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  • Steven Brill’s new book, ‘The Death of Truth,’ Warns That Internet Goliaths Are Anything But ‘Good Samaritans’ – The Village Voice

    Steven Brill’s new book, ‘The Death of Truth,’ Warns That Internet Goliaths Are Anything But ‘Good Samaritans’ – The Village Voice

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    Steven Brill is no stranger to the news cycle. As co-founder of NewsGuard, which rates the reliability of news and information websites, he has a front-row seat to what he calls “A world where facts — shared truths — have lost their power to hold us together as a nation.”

    In The Death of Truth: How Social Media and the Internet Gave Snake Oil Salesmen and Demagogues the Weapons They Needed to Destroy Trust and Polarize the World — and What We Can Do About It, Brill documents the forces and people who have created and exploited our world of information chaos and political division. He dissects the way our current landscape of misinformation was set into motion in 1996, when Congress amended the nation’s Telecommunications Act, which was first passed in 1934 to accommodate the telephone, telegraph, and radio industries. 

    Explaining the mood of Congress in 1996, Brill writes, “The goal of the legislation was an overhaul of telecommunications law … spurred by bipartisan recognition that the booming 20-year-old cable television industry was becoming a major force that required sweeping changes to a regulatory scheme that had been put in place 61 years earlier.”

    While the telecommunications amendments were in play on the House floor, members added three paragraphs to the draft legislation, known as Section 230, which addressed the exploding Internet. As Brill explains, “the power to communicate has gone from the slingshot age to the nuclear age,” and this accelerating tech helped current Internet providers push us further into the misinformation abyss. Back in the mid-’90s, there were three providers — AOL, CompuServe, and Prodigy — with 1 million members collectively drawn from the 14% of American households with dial-up access. Today, Internet users worldwide number 5.44 billion, or 67.1% of the global population, according to the International Telecommunication Union. As of 2024, the U.S. Census Bureau reports that the Internet is accessible to nearly 95% of the U.S. population, more than 320 million citizens. The Pew Research Center reports that 9 out of 10 U.S. adults say they use the Internet every day; 41% of those adults say they use the Internet “almost constantly.”

     

    Brill calls for the end of online anonymity.

     

    The purpose of Section 230 was to provide “Good Samaritan” protections to existing Internet companies, allowing them to avoid legal liability for content posted online by users — even if harmful. As is often the case with any legislation, there can be unintended consequences. Reed Hundt, FCC chairman at the time, thought the section “was no big deal.” He later told Brill, “We never dreamed that Section 230 would be a protection mechanism for a new group of manipulators — the social media companies with their algorithms. Those companies didn’t exist then.” For perspective, Brill notes, Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg was 12 years old when Hundt made his original comment.

    “Civil society is unraveling,” Brill writes, sounding the alarm that Internet carriers have been anything but Good Samaritans. Echoing Hundt, he posits that Silicon Valley’s decision — following the 1996 Telecommunications Act amendments — to intentionally code algorithms embedded in their social media platforms to maximize profits has resulted in endless divisive content.

    Further exacerbating divisiveness and misinformation, Brill writes, was — and is — Big Tech’s intentional feeding of ad dollars to websites. On page 64 of his 317-page book, Brill notes, “I have now mentioned advertising revenue several times as being the driver of so much that we see online.” He goes on to point out a serious consequence: “Approximately 35% of the thousands of news websites in the top 95% of engagement in the U.S., Canada, the U.K., France, Italy, Germany, Austria, Australia, and New Zealand are highly unreliable.”

    Brill also blames the individuals, who he calls “bad actors,” who inflame misinformation for their own purposes. First, he cites “charlatans promoting bogus health cures and other phony products, conspiracy theorists, and just plain deranged people who promote disinformation.” Second, there are the disenfranchised, who “for some reason feel left behind, threatened, or otherwise distrustful and vulnerable enough to buy into what the bad actors are selling.”

    Against this backdrop of debilitating factors, Brill provides readers with many rich instances of how the Internet’s flourishing misinformation chaos has shaped our thinking — to the point that “The decline of truth — the level of distrust in what should be accepted facts, conveyed by what were once trusted sources of information … is unprecedented.” One prominent example that he stresses: “The measles vaccine works and is safe. It does not cause autism, ADHD, or other illness.” Even so, conspiracy theories about vaccine dangers, he observes, have forced a drop in vaccinations in both the U.S. and Europe.

     

    “Some 20% of orgs have been found to be unreliable.”

     

    Another example is how mass shootings have become knotted up in lies online. Brill cites the October 2023 mass shooting in Lewiston, Maine, which he notes “was not a ‘false flag’ operation staged by pro-gun control groups,” as claimed by a conspiracy website based in Maine. But within 24 hours, the misleading claim had notched 96,900 views on X.

    A third instance involves technology, with Brill stating, “5G cell technology doesn’t cause cancer, nor did it cause COVID-19, but those twin myths — which were promoted, beginning in 2019, by Russian disinformation operations because Russia was behind on the technology and wanted to discredit it — spread so virally that technicians in the U.K. working on phone lines were attacked by angry mobs.”

    Brill’s assertions continue to play out in real-time. FactCheck.org recently reported that the July 13 attempt to assassinate former president Donald Trump provided yet another occasion for bad actors to disseminate confusing information to the public about what had actually happened. Online posts that were fact-checked and debunked included “unfounded claims that a woman at the rally acted ‘suspicious,’” But the FBI has stated that the “investigation to date indicates the shooter acted alone.” Another false online post about the first Trump assassination attempt changed the name of Italian sportswriter Marco Violi to Mark Violets and then claimed that he was involved in the shooting. Violi told Reuters that he was “in Italy … and I didn’t have the slightest idea what happened.”

    “This crisis is not inevitable or irreversible. There are a variety of specific, practical steps … that we can take to reverse this devastating erosion of trust,” Brill writes, including demanding that the U.S. Federal Trade Commission enforce contracts already in place requiring social media giants to audit their posts to ensure they are authentic.

    Another solution Brill proposes is to amend Section 230 so that a social media company would lose its immunity from legal liability if, in processing posts, it used “an algorithm, model, or other computational process to rank, order, promote, recommend, amplify, or similarly alter the information.” Another step would be to “condition Section 230 immunity on a platform offering to integrate tools called middleware into its products,” so users would get more information about who is feeding them news.

    Notably, Brill calls for the end of online anonymity. He observes that some platforms, such as Facebook, require accounts to be opened with a real name, while most others do not, making verification of facts in user posts nearly impossible, given the sheer volume of postings.

    Brill also underscores the need to toughen enforcement of campaign finance laws to require full public disclosure of “pink slime” sites, purported news outlets that are actually fake partisan operations publishing poor-quality news reports that appear to be local news. He states that by the end of 2023, “the number of real news sites in the United States operated by real local daily newspapers has declined, while the number of so-called pink-slime news sites has increased to the point that there were about the same number (about 1,200) of each.” Brill’s contention was backed up by a 2019 Columbia Journalism Review report that found more than 450 pink slime websites in the U.S., which has since hit the 1,200 mark. Most of the sites operate as part of a network owned by larger conglomerates, such as Metric Media, largely with the goal of influencing politics. Such sites, says Brill, should be required to disclose their political mission, and who is financing the operation.

    Brill’s last chapter is a hefty outline of what he thinks can be done to restore truthfulness to our news cycle and weed out mis/disinformation on the Internet in general.

    “Some 20% of orgs have been found to be unreliable,” Brill writes, prompting him to call for teaching consumers “online hygiene” to help them identify scams. He notes, “Multiple researchers say K-12 students and the elderly need skills to weed out disinformation.” With AI’s recent emergence, Brill recommends steps that would allow only licensed companies fully committed to the strict regulation of generative AI, based on strict vetting of their software products, to operate online. This reform would mean that online sites creating, wholly or in part, “generative AI” such as text, images, music, audio, and video “would have to have a visible insignia prominently disclosing that it is using a licensed generative AI product.”

    KNOPF/Author photo by Michael Lionstar

     

    Another deep change recommended by Brill involves taming the programmatic advertising industry. He would have the “US Securities and Exchange Commission and similar regulatory agencies in other countries … require that all publicly traded companies file an annual report listing the websites on which the company spent more than a negligible amount (say $10,000) on advertising.” This is important, given the confusion created by programmatic advertising, because “We have seen that thousands of advertisers, including the world’s blue chip brands, financially support websites they would seemingly not want their brands associated with.” The end result, he notes, is that “Brands of all kinds advertise on sites promoting … varieties of hoaxes and toxic content….” A 2023 Association of National Advertisers survey revealed that “billions of dollars are supporting these kinds of websites.” That metric leads Brill to argue, “Shareholders have a right to know how their money is being spent.”

    Political reform is at the center of Brill’s solutions to our “polarization and sense of government paralysis.” He encourages citizen-driven ballot initiatives to attack the problem through state constitutions. For example, he recommends that states change their method of conducting primary elections to a “top two” system, as used for some elections in California, Nebraska, and Washington, in which anyone seeking state or local office enters the same primary, regardless of their political party. In other words, voters cast ballots for who they think are the best two candidates for the job, as opposed to following party loyalty.

    Finally, Brill laments that “legislators in charge choose their own voters” through gerrymandering, the manipulation of geographic boundaries to favor one political party. He envisions a system in which citizen-driven ballot referenda eliminate gerrymandering by having voting districts determined by independent nonpartisan commissions, following the lead of Michigan and Colorado. Historically, sitting legislators and political party operatives have controlled the process.

    Underpinning Brill’s recommendations is a call for robust public debate leading to actions that create disincentives to Big Tech’s “intentionally coding advertising and content algorithms embedded in their social media platforms to maximize profits but end up promoting endless divisive content.”

    Brill concludes, “Those who have been lured to the fringes will start to believe again in democracy, in government, and in other institutions and experts. They will be less likely to believe that the world is full of conspiracies that threaten them. They will start to believe in truth again.”  ❖

    Frank Pizzoli is a journalist who has been covering politics, queer issues, healthcare, and literary celebrities for the past 25 years.

     

     

     

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    R.C. Baker

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  • Citizens on the Street: What Ukrainians Think About the American Presidential Election – The Village Voice

    Citizens on the Street: What Ukrainians Think About the American Presidential Election – The Village Voice

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    Americans are already casting their votes for president. The 538 polling site has Vice President Kamala Harris ahead of former president Donald Trump nationally by one to two points, with the seven battleground states even closer, or slightly favoring Trump. This divided electorate is on edge, as key topics such as abortion access, immigration, gun rights, and climate change take center stage.

    As November 5 comes barreling down on America, halfway around the world Ukrainians are bracing for the results of an election that could decide the fate of their war-torn country. Over the past two and a half years, President Biden has provided material and moral support for Ukraine as it fights to survive the Russian invasion. Harris has backed Biden’s stance, but only briefly spotlights Ukraine on the campaign trail. In contrast, Trump has stated that he would end the war on day one of his term, although he’s offered no substantive plan. He has, however, said in the past that he would encourage Russia to do “whatever the hell they want” to NATO countries who fail to meet defense spending criteria.

    For Ukrainians, the stakes of the election are high, as it is coming at a time when Moscow’s forces are advancing at the fastest rate in more than two years, despite Ukraine’s recent cross-border incursion into Russia and occupation of parts of the Kursk region. Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy has pleaded with allies to do “everything that can be done” to minimize Russia’s advances on the frontlines, and his administration has deemed the current fight a crucial moment for the country, as both the U.S. election and the winter months draw nearer. Ukraine has been under constant attack over the past few months, and war fatigue permeates the country; many residents simply want the war to end somehow. 

     

    “We know that Trump will not support Ukraine. He will cut off all possible support, so it’s obviously only one option.”

     

    On the streets of Kyiv, the capital city, and over the Telegram messaging app from other regions, I asked Ukrainians who had been living in their country over the course of the war, as well as refugees living abroad, who they are hoping will win the election: former president Donald Trump or Vice President Kamala Harris. What I found was a division not unlike the one in the U.S. For the most part, those living in Kyiv wanted Harris to win the election, seeing her as the only candidate who would help Ukraine continue the fight for its existence and the mission to liberate all Russian-occupied land in the process. Residents of eastern Ukraine, however, where Russian-backed fighters first attacked in 2014, a conflict that has been subsumed in the larger Russian invasion of 2022, voiced the hope for an end to the war sooner. Some feel that Trump, who has repeatedly stated that he would end the war in the early days of his presidency, is the candidate who can do so. 

    • • •

     

    The war in Ukraine has carried on for the past two and a half years. Over that time, the U.S. has been a steadfast supporter of Ukraine. Now, the U.S. is preparing for the 2024 presidential election, and the outcome might determine Ukraine’s future. Who do you want to win the election, and why? 

     

    Natalia, 86, Kyiv
    If Kamala Harris will help and support Ukraine, then of course, it’s better for Kamala Harris…. Because Trump, in general, seems to me to be not serious. Well, in general, it’s hard for me to believe that Kamala will win. I don’t believe she will win.

    Yevheniia, 27, operations manager from Mariupol, now in Kyiv
    I’m trying to always be in this political bubble and try to understand at least something about American political elections. I know that is a kind of huge deal, especially for Americans, because it’s two completely different parties, Republicans and Democrats. When I saw that Biden was not stable, I was completely lost. I thought, we’re gonna be gone, because we really need this. We rely on it. And it’s also very nervous for us, too.

    L: Damage from Russian attacks in the Kharkiv region of Ukraine; R: Another damaged wing of the Okhmatdyt Children’s Hospital.
    ANNA CONKLING

     

    Then, I saw Kamala Harris. I didn’t understand who [she was] exactly. I’m trying to find any information about her, and I don’t understand what she is thinking about our country. This kind of European thing in me really wants Kamala, I guess. She looks younger than Trump, and kind of more normal.

    Oksana, 39, psychologist for Voices of Children, Bakhmut
    We’re observers of the process of election in America, but of course, we understand that it can influence our life and the existence of our country. In case Russia wins, I have to escape, because I work with kids who are brought back from deportation. My husband serves in the army, so we can’t live in this country.

    The only way out for us is to win. Emotionally, I like Trump because he’s an extraordinary guy. He’s unpredictable. As a psychologist, he’s interesting. Nobody can predict his next step, but I think that he’s a really strong man. But I’m not sure that he will take our side, and that’s why Kamila [sic] Harris is closer, and more clear, and more understandable. 

    For me, as a Ukrainian woman, as a mother, as a wife of a soldier, as a psychologist who works with kids, it is important to see someone who will help us.

     

    “Donald Trump, because he will stop the war.”  

     

    Eva, 32, graphic designer from Kharkiv, refugee in Dubai
    Democrats obviously, because their politics toward Ukraine is quite straightforward and supportive, in a way. The other party is unpredictable, and we’d love to expect the same level of solidarity from them, but I hardly believe it could happen.

    Natalia, 68, Kyiv
    Well, honestly, we have a lot of our own problems, but seeing how the current American president, Biden, helps Ukraine in solving many issues, we are for him. [I am] for women. For Harris. I don’t see any changes in American politics or in the American economy which is very much good for the American people. But the main decisive issue is for the people of America because they live there.

    Anton, 40, information technology, Kyiv
    It’s obviously Kamala Harris. We are supporting her and we know a lot about elections in America. We know that Trump will not support Ukraine. He will cut off all possible support, so it’s obviously only one option. We are standing for democrats as our country is also democratic, so we obviously will support only Kamala Harris. I read a lot of news in the Telegram channels, and people mostly say that they support only Kamala Harris. It’s obvious choice for Ukraine, for Ukrainian citizens.

    I heard about how [Speaker of the House] Mike Johnson commented that Trump will cut off the war in the first day. And people jokingly said [Trump] will call Putin, say something like, “Vladimir, please stop this war. You need to calm down.” And he will say, “Please speak Russian. I don’t understand anything.” 

    Personally, if you ask me, I have a lot of concerns about [at this point, Anton searched for the appropriate English words, then was able to convey to me his concern about Trump’s relationship with Putin]. And I think that he will play the time for Putin. So, he will not stop the war. It’s not possible. They will simply not stop somewhere in Donbas or take some small city, big city. They simply will not stop there. Their specific line is somewhere behind Poland. 

    Asking Ukrainians their opinions on the U.S. presidential election.
    L: Oksana, 39, feels that “The only way out for us is to win.” R: Yevheniia, 27, with her daughter, says, “This kind of European thing in me really wants Kamala, I guess.”
    ANNA CONKLING

     

    Alexandra, 23, language teacher from Dnipro, refugee in France
    If you look from the point of view of Ukraine, I’m in favor of Trump. Because he will not sponsor this war, and he has a real plan to come to negotiations and a truce. 

    I listened to his speech, and he said he could press Putin to make peace. Yes, we will lose a lot of territories, but we will be guaranteed that we will be part of the European Union and NATO. This will give us a guarantee that such a terrible war will not happen again.

    Everyone is so tired in Ukraine from the corruption. When I read that America or other countries are sending us monetary support, I think, Oh no, please send weapons, but not money. All the people are very tired of the war. They all want to go back to normal life. Unfortunately, it seems to me that without negotiations, this will not end. 

    Ekaterina, 38, marketing, Kharkiv
    Donald Trump, because he will stop the war. He expressed his position on this issue, the speedy cessation of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine.

    Vladimir, 45, actor, Kharkiv
    The thing is, neither Trump nor Harris appeals to me right now. This entire thing is a public relations campaign for the election, so no one knows what will happen and how any president will act toward Ukraine, so it’s hard to answer. Trump is old. [Kamala] is always laughing, so it gives the impression that she’s an inadequate person.

    Elena, 64, dentist, Sumy
    Whoever among them supports Ukraine and who will continue to help, what they promise. I’m for that one, in short. I’m not interested in anything at all, except for them helping Ukraine. Kamala is there by some kind of accident. Trump already has experience. He is better for the American people. I’m for the one who supports Ukraine best. I don’t care otherwise.  ❖

     

    Anna Conkling is a freelance journalist based in New York City who, since the beginning of the Russian invasion, has been corresponding with and on the ground interviewing Ukrainian soldiers, students, and civilians, and writing about them for the Voice and other publications.

     

    ∼ ∼ 

    This article is part of a series — At 250, Who Will America Be? — reporting on threats to American democracy as we approach the nation’s Semiquincentennial, on July 4, 2026.

    ∼ ∼ 

     

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  • If She Wins, Will Kamala Harris Continue Biden’s Robust Trust-Busting? – The Village Voice

    If She Wins, Will Kamala Harris Continue Biden’s Robust Trust-Busting? – The Village Voice

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    The thousands of Democrats filing out of the United Center on Thursday night were exuberant. They had seen their new nominee, Kamala Harris, prove that she can deliver a crisp and stirring primetime speech. Joe Biden was history; the future of the party lay before them, along with the growing likelihood that Donald Trump could be beaten again in November.

    Celebrations were everywhere at the Democratic National Convention, the first physical gathering in eight years — parties, afterparties, buffet breakfasts, caucus meetings, and all the other giddy rendezvous. The vice president and her running mate, Minnesota governor Tim Walz, were the toast of Chicago, and most intraparty dissent had been tamped down, although the Uncommitted Movement had demanded a Palestinian speaker at the convention and the DNC had rebuffed them. Beyond the security perimeter, the pro-Palestinian marches were sizable but not as enormous as billed, and disruptions were minimal. It was not 1968 out there.

    The question that the convention did not answer is what a Kamala Harris administration will look like if she wins. Because Biden dropped out and anointed her, Harris never had to compete in an open primary. The last time she was subjected to such pressure — and had to regularly interact with the press — was 2020. That campaign went poorly. Now, Harris is offering herself up as both a callback to Barack Obama and a continuity candidate who would honor, theoretically at least, some of Biden’s policy accomplishments. She has not, so far, openly broken with Biden, and she has echoed his rhetoric on both the war in Ukraine and Israel-Hamas, though she spoke more forcefully at the convention about the civilian suffering in Gaza. 

    What this all means, though, is unclear. There is no Democratic equivalent of the GOP’s Project 2025 — not yet, anyway. And since Biden dropped out of the race, a month ago, Harris has refused to conduct sitdown interviews or speak with journalists for any extended period of time. It’s a risk-averse strategy, and it’s paid off so far, as Trump has flailed. But the race remains quite close and Harris will eventually be forced to sketch out a policy vision for undecided voters in key swing states. 

    What do we know? Harris endorses the construction of more housing to alleviate a nationwide affordability crisis. She wants to offer a subsidy to first-time homebuyers. And she wants to combat grocery price gouging through some sort of price controls, and protect the Affordable Care Act. But it is difficult to evaluate any of these serious proposals without further details from her team. 

     

    Would Harris continue to crack down on the cryptocurrency industry?

     

    One of the most significant — and underappreciated — shifts of the Biden era was his approach to antitrust. Biden was the first president in decades to take trust-busting seriously and to try to halt the ongoing and anti-competitive conglomeration of big business in America. Biden’s Justice Department successfully sued Google over their search monopoly, and his young Federal Trade Commission chair, Lina Khan, has made it her mission to combat monopolization in all walks of life. 

    Corporate titans revile her. The richest Democratic donors, including media mogul Barry Diller and LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman, have made it plain that they’d want Harris to dump Khan. Obama was far cozier with business and tech elites than Biden; many of his top aides eventually went to work in Silicon Valley. David Plouffe, Obama’s 2008 campaign manager, ended up at Uber and Facebook, and former White House press secretary Jay Carney took lucrative positions at Amazon and Airbnb. Harris’s brother-in-law, Tony West, spoke at the Democratic convention — he is now Uber’s chief legal officer. 

    There’s the unsettling reality that many business and tech leaders might view Harris as an opportunity. She has not yet shown she has the same affinity for Biden’s left-populism and his administration’s skepticism of corporate power. The Obama administration permitted numerous acquisitions and mergers to take place — Facebook buying Instagram, Google buying Waze, the Ticketmaster/Live Nation merger — that Biden might have blocked. In another example that Biden meant business, Pete Buttigieg, Biden’s transportation secretary, scuttled the Spirit Airlines-Frontier merger. 

    If Harris wins, she would feel emboldened to replace Biden appointees with her own. Bidenworld, after all, mostly shunted her to the side, and it’s only now that she’s becoming a political star. Would Buttigieg survive a Harris presidency? Would Khan? Would Rohit Chopra, the ambitious Consumer Financial Protection Bureau director, who has also, like Khan, challenged corporate power? Would Harris continue to crack down on the cryptocurrency industry? She is still a Democrat, close to Biden, so there would be no full-scale repudiation, no regime-burning, but progressives have cause for worry. 

    Walz may be the olive branch. Among the top candidates for the ticket, he was the most friendly to progressives, and he had won plaudits in Minnesota for signing into a law a raft of progressive bills, including universal free school lunches and paid and family medical leave. He is not a neoliberal or a triangulator. He exists on the ideological spectrum to the left of Josh Shapiro, the Pennsylvania governor who seemed to have the inside track to the Harris ticket, until he didn’t.

    Walz, like Harris, has not granted many interviews, and he’s been most visible at rallies and on cable television. His thoughts on corporate power or thorny foreign policy matters are still not fleshed out. That, of course, is the advantage of a primary season — for ideas to be floated and contested in the public.

    Instead, we have questions and more questions. The threat of Trump is well understood, as are his designs on the presidency. He wants, at the very minimum, to use the levers of the office to punish his enemies. He may want to further cut taxes on the rich. He will seek to install as many Trump loyalists as possible in the federal bureaucracy, and reward corporate friends with business-friendly policies. 

    Harris represents normalcy, and that might be enough. What we don’t know is what kind of normalcy. We only have the feeling, the vibe, the sense of what we might be rushing toward. Enough Democrats are content with that for now. They can’t think much past November. ❖

    Ross Barkan is a writer from New York City.

     

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