclear ambitions and support of militant groups are always a worry, and more locally, violence is high this year between Israelis and Palestinians.
Some constituencies have their own specific concerns, such as the ultra-Orthodox, who want state support for their institutions and exemptions from army service; and religious Zionists, who want backing for West Bank settlements.
But overwhelmingly, Israeli elections these days are about one issue and one man: Benjamin Netanyahu.
JERUSALEM — Israel’s Cabinet on Wednesday voted in favor of a U.S.-brokered maritime border deal with Lebanon, taking a new step forward toward formal approval of the agreement.
Prime Minister Yair Lapid’s office announced that the agreement was approved in principle by a “large majority” of Cabinet ministers. The agreement was to be forwarded to the Knesset, or parliament, for a 14-day review period before a final Cabinet vote is to take place.
The Cabinet vote, along with an earlier approval by a smaller group of senior government ministers known as the Security Cabinet, came a day after Lapid announced that Israel agreed to the terms of the landmark deal between the two countries that have formally been in a state of war since 1948.
Lebanon and Israel both claim around 860 square kilometers (330 square miles) of the Mediterranean Sea that are home to offshore gas fields. At stake are rights over exploiting those undersea resources.
Under the agreement, the disputed waters would be divided along a line straddling the strategic “Qana” natural gas field. Gas production would be based on the Lebanese side, though Israel would be compensated for any gas extracted from its side of the line.
Lebanon hopes gas exploration will help lift its country out of its spiraling economic crisis. Israel also hopes to exploit gas reserves while also hoping the deal will reduce the risk of war with Lebanon’s Hezbollah militant group.
But the deal still faces numerous hurdles, including legal and political challenges in Israel. Opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu has accused Lapid of capitulating to Hezbollah threats to attack Israeli gas assets elsewhere in the Mediterranean and vowed to fight the deal.
The Supreme Court on Wednesday dismissed a petition to freeze the deal because of its approval just weeks before Israel holds national elections. The Nov. 1 vote will be Israel’s fifth election in under four years.
JERUSALEM — President Joe Biden on Tuesday said the U.S. has brokered a “historic breakthrough” between Israel and Lebanon that would end a dispute over their shared maritime border, pave the way for natural gas production and reduce the risk of war between the enemy countries.
The agreement, coming after months of U.S.-mediated talks, would mark a major breakthrough in relations between Israel and Lebanon, which formally have been at war since Israel’s establishment in 1948. But the deal still faces some obstacles, including legal and political challenges in Israel.
Israel welcomed the deal even ahead of Biden’s announcement. Lebanese leaders made no formal announcement, but indicated they would approved the agreement.
In Washington, Biden said that Israel and Lebanon had agreed to “formally end” their maritime dispute. He said he had spoken to the leaders of both countries and been told they were ready to move ahead.
The agreement “will provide for the development of energy fields for the benefit of both countries, setting the stage for a more stable and prosperous region,” Biden said. “It is now critical that all parties uphold their commitments and work towards implementation.”
Lebanon and Israel both claim some 860 square kilometers (330 square miles) of the Mediterranean Sea. At stake are rights over exploiting undersea natural gas reserves. Lebanon hopes gas exploration will help lift its country out of its spiraling economic crisis. Israel also hopes to exploit gas reserves while also easing tensions with its northern neighbor.
Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid called the deal a “historic achievement that will strengthen Israel’s security, inject billions into Israel’s economy, and ensure the stability of our northern border.”
Under the agreement, the disputed waters would be divided along a line straddling the strategic “Qana” natural gas field.
Israeli officials involved in the negotiations said Lebanon would be allowed to produce gas from that field, but pay royalties to Israel for any gas extracted from the Israeli side. Lebanon has been working with the French energy giant Total on preparations for exploring the field, though actual production is likely years away.
The agreement would also leave in place an existing “buoy line” that serves as a de facto border between the two countries, the officials said.
The officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were discussing behind the scenes negotiations, said the deal would include American security guarantees, including assurances that none of the gas revenues reach Hezbollah.
Many leading Israeli security figures, both active and retired, have hailed the deal because it could lower tensions with Lebanon’s Hezbollah militant group, which has repeatedly threatened to strike Israeli natural gas assets elsewhere in the Mediterranean.
With Lebanon now having a stake in the region’s natural gas industry, experts believe the sides will think twice before opening up another war.
“It might help create and strengthen the mutual deterrence between Israel and Hezbollah,” said Yoel Guzansky, a senior fellow at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies. “This is a very positive thing for Israel.”
Israel and Hezbollah fought a monthlong war in 2006, and Israel considers the heavily armed Iranian-backed group to be its most immediate military threat.
The agreement will be brought before Israel’s caretaker government for approval this week ahead of the Nov. 1 election, when the country goes to the polls for the fifth time in under four years.
An Israeli official said Lapid’s Cabinet is expected to approve the agreement in principle on Wednesday, while sending it to parliament for a required two-week review. After the review, the government would give final, official approval, the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss government strategy. It remains unclear if parliament needs to approve the agreement, or merely review it.
Approval is not guaranteed. Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said the caretaker government has no authority to sign such an important agreement and has vowed to cancel the deal if re-elected. On Tuesday, he accused Lapid of caving in to Hezbollah threats.
“This is not a historic agreement. It’s a historic surrender,” Netanyahu said in a Facebook video.
The Kohelet Policy Forum, an influential conservative think tank, already has filed a challenge with the Supreme Court trying to block the deal.
But Yuval Shany, an expert on international law at the Israel Democracy Institute, another prominent think tank, said it is customary, but not mandatory, to seek Knesset approval for such agreements.
“Peace agreements are usually brought to the Knesset, but this is not a peace agreement. It’s a border and limitation agreement,” he said.
Senior U.S. energy envoy Amos Hochstein, whom Washington appointed a year ago to mediate talks, delivered a modified proposal of the maritime border deal to Lebanon on Monday night, according to local media and officials.
There was no formal response from Lebanon. But the office of President Michel Aoun said the latest version of the proposal “satisfies Lebanon, meets its demands, and preserves its rights to its natural resources,” and will hold consultations with officials before making an announcement.
A senior official involved in the talks told The Associated Press that Aoun, Prime Minister Najib Mikati, and Speaker Nabih Berri were all satisfied. The official spoke on condition of anonymity in line with regulations.
Hezbollah’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, was noncommital in a speech late Tuesday. He praised his group’s “resistance” against Israel and insisted that Lebanon is not afraid of another war against Israel. But he said Hezbollah would “wait” to issue its position on the agreement. Previously he has said the group would endorse the government’s position.
He said any agreement would require cooperation and unity among Lebanon’s fractured political leadership. “The upcoming hours are decisive,” he said.
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Associated Press correspondent Eleanor Reich contributed reporting from Jerusalem.
