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Tag: Volodymyr Zelensky

  • Russia Ukraine peace talks: Major hurdle looms ahead of meeting 

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    The thorny, unresolved issue of territory will take center stage at a fresh round of U.S.-brokered peace talks between Russia and Ukraine in Geneva from Tuesday.

    Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said on Monday territorial control will be discussed by a high-level, expanded Russian delegation led by Vladimir Medinsky, Moscow’s chief negotiator.

    Kyrylo Budanov, the newly-installed head of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky‘s office, posted an image of himself alongside other Ukrainian officials boarding a train to the Swiss city overnight into Monday.

    “Ukraine’s interests must be protected,” Budanov said.

    Territory has been one of the most difficult topics for negotiators because neither Russia nor Ukraine are willing to move from their positions.

    “It remains the only major issue which cannot be solved,” Oleksandr Merezhko, the chair of Ukraine’s parliamentary foreign affairs committee and a member of Zelensky’s party, told Newsweek.

    Russia has not stepped down from its demands to keep control of vast swathes of southern and eastern Ukraine, while Kyiv says it is barred from ceding territory by its constitution and that it cannot reward Russia for launching its invasion nearly four years ago. Territorial concessions would also be deeply unpopular among Ukrainians.

    Moscow claims to have annexed the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of eastern Ukraine, collectively known as the Donbas, as well as Kherson and Zaporizhzhia in the southeast of the country.

    In 2014, Russia seized the Crimean Peninsula to the south of mainland Ukraine. Altogether, the Kremlin now controls roughly a fifth of territory internationally recognized as Ukrainian soil.

    Russia holds most—but not all—of the Donbas, which was formerly Ukraine’s industrial heartland. The remaining territory in Donetsk still under Ukrainian control is heavily fortified and key to the country’s defenses.

    Western analysts say it would take the Kremlin years to take the rest of Donetsk by force, but Russian officials are thought to be demanding parts of the Donbas currently still held by Kyiv.

    The discussions in Switzerland this week will be the third round of American-brokered peace negotiations this year. U.S., Ukrainian and Russian officials have broadly described the talks as constructive although Russia’s longtime foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, said earlier in February there was “still a long way to go.”

    “The good news is that the issues that need to be confronted to end this war have been narrowed,” U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio remarked during his appearance at the closely-watched Munich Security Conference in Germany on Saturday.

    “The bad news is they’ve been narrowed to the hardest questions to answer, and work remains to be done in that front,” Rubio added.

    Rubio said the U.S. wasn’t sure whether Russia was prepared to stop the fighting, contrasting with President Donald Trump‘s insistence on Friday Moscow “wants to make a deal.” Ukraine and its European supporters say Russia is dragging out talks to avoid inking an agreement.

    Trump has struggled to fulfill his pledge to end the war in Ukraine in just 24 hours, and his apparent reluctance to put serious pressure on Moscow has worried Kyiv. Trump’s remarks on Friday included telling Zelensky to “get moving” on the terms of a deal.

    Zelensky told reporters and world leaders on Saturday that American officials “often return to the topic of concessions” before adding: “Too often those concessions are discussed in the context only of Ukraine, not Russia.”

    “We truly hope that the trilateral meetings next week will be serious, substantive, helpful for all of us, but honestly, sometimes it feels like the sides are talking about completing different things,” Zelensky said.

    The Ukrainian leader has said the U.S. has proposed Ukraine withdraws from the chunks of the Donbas it still controls, which would become a “free economic zone.” Zelensky has said the idea was greeted coolly by Russian and Ukrainian officials.

    Zelensky said at the weekend U.S. officials had told him that if Kyiv leaves the Donbas, peace would quickly follow. But the Ukrainian president told The Associated Press it was “a little bit crazy” to suggest Ukraine would pull back from its own territory.

    Ukrainian officials have estimated roughly 200,000 Ukrainians still live in the Donbas.

    “We will never to agree to withdraw all of our troops—for us, it’s an absolute red line,” Merezhko said.

    There’s little clarity on how an agreement would bake in security guarantees, which Ukraine describes as a fundamental part of any deal. Without ironclad U.S. assurances it will act if Russia invades again, Kyiv says it cannot trust Moscow will honor the terms.

    Zelensky has said the U.S. has offered a 15-year security guarantee but Kyiv has pushed for a much longer period of protection.

    Also still up in the air is whether Europe’s largest nuclear power plant will end up in Russian or Ukrainian hands, or whether the U.S. will be heavily involved. The Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant in southern Ukraine is currently run by Russia after it captured the plant in March 2022 and international experts have repeatedly warned the fighting close to the site risks a nuclear disaster.

    On Sunday, Ukrainian authorities said Russia had attacked Ukrainian energy infrastructure and residential areas in several regions of the country.

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  • Zelensky announces major Ukraine defense plan update 

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    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said on Saturday that Kyiv must update its defense plan following a meeting with his defense minister and spy chief amid the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war.

    The Ukrainian president did not reveal much detail about an updated plan, although he did say there needed to be more investment for drones for Kyiv’s military brigades.  

    Newsweek has contacted the Ukrainian defense ministry for comment on Saturday. 

    Why It Matters 

    Even though he revealed little, Zelensky’s comments could show how he wants to emphasize that it is business as usual in fighting Russia, despite growing pressure due to a corruption scandal involving the country’s energy sector in which Andrii Yermak, the former Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, resigned from his post

    It also suggests that Zelensky might be looking at a new approach in the fight against Russian aggression both on the battlefield and in Moscow’s targeting of civilian and energy infrastructure. 

    What To Know 

    On Saturday, Zelensky posted on Facebook that he had met with his defense minister Denys Shmyhal and Kyrylo Budanov, the head of Ukrainian Defense Intelligence (DIU). 

    Next to an image of the meeting with Shmyhal, Zelensky wrote that the course of combat in the war meant that there needed to be a change to Ukraine’s defense plan. As such, Shmyhal would be tasked with updating it and proposing the changes to put before the government. No timeline was given. 

    “Minister of Defense of Ukraine Denys Shmyhal delivered a report. Several key points. It is time to update the fundamental defense documents of Ukraine, including the national defense plan,” Zelensky wrote on Saturday. “The course of hostilities has shown what must become the renewed priorities. We agreed that Denys will prepare detailed proposals for these changes and present them to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine for approval.”

    Shmyhal also told the Ukrainian president about his trips to the Mykolaiv and Kherson regions and on the protective measures being implemented.

    “Separately, we discussed the protection of critical infrastructure and the allocation of the relevant resources,” Zelensky wrote. “It is important that the Government and the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine are fully ensuring the necessary funding–in particular for the purchase of drones for combat brigades–and that yesterday another monthly subvention tranche for combat brigades was financed in the amount of 4.3 billion hryvnias. An additional 8 billion hryvnias was also allocated for the financing of the Drone Line.”

    The president also held a separate meeting with Budanov ahead of negotiations with the U.S. to secure a peace deal with Moscow where Zelensky said they discussed “the security situation, the political situation around Ukraine, and the current prospects.”

    “We identified several key points that are important in the negotiation process,” he added.

    What People Are Saying 

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky wrote on Facebook on Saturday: “Tonight– US time–the Ukrainian delegation should already be in the United States of America, and the dialogue will continue on the basis of points from Geneva. Diplomacy remains active. The American side is constructive, and it is quite possible to finalize the steps in the coming days to determine how to end the war with dignity. The Ukrainian delegation has the necessary directives, and I expect the guys to work according to clear Ukrainian priorities.

    What Happens Next

    Shmyhal will prepare proposals and submit them to Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers for approval although no timeframe has yet been given. 

    Meanwhile, Budanov will meet senior U.S. officials in the coming days as part of a delegation led by National Security and Defense Council Secretary Rustem Umerov. 

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  • Zelensky’s Top Aide Resigns as Corruption Probe Deepens

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    The departure of Ukraine’s top negotiator—the president’s right-hand man Andriy Yermak—comes at a pivotal moment for the country.

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    Ian Lovett

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  • Latest Push for Peace Is Zelensky’s Toughest Moment Since Start of War

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    The Ukrainian leader is trying to prepare his people for “a very difficult choice” after almost four years of full-scale conflict with Russia.

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    Ian Lovett

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  • Trump Says He Wants Ukraine’s Answer on Peace Plan by Thursday

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    President Trump said he wants Ukraine to accept a sweeping U.S. deal to end its nearly four-year-old war with Russia by Thanksgiving, giving Kyiv less than a week to decide whether to agree to a draft plan that would make major concessions to Russia.

    “Thursday is, we think, an appropriate time,” Trump told Fox News Radio’s Brian Kilmeade in response to a question about whether he has given Ukraine a Thanksgiving deadline to agree to the plan. “We’re in it for one thing. We want the killing to stop.”

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    [ad_2] Ian Lovett
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  • Zelensky Says Peace Plan Poses Historic Choice: Lose Dignity or U.S. Support

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    Ukraine’s president gave his first response to the Trump administration’s proposal, which would hand concessions to Russia.

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    Ian Lovett

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  • Dassault Aviation Rises After Ukraine Agrees to Buy 100 Rafale Fighter Jets

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    Ukraine agreed to buy 100 Rafale fighter jets as part of a larger military equipment deal that triggered a jump in the share price of the French aerospace and defense manufacturer Dassault Aviation AM 7.44%increase; green up pointing triangle.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said Monday that he had signed a letter of intent to acquire 100 Rafale F4 fighter jets by 2035, SAMP/T air defense systems, radars, air-to-air-missiles and aerial bombs from France.

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    Cristina Gallardo

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  • As Putin Digs In, a Long—and Different—War With Ukraine Looms

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    Russia’s refusal of a cease-fire and an aborted peace summit in Budapest have raised the grim prospect that the war in Ukraine will rage for years to come—even as the nature of the conflict transforms.

    President Vladimir Putin remains convinced that Russia will eventually wear down its smaller neighbor, causing a collapse of the Ukrainian economy and society. An elusive victory would allow him to make the case that the devastating war he unleashed nearly four years ago was worth it, after all.

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    Yaroslav Trofimov

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  • Trump Says He’d Rather End War Than Send Tomahawks to Ukraine

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    President Trump said he hoped Ukraine wouldn’t need the U.S. to provide it with long-range Tomahawk cruise missiles as he met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at the White House on Friday. 

    “We’re going to be talking about Tomahawks, and would much rather have them not need Tomahawks,” said Trump. “Would much rather have the war be over, to be honest.”

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    Robbie Gramer

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  • Trump Says He Will Meet With Putin in Budapest to Discuss End to Ukraine War

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    WASHINGTON—President Trump said Thursday he plans to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Budapest for talks on ending the war in Ukraine, reviving a diplomatic effort after threatening to send new weapons to Kyiv.

    The agreement to hold the meeting in Budapest, at a date yet to be announced, came during a phone call between the two leaders a day before Trump is set to meet at the White House with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.

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    Lara Seligman

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  • Opinion | Russia’s Weakness Is Trump’s Opportunity

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    Having just commemorated two years since Oct. 7, 2023, we’re now approaching another grim anniversary—Feb. 24, four years since Russia invaded Ukraine. For all of President Trump’s shortcomings, he deserves credit for recognizing that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was vulnerable after having overreached by bombing Qatar. The president leveraged Bibi’s weakness to force a cease-fire. Russia is in a similarly vulnerable position after the failure of its third offensive against Ukraine, yet Mr. Trump has failed to exploit this weakness. This raises the question: Why is Mr. Trump reluctant to take advantage of Vladimir Putin’s helplessness?

    In February, Mr. Trump berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky: “You don’t have the cards.” Yet from nearly every angle and measure, it’s Russia whose hand is weak. Mr. Putin is more vulnerable today than at any point in his three decades on the global stage. Either Mr. Trump’s sixth sense for using leverage is failing him, or some strange fondness for the Russian president’s strongman persona is preventing him from appreciating the strategic opportunity that lies before him.

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    [ad_2] Rahm Emanuel
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  • Opinion | Time to Abandon ‘Active Defense’ in Ukraine

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    The doctrine proved to be ineffective after Vietnam, but better ideas came with Reagan’s military buildup.

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    Mark T. Kimmitt

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  • Israel cancels potential Macron visit over Palestinian recognition

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    Israel has cancelled a potential visit by France’s President Emmanuel Macron because Paris plans to recognize a Palestinian state, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar said in a phone call with his French counterpart Jean-Noël Barrot on Thursday.

    His ministry said that Sa’ar urged Barrot to reconsider the initiative to recognize a Palestinian state, saying the French proposal undermines stability in the Middle East and threatens Israel’s national and security interests.

    He said as long as Paris persists in its initiative and efforts that harm Israel’s interests, there is no room for Macron’s visit to Israel.

    Official plans for a possible Macron visit to Israel were not known.

    He accused France of having taken “a series of anti-Israeli steps and positions” recently.

    Several countries including France, Canada and Australia plan to recognize a Palestinian state in September.

    Macron announced Paris’ plans in July. The Israeli government responded with sharp condemnation.

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  • What It Would Actually Take to End the War in Ukraine

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    Last Friday, President Donald Trump hosted Vladimir Putin for a bilateral summit in Alaska and then, on Monday, received Volodymyr Zelensky and a half-dozen European heads of state at the White House. It was the latest attempt by Trump to bring the war in Ukraine to a close through diplomatic intervention. “While difficult, peace is within reach,” he said, on Monday. “The war is going to end.” Zelensky and Putin, he went on, “are going to work something out.” Trump, famously, has made such promises before—on the campaign trail, he declared that he would end the war within twenty-four hours of taking office—but is there reason to think that it might be different this time?

    To answer that, one has to return to the question of why Russia invaded Ukraine in the first place, and why the war has continued for three and a half years since then. Territory, an issue that Trump and his special envoy, Steven Witkoff, have returned to time and again, most recently when talking of unspecified “land swaps,” is actually not the primary concern for either side. “They’ve occupied some very prime territory,” Trump said, of Russia’s invasion force. “We’re going to try and get some of that territory back for Ukraine.”

    For Putin, lopping off Ukrainian territory—and, in the process, levelling Ukrainian cities with artillery barrages and aerial bombs—is a way to achieve his ultimate goal: a loyal and neutered Ukraine that does not threaten Russia and is free of undue Western influence. This aim is connected to a wider set of concerns that Putin calls the “root causes” of the war, which touch on a range of issues: language, history, and identity in modern-day Ukraine, and also the treaties and deployment of Western military forces undergirding security in Europe.

    As Tatiana Stanovaya, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, has been noting since the beginning of the war, in Putin’s understanding, if Ukraine is “ours,” then it doesn’t so much matter who controls which city or where its de-facto borders are drawn; but if Ukraine remains “theirs,” then it must be steadily destroyed, until Kyiv and its Western backers realize the folly of their stubbornness and acquiesce to the former scenario. “Putin has considered war to be the least desirable option from the outset,” Stanovaya told me. “He’d rather make a deal, but only in line with his maximalist conditions, which, neither then nor now, is he ready to rethink. And so, according to his logic, he is forced to continue to wage war.”

    On the land question, Putin’s position appears to be that Ukraine should withdraw from the parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, in the country’s east, that it still controls. But this is no small amount of territory: Ukrainian forces hold thirty per cent of the Donetsk region, including its most fortified strongholds, which Russia has not been able to seize despite years of constant assaults. It’s unclear exactly what territorial concessions Putin and Trump have discussed, but Trump told reporters in Alaska that “those are points that we have largely agreed on.” Afterward, a Ukrainian diplomatic source told me, “People were concerned Trump might express some willingness or even demands on the territorial issue.” But the fact that, in Washington, Trump didn’t pressure Zelensky on the point means that “Trump didn’t go for a ‘dirty deal’ with Putin.”

    Putin wants the entirety of the Donbas, as the Donetsk and Luhansk regions together are known, for two reasons—neither of which relates to the intrinsic qualities or benefits of the land, per se. The first reason essentially pertains to image and propaganda. In February, 2022, when Putin announced the start of the so-called “special military operation,” the supposed need to protect the Russian-speaking populations of the Donbas was his most precise, clearly articulated war aim. Since then, the bulk of the Russian war effort—and where its Army has seen the majority of its estimated million casualties—has been focussed on the Donbas. If Russia emerges from the war, effectively, with control of the region, Putin will have an easier time selling the idea of victory and the virtue of the sacrifice required to achieve it. The dual propaganda and repression machines could probably keep things stable at home for Putin in nearly any scenario, but all segments of Russian society—veterans returning from the war zone, families who have lost husbands or fathers in the war, once globally connected economic élites—will be all the less likely to express even tentative displeasure or doubt if the Donbas ends up in Russian hands.

    The second reason that Putin wants control over the Donbas is that Russian forces will be in constant striking distance of other Ukrainian population centers, in particular cities such as Dnipro and Kharkiv, so that both the threat and the means of a renewed Russian invasion will be ever present. A perpetually insecure Ukraine, Putin believes, is one more amenable to Russian interests and liable to be manipulated or suborned by Moscow.

    Zelensky faces the same pressures, but in reverse. I reached Balazs Jarabik, a political analyst and a former longtime European diplomat, in Kyiv, who spoke of the combined impediments to Zelensky agreeing to such a scheme: namely, the political (“the Donbas is where Ukrainians see this war as having started, in 2014, and losing the entirety of it would be a big blow to morale”) and the military (“after Donbas, there is basically just open steppe without any natural defensive lines”). Zelensky himself has cited a clause in the Ukrainian constitution that prevents any leader from ceding or transferring any of the country’s territory.

    Still, this would presumably not be the final barrier to a deal, were a realistic one to materialize. Ukraine could, for example, withdraw its troops from particular areas without making any formal territorial concessions, creating an unrecognized but indefinite line of separation, like the one that followed the Korean armistice, in 1953, or the division of Berlin, during the Cold War. However, such a thing could be considered only if Ukraine felt that its long-term security was assured. “If the choice was, say, NATO or Donbas, Ukraine would obviously choose NATO,” Jarabik said. (Not that this option is on the table: Trump reiterated again this week that there will be “no going into NATO by Ukraine.”)

    The question of land, then, is a proxy for more essential issues for both Russia and Ukraine: Ukraine’s future orientation as a state, and its ability to protect and defend that sovereignty, or the possibility that it remains perpetually exposed and vulnerable. Putin’s list of “root causes” presupposes changes to Ukrainian politics and society, a process that Putin appears to expect Trump to force on Kyiv as part of a peace settlement. In Alaska, Putin achieved partial success on this point. On one hand, he convinced Trump that the war can end only by addressing Russia’s strategic concerns, hence Trump’s move away from calling for an immediate ceasefire to advocating for a long-term peace agreement. (The ceasefire, which Ukraine and its European backers favor, could be done quickly and without taking into account Russia’s wider set of demands; a more lasting treaty can be achieved only when exactly that has happened.) On the other hand, Trump seems disinclined to serve as Putin’s proxy in achieving Russia’s wish list in full. “Putin would like Trump to force its conditions on Ukraine,” Stanovaya said. “But Trump appears to be saying that, on matters of Ukraine’s future borders, laws, and constitution, Putin and Zelensky will have to come to some arrangement between themselves.” That is a more complicated, less desirable situation for Putin, who sees Zelensky as an illegitimate figure—Putin’s preferred interlocutor has always been in Washington, not Kyiv.

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    Joshua Yaffa

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  • Donald Trump’s Self-Own Summit with Vladimir Putin

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    Nothing says standing up to Russian aggression quite like welcoming the aggressor on a red carpet and applauding him. On Friday, Donald Trump did both at the start of his summit in Alaska with Vladimir Putin. This triumphant greeting was followed by multiple friendly handshakes, a cordial pat or two on the arm, and a companionable stride past an enfilade of American F-22 fighter jets at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson. When the pair got within shouting distance of the American press corps, a bit of harsh reality crept in. “President Putin, will you stop killing civilians?” someone called out. But, on the twelve-hundred-and-sixty-eighth day since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine, Putin and Trump never wavered from the chummy cordiality with which they had greeted each other for their first meeting in six years. Putin pantomimed not being able to hear the question and shrugged. In an instant, Trump ushered him away for an apparently impromptu ride in his Presidential limousine; pictures of the Beast rolling slowly toward the venue where their formal talks would be held showed Putin, through the window, grinning broadly.

    When they emerged a little more than three hours later, after a shorter-than-expected session that did not include a scheduled lunch, the mutual admiration still flowed freely. Both men smiled. Trump gushed to the media about the “fantastic relationship” he’d always had with Putin and praised his “very profound” opening statement. Putin was, if anything, more over the top than Trump, praising the American President’s personal commitment to “pursuing peace,” as the logo projected on the stage behind them put it. Putin even played to Trump’s loathing of his predecessor, Joe Biden, adopting his talking point that the war with Ukraine never would have happened if Trump, not Biden, had been the American President. After twenty-five years in power, the former K.G.B. agent has learned well how to stroke the ego of his fifth U.S. counterpart.

    What Putin did not offer, however, was what Trump has been demanding, without any success, for months: a ceasefire in Russia’s war with Ukraine. “There’s no deal until there’s a deal,” Trump acknowledged in his brief remarks. While he spoke of “great progress” and Putin gestured at unspecified agreements that had been reached, “we didn’t get there,” Trump admitted. And that was it. After twelve minutes, and without a single question, the press conference adjourned, leaving stunned journalists to interpret the cryptic outcome: Was that really it, after all Trump’s hype?

    Sometimes the news is what it seems to be, meaning, in this case: No deal. The day began with a hellish war in Ukraine, with air-raid sirens in Kyiv and fierce battles in the east, and that is how it ended. The only difference is that Putin got one hell of a photo op out of Trump, and still more time on the clock to prosecute his war against the “brotherly” Ukrainian people, as he had the chutzpah to call them during his remarks in Alaska. The most enduring images from Anchorage, it seems, will be its grotesque displays of bonhomie between the dictator and his longtime American admirer.

    Right around the time that Trump was on the tarmac, clapping for the butcher of Bucha, his fund-raising team sent out the following e-mail:

    Attention please, I’m meeting with Putin in Alaska! It’s a little chilly. THIS MEETING IS VERY HIGH STAKES for the world. The Democrats would love nothing more than for ME TO FAIL. No one in the world knows how to make deals like me!

    The backdrop for this uniquely Trumpian combination of braggadocio and toxic partisanship was, of course, anything but a master class in successful deal-making; rather, the impetus for the summit was the President’s increasing urgency to produce a result after six months of failure to end the war in Ukraine—a task he once said was so easy that it would be done before he even returned to office in January. Leading up to the Alaska summit, nothing worked: Not berating Ukraine’s President, Volodymyr Zelensky, in the Oval Office. Not begging Putin to “STOP” his bombing. Not even a U.S.-floated proposal to essentially give Putin much of what he had demanded. Trump gave Putin multiple deadlines—fifty days, two weeks, “ten or twelve days”—to agree to a ceasefire and come to the table, then did nothing when Putin balked. When his latest ultimatum expired, on August 8th, instead of imposing tough new sanctions, as he had threatened, Trump announced that he would meet Putin in Alaska a week later, minus Zelensky, in effect ending the Russian’s global isolation in exchange for no apparent concessions aimed at ending the war that Putin himself had unleashed.

    In the run-up to the meeting, debates raged about the right historical parallel to draw between this summit and its twentieth-century antecedents: Was it to be a replay of Yalta, with two great powers instead of three settling the fate of absent small nations, and with the United States once again signing off on Russia’s dominance over its neighbors? Or perhaps Munich was the better analogy, with Trump in the role of Neville Chamberlain, ceding a beleaguered ally’s territory as the price of an illusory peace? For Ukraine and its supporters in the West, the prospect of a sellout by Trump loomed large.

    But history doesn’t repeat so neatly, and certainly not when Trump is involved. He is a sui-generis American President, who, at the end of the day, seemed to have orchestrated a self-own of embarrassing proportions. As ever, Trump’s big mouth offered up the best reminder of what he wanted in Alaska and what he did not get. On Friday morning, as Trump flew out of Washington aboard Air Force One, he told reporters, “I want to see a ceasefire rapidly. I don’t know if it’s going to be today, but I’m not going to be happy if it’s not today.” But, after his long-sought meeting with Putin, as he again boarded Air Force One for the long flight home, this was the chyron on Fox News that greeted him: “No Ceasefire After Trump-Putin Summit.”

    In the coming days, there will be endless explanations from Trump and his team as to why he didn’t get more out of the session. But, even in his post-summit interview with the great White House amplifier, Sean Hannity, the President struggled to alchemize the non-deal into Trumpian gold. “On a scale of one to ten,” Hannity asked the President, how would he grade the session? “The meeting was a ten in the sense that we got along great,” Trump responded. When Trump started talking, however, it was hardly about the summit at all, but about the “rigged election” in 2020 and how terrible Biden was and how he and Putin could have got so much done together if there had been no Russia, Russia, Russia hoax. Soon he was on to riffs about Iran and the border and his tariffs and how things in the U.S. are going so great that “Vladimir” told him, “Your country is hot as a pistol.” (Yeah, right.) On and on Trump went, about beating ISIS and why mail-in voting is terrible, about how big China is and how powerful America’s nuclear weapons are. Those tough-guy sanctions he once promised to place on Putin if he didn’t produce a deal weren’t so much as mentioned.

    The more he talked about anything other than Russia, in fact, the more it was obvious: Even Trump knew he had bombed. “Now it’s really up to President Zelensky to get it done,” he said at one point. If there’s one unwavering Law of Trump, this is it: Whatever happens, it is never, ever, his fault. ♦

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    Susan B. Glasser

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  • Putin and Trump conclude ‘productive’ summit but provide no details

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    Three hours of negotiations with Vladimir Putin over Russia’s war in Ukraine were “extremely productive,” but only Kyiv can decide whether a deal toward a ceasefire is possible, President Trump said Friday, capping a historic summit with the Russian leader.

    At a news conference at a U.S. air base in Alaska, the two men alluded to agreements made, but offered no details and took no questions. “We didn’t get there,” Trump said.

    “I believe we had a very productive meeting. There were many, many points that we agreed on,” Trump said, adding: “There’s no deal until there’s a deal. I will call up NATO in a little while. I will call up various people.

    “It’s ultimately up to them,” he added.

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    Standing alongside Trump, Putin warned Europe not to “torpedo the nascent progress” of “the agreement that we’ve reached.”

    “We’re convinced that, in order to make the settlement last in the long term, we have to eliminate all the primary roots, the primary causes of the conflict,” Putin said. “Naturally, the security of Ukraine should be ensured as well.”

    The talks were the first high-level negotiations in Russia’s years-long military campaign, a war of conquest that has resulted in Europe’s bloodiest conflict since World War II.

    Trump had said before the summit he would know if Putin was serious about peace within minutes of their meeting. Yet, before the talks began, the Russian leader, a global pariah since launching his full-scale invasion of Ukraine three years ago, received a red carpet arrival on American soil and a greeting of applause from the U.S. president.

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    It was an extraordinary welcome for Putin, whose government has called the United States an “enemy state” and who faces an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court over war crimes in Ukraine. Putin’s war has led to 1.4 million casualties, according to independent analysts, including 1 million dead and wounded among Russian soldiers alone.

    At the end of their news conference, Putin suggested Trump visit Moscow for their next summit. Trump said he would consider it.

    The high-stakes summit came amid ongoing Russian strikes on civilian targets. Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, condemned Russian forces for striking a market in Sumy mere hours before the Alaska summit.

    “On the day of negotiations, the Russians are killing as well,” Zelensky said in a statement. “And that speaks volumes.”

    Zelensky was not invited to the Anchorage negotiations. But Trump said he hoped his meeting Friday would lead to direct talks “very shortly.”

    The Ukrainian president met with Britain’s prime minister in recent days, and planned to meet with French President Emmanuel Macron after the Alaska summit.

    Speaking with reporters aboard Air Force One on his way to Anchorage, Trump suggested he had planned to take a tougher line with Putin, threatening to walk if he didn’t see immediate progress.

    “I want to see a ceasefire,” Trump said. “I don’t know if it’s going to be today, but I’m not going to be happy if it’s not today.”

    The two men were scheduled to meet privately, accompanied only by interpreters, before joining their aides for a working lunch. But in-flight, Trump’s plans changed to include his secretary of State and national security advisor, Marco Rubio, as well as his special envoy to the conflict, Steve Witkoff.

    Whether Putin is ready to implement an immediate ceasefire is far from clear, with the Russian Foreign Ministry stating this week that the Kremlin’s war aims are “unchanged.” Over the past week, with the presidential summit scheduled, the Russian army launched an aggressive attempt to breech the Ukrainian front lines.

    Trump’s deference toward Putin has been a fixture of his time in office, with the president often refusing to criticize the Russian leader. But his tone began to shift toward Putin at a NATO summit in June, held in The Hague, where European leaders agreed to significant defense spending commitments in a bid to keep Trump on their side.

    Since then, Trump has repeatedly expressed “disappointment” with Putin’s refusal to heed his calls for a ceasefire, authorizing the deployment of Patriot missiles in Ukraine and the shipment of other U.S. military equipment.

    The Trump administration set a deadline of Aug. 8 for Putin to demonstrate he was seriously committed to peace negotiations, or otherwise face a new round of sanctions, this time targeting its trading partners. Witkoff, a real estate investor with no experience in the region and no diplomatic background, was dispatched to Moscow for meetings with Kremlin leadership.

    Within hours of Witkoff’s departure, White House planning for the summit was underway.

    The summit came together with so little time that the White House and the Kremlin struggled to secure hotels and venue spaces across Anchorage. The Kremlin press corps, comprising roughly 50 journalists, found itself sleeping on American Red Cross cots on the floor of a University of Alaska sports center.

    President Trump meets with Russia's President Vladimir Putin. Secretary of State Marco Rubio sits to the side of Trump.

    President Trump meets with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin. At right is Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

    (Julia Demaree Nikhinson / Associated Press)

    Trump received Putin on the tarmac of the U.S. air base with a U.S. stealth bomber flying overhead, flanked by U.S. fighter jets and Air Force One. The two men then entered the “Beast,” the official presidential vehicle, for a short ride that included no aides or translators.

    On his way to Anchorage, Trump said that Putin would face “economically severe” consequences if the negotiations failed to yield progress toward peace. He said that only Ukraine could decide whether to cede territory to Moscow. And he expressed support for U.S. security guarantees for Ukraine in any future peace agreement, so long as they fall short of NATO membership for the beleaguered nation.

    “Yes, it would be very severe,” Trump said. “Very severe.”

    Putin brought several Russian business leaders along with him from Moscow, according to the Kremlin, a sign he had hoped to begin discussions on normalizing relations with Washington. But Trump said he would not discuss business opportunities until the war is settled. Despite bringing his Treasury and Commerce secretaries to Alaska alongside him, a lunch scheduled to include an expanded circle of their aides, to discuss matters other than Ukraine, did not appear to go forward.

    European leaders have urged Trump to approach Putin with a firm hand after months of applying pressure on Zelensky to prepare to make concessions to Moscow.

    Trump had said in recent days that a peace deal would include the “swapping” of land, a prospect roundly rejected in Kyiv. But the Ukrainian constitution prohibits territorial concessions without the support of a public referendum.

    He seemed to soften that stance ahead of the Friday meetings.

    “They’ll be discussed, but I’ve got to let Ukraine make that decision,” the president said of land swaps. “I’m not here to negotiate for Ukraine. I’m here to get them to the table.”

    The summit is the first of its kind between a U.S. and Russian president since 2021.

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    Michael Wilner

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  • Putin deploys wolves on Ukraine front line as beasts howl at sound of drones

    Putin deploys wolves on Ukraine front line as beasts howl at sound of drones

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    RUSSIA has deployed war wolves on the Ukraine front line — because the beasts react early to kamikaze drone sounds.

    Troops say the howling animals have a good sense of smell, are sociable and active, and can warn of danger in advance.

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    Vladimit Putin has deployed war wolves on the Ukraine front line — because the beasts react early to kamikaze drone soundsCredit: EPA
    Troops say the howling animals have a good sense of smell, are sociable and active, and can warn of danger in advance

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    Troops say the howling animals have a good sense of smell, are sociable and active, and can warn of danger in advanceCredit: East2West
    Wolf-tamer Aleksandr Konchakov raised two females that were rescued from Siberian region Khakassia

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    Wolf-tamer Aleksandr Konchakov raised two females that were rescued from Siberian region KhakassiaCredit: East2West
    A Ukrainian soldier launches a kamikaze FPV drone on the front line

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    A Ukrainian soldier launches a kamikaze FPV drone on the front lineCredit: Reuters

    Two tamed wolves have been sent to serve with Vladimir Putin’s soldiers and more will follow if the experiment is a success.

    A Russian news agency reported: “The predators can hear the approach of drones and warn of danger in advance.

    “They will help Russian soldiers carry out combat missions in the [war] zone.”

    The two females were rescued from Siberian region Khakassia and raised by wolf-tamer Aleksandr Konchakov.

    In a video, he can be seen feeding ice cream to one of the wolves, called Vysota.

    He said: “The puppies were simply brought to me by hunters without a mother.

    “They have excellent intuition and are smart.”

    Inside ‘Wolves’ of Ukraine the battalion of volunteer troops defending the ‘Road of Life’ – the last way out of wasteland Bakhmut

    Moscow State Circus chief Edgard Zapashny said: “I hope these two female wolves, who will now be with our fighters, will not be harmed, and that the men will surround them with care and ensure their safety.

    “In turn, they will save the lives of our soldiers.”

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    Nick Parker

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  • CIA director says West cannot be intimidated by ‘cocky’ Putin’s ‘bullying’

    CIA director says West cannot be intimidated by ‘cocky’ Putin’s ‘bullying’

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    CIA director Bill Burns has branded Vladimir Putin cocky and smug over the Ukraine war.

    The US spy chief also said the West could not afford to be intimidated by Russia’s “sabre rattling and bullying”.

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    CIA director Bill Burns has branded Vladimir Putin cocky and smug over the Ukraine warCredit: Getty
    The US spy chief also said the West could not afford to be intimidated by Russia’s 'sabre rattling and bullying'

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    The US spy chief also said the West could not afford to be intimidated by Russia’s ‘sabre rattling and bullying’Credit: Jamie Lorriman

    His comments appear to support calls to use long-range western weapons against targets in Russia.

    On stage in London with MI6 boss Sir Richard Moore, Mr Burns said: “Putin’s whole narrative right now is a very cocky, very smug one.

    “It is, ‘Time is on my side, it’s only a matter of time before the Ukrainians, and their supporters in the West are ground down’.”

    Mr Burns revealed in autumn 2022 there was a “genuine risk” that Putin would drop a nuclear bomb.

    He said President Biden sent him to warn Russian counterpart Sergey Naryshkin of the consequences.

    The US also lobbied China to rein in Putin.

    He said Ukraine’s Kursk incursion had “brought the war home to ordinary Russians”.

    A Gaza peace plan will be put to Israel and Hamas in days, Mr Burns also revealed.

    Russia declares state of emergency as drone blows up Putin missile dump

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    Jerome Starkey

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  • Incredible video shows Ukraine’s storming invasion of Russia

    Incredible video shows Ukraine’s storming invasion of Russia

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    INCREDIBLE footage illustrates how Ukraine has captured a huge slice of Russian territory in a week-long rapid blitz.

    It’s taken Kyiv’s troops just several days to claim 400 square miles of enemy soil as Vlad grapples with being the first Russian leader to surrender home turf since the Second World War.

    Ukraine is blasting its way into Russia as the war enters a fiery new chapter

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    Ukraine is blasting its way into Russia as the war enters a fiery new chapterCredit: Reuters
    A Russian man reacts to missile debris, with many of his fellow residents evacuating

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    A Russian man reacts to missile debris, with many of his fellow residents evacuatingCredit: Kommersant Photo/Anatoliy Zhdanov via REUTERS RUSSIA
    A Ukrainian soldier holds up the peace sign as he goes into battle

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    A Ukrainian soldier holds up the peace sign as he goes into battleCredit: Reuters

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    The animation shows Ukraine forces breaking over the border into Russia’s Kursk region in the early hours of August 6 in a surprise move.

    The advance then spills into the rival country in multiple directions, with troops speeding straight ahead in a sharp incision as others take wider territory to the northwest and southeast.

    Ukraine’s territory takeover then broadens out in all directions, leading to the huge 400,000 square mile coup in only seven days, according to the country’s top commander.

    Thousands of troops have piled in with beefed up convoys including tanks and aircraft.

    Read more on Russia-Ukraine

    Commander Oleksandr Syrskyi claimed Ukraine now controlled the massive chunk of Russian territory as it continued to “conduct an offensive operation in the Kursk region”.

    He said: “The troops are fulfilling their tasks. Fighting continues along the entire front line. The situation is under our control.”

    President Volodomyr Zelensky on Monday night warned adversary Vladimir Putin that war was “coming home” to Russia.

    He said: “Russia brought war to others, now it’s coming home.

    “Ukraine has always wanted only peace, and we will certainly ensure peace.”

    Tens of thousands of Kursk citizens were forced to evacuate last week with locals in the neighbouring Belgorod region now also given orders to leave.

    ‘Rattled’ Putin’s body language reveals deep fear over Ukraine invasion as he nervously twitches & rubs hands

    As many as 130,000 Russians are now displaced.

    Belgorod governor Vyacheslav Gladkov warned the entire region was under missile alert.

    He told residents: “Go down to the basement and stay there until you receive the all-clear”.

    The warring nations traded air attacks overnight, with 14 Ukraine drones launched into the Kursk, Belgorod and Voronezh regions taken out by air defence, according to Russian media.

    Kremlin forces fired 38 attack drones and two ballistic missiles into Ukraine, sending the entire country on air-raid alert as fighting intensifies.

    On the ground, Zelensky’s men tried to push further into Vlad’s territory.

    The Kursk town of Sudzha is expected to be hotly fought over given the flow of Russian gas that runs through it.

    As much as half of Russian natural gas sent into Europe travelled through Sudzha in 2023, making up five per cent of EU consumption.

    Russian war bloggers and Ukrainian telegram channels claimed it was under Kyiv’s control, according to Reuters, although those assertions are yet to be verified.

    Putin’s illegal invasion in 2022 has led to the Kremlin currently controlling nearly a fifth of Ukrainian territory after two-and-a-half years of fighting.

    Ukraine’s surprise push into Russia has been widely seen as an attempt to divert fighting away from its own turf.

    Why has Ukraine invaded Russia?

    By Ellie Doughty

    UKRAINE’S daring invasion into Russia has been launched for two key reasons – with one aimed at Putin and one at the West.

    A high-ranking Ukrainian official told AFP that the idea behind the attack is to stretch Putin’s armies as much as possible, spreading them thinly over different areas.

    The security brass told AFP on condition of anonymity that “the aim is to stretch the positions of the enemy, to inflict maximum losses and to destabilise the situation in Russia as they are unable to protect their own border”.

    As well as acting as a huge morale-boosting win for Ukraine – the invasion also has a second key purpose in Kyiv’s masterplan.

    It is a message to allies in the West who have closely monitored Putin’s war.

    Military analyst Franz-Stefan Gady told The Washington Post: “This is definitely one consideration that it is really a signal to the West and to Ukrainian allies and partners that Ukraine is still capable of launching offensive operations.

    “That Ukraine is capable of conducting fairly complex operations into enemy territory.”

    Vlad on the other hand claims Ukraine are simply trying to gain leverage for peace talk negotiations.

    Vlad has speculated the surge was driven “with the help of Western masters” to gain leverage at the negotiating table for potential peace talks.

    Although Kremlin chiefs and state media are insisting Ukraine is losing masses of troops in what will be a botched invasion, reports from the ground aren’t as glowing as Moscow might hope.

    Speculation is swirling that Russian troops are even looting their own citizens’ evacuated homes.

    Footage posted to X purports to show soldiers searching through a Kursk home before complaining that it had already been ransacked.

    Retired general Andrei Gurulev, a member of Putin’s United Russia party, hit out at the military for failing to stave off Ukraine’s offensive, The Times reported.

    He said: “Regrettably, the group of forces protecting the border didn’t have its own intelligence assets.

    “No one likes to see the truth in reports, everybody just wants to hear that all is good.”

    According to state news agency RIA, the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service called Zelensky’s attacking move “insane”.

    They claim the Ukrainian chief has sparked a threat of escalation that could expand beyond the two nations’ conflict.

    US senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal meanwhile jetted into Kyiv to meet with Zelensky and praised the “bold and brilliant” move.

    Graham said: “Taking this war to Putin and making him understand and pay a price is the right thing

    “So two-and-a-half years later you’re still standing and you’re in Russia. Remind me not to invade Ukraine. 

    “I’m so proud of you, your people, your military, your leadership, your country.”

    Zelensky says he's bringing the war home to Russia

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    Zelensky says he’s bringing the war home to RussiaCredit: Ukrainian Presidency/Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images
    Tanks and troops rumble further into Russia

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    Tanks and troops rumble further into RussiaCredit: REUTERS/Viacheslav Ratynskyi
    Vlad insists Ukraine will lose masses of troops in their offensive

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    Vlad insists Ukraine will lose masses of troops in their offensiveCredit: Reuters
    Ukraine claims tanks and troops have taken a huge slice of territory

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    Ukraine claims tanks and troops have taken a huge slice of territoryCredit: AFP

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    Owen Leonard

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  • Ukraine ‘to ramp up long-range strikes inside Russia’ amid new weapons funding

    Ukraine ‘to ramp up long-range strikes inside Russia’ amid new weapons funding

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    UKRAINE will ramp up long-range strikes inside Russia as billions of pounds of new weapons flood in, Britain’s Chief of Defence Staff says.

    Admiral Sir Tony Radakin signalled that Britain had no opposition to the attacks on Russian soil.

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    Ukraine will ramp up long-range strikes inside RussiaCredit: Reuters
    The UK agreed an extra £500million military aid to Ukraine, pictured Ukrainian troops training with British troops

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    The UK agreed an extra £500million military aid to Ukraine, pictured Ukrainian troops training with British troopsCredit: EPA

    He said plane-loads of new western weapons would help the blitzes.

    He told a newspaper yesterday: “It’s ability to conduct deep operations will increasingly become a feature of the war.”

    It comes after US President Joe Biden signed a £50billion lifeline to buy arms for Ukraine.

    But US weapons come with a caveat that they must be used only in Ukraine’s sovereign territory.

    Long-range missiles provided by the US were reportedly used last week to strike Russian targets in occupied Crimea.

    Britain has pledged more than 1,600 long-range armaments including Storm Shadow missiles and Paveway IV laser-guided bombs.

    The UK agreed an extra £500million military aid to Ukraine last week, bringing our contribution to £3billion this year.

    President Volodymyr Zelensky says Ukraine desperately needs more air defences to intercept Moscow’s bombardments.

    General Sir Jim Hockenhull, head of the UK’s Strategic Command, also backed Ukraine’s long-range strikes on Russia — because it was “fighting a war of national survival”.

    He said: “The fact that they see military value in attacking the Russians in depth is unsurprising and entirely understandable.”

    How Ukraine’s new $50BILLION war chest will grind Russia’s war machine to halt & buy them precious time to defeat Vlad
    Ukrainian servicemen with British NLAW anti-tank weapons

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    Ukrainian servicemen with British NLAW anti-tank weaponsCredit: EPA

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    Jerome Starkey

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