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Tag: villanueva

  • Times Investigation: LAFD report on Palisades fire was watered down, records show

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    For months after the Palisades fire, many who had lost their homes eagerly awaited the Los Angeles Fire Department’s after-action report, which was expected to provide a frank evaluation of the agency’s handling of the disaster.

    A first draft was completed by August, possibly earlier.

    And then the deletions and other changes began — behind closed doors — in what amounted to an effort to downplay the failures of city and LAFD leadership in preparing for and fighting the Jan. 7 fire, which killed 12 people and destroyed thousands of homes, records obtained by The Times show.

    In one instance, LAFD officials removed language saying that the decision not to fully staff up and pre-deploy all available crews and engines ahead of the extreme wind forecast “did not align” with the department’s policy and procedures during red flag days.

    Instead, the final report said that the number of engine companies rolled out ahead of the fire “went above and beyond the standard LAFD pre-deployment matrix.”

    Another deleted passage in the report said that some crews waited more than an hour for an assignment the day of the fire. A section on “failures” was renamed “primary challenges,” and an item saying that crews and leaders had violated national guidelines on how to avoid firefighter deaths and injuries was scratched.

    Other changes in the report, which was overseen by then-interim Fire Chief Ronnie Villanueva, seemed similarly intended to soften its impact and burnish the Fire Department’s image. Two drafts contain notes written in the margins, including a suggestion to replace the image on the cover page — which showed palm trees on fire against an orange sky — with a “positive” one, such as “firefighters on the frontline,” the note said. The final report’s cover displays the LAFD seal.

    The Times obtained seven drafts of the report through the state Public Records Act. Only three of those drafts are marked with dates: Two versions are dated Aug. 25, and there is a draft from Oct. 6, two days before the LAFD released the final report to the public.

    No names are attached to the edits. It is unclear if names were in the original documents and had been removed in the drafts given to The Times.

    The deletions and revisions are likely to deepen concerns over the LAFD’s ability to acknowledge its mistakes before and during the blaze — and to avoid repeating them in the future. Already, Palisades fire victims have expressed outrage over unanswered questions and contradictory information about the LAFD’s preparations after the dangerous weather forecast, including how fire officials handled a smaller New Year’s Day blaze, called the Lachman fire, that rekindled into the massive Palisades fire six days later.

    Some drafts described an on-duty LAFD captain calling Fire Station 23 in the Palisades on Jan. 7 to report that “the Lachman fire started up again,” indicating the captain’s belief that the Palisades fire was caused by a reignition of the earlier blaze.

    The reference was deleted in one draft, then restored in the public version, which otherwise contains only a brief mention of the previous fire. Some have said that the after-action report’s failure to thoroughly examine the Lachman fire reignition was designed to shield LAFD leadership and Mayor Karen Bass’ administration from criticism and accountability.

    Weeks after the report’s release, The Times reported that a battalion chief ordered firefighters to roll up their hoses and leave the burn area on Jan. 2, even though they had complained that the ground was still smoldering and rocks remained hot to the touch. Another battalion chief assigned to the LAFD’s risk management section knew about the complaints for months, but the department kept that information out of the after-action report.

    After The Times report, Bass asked Villanueva to “thoroughly investigate” the LAFD’s missteps in putting out the Lachman fire, which federal authorities say was intentionally set.

    “A full understanding of the Lachman fire response is essential to an accurate accounting of what occurred during the January wildfires,” Bass wrote.

    Fire Chief Jaime Moore, who started in the job last month, has been tasked with commissioning the independent investigation that Bass requested.

    The LAFD did not answer detailed questions from The Times about the altered drafts, including queries about why the material about the reignition was removed, then brought back. Villanueva did not respond to a request for comment.

    A spokesperson for Bass said her office did not demand changes to the drafts and only asked the LAFD to confirm the accuracy of items such as how the weather and the department’s budget factored into the disaster.

    “The report was written and edited by the Fire Department,” the spokesperson, Clara Karger, said in an email. “We did not red-line, review every page or review every draft of the report. We did not discuss the Lachman Fire because it was not part of the report.”

    Genethia Hudley Hayes, president of the Board of Fire Commissioners, told The Times that she reviewed a paper copy of a “working document” about a week before the final report was made public. She said she raised concerns with Villanueva and the city attorney’s office over the possibility that “material findings” were or would be changed. She also said she consulted a private attorney about her “obligations” as a commissioner overseeing the LAFD’s operations, though that conversation “had nothing to do with the after-action” report.

    Hudley Hayes said she noticed only small differences between the final report and the draft she reviewed. For example, she said, “mistakes” had been changed to “challenges,” and names of firefighters had been removed.

    “I was completely OK with it,” she said. “All the things I read in the final report did not in any way obfuscate anything, as far as I’m concerned.”

    She reiterated her position that an examination of missteps during the Lachman fire did not belong in the after-action report, a view not shared by former LAFD chief officers interviewed by The Times.

    “The after-action report should have gone back all the way to Dec. 31,” said former LAFD Battalion Chief Rick Crawford, who retired from the agency last year and is now emergency and crisis management coordinator for the U.S. Capitol. “There are major gaps in this after-action report.”

    Former LAFD Asst. Chief Patrick Butler, who is now chief of the Redondo Beach Fire Department, agreed that the Lachman fire should have been addressed in the report and said the deletions were “a deliberate effort to hide the truth and cover up the facts.”

    He said the removal of the reference to the LAFD’s violations of the national Standard Firefighting Orders and Watchouts was a “serious issue” because they were “written in the blood” of firefighters killed in the line of duty. Without citing the national guidelines, the final report said that the Palisades fire’s extraordinary nature “occasionally caused officers and firefighters to think and operate beyond standard safety protocols.”

    The final after-action report does not mention that a person called authorities to report seeing smoke in the area on Jan. 3. The LAFD has since provided conflicting information about how it responded to that call.

    Villanueva told The Times in October that firefighters returned to the burn area and “cold-trailed” an additional time, meaning they used their hands to feel for heat and dug out hot spots. But records showed they cleared the call within 34 minutes.

    Fire officials did not answer questions from The Times about the discrepancy. In an emailed statement this week, the LAFD said crews had used remote cameras, walked around the burn site and used a 20-foot extension ladder to access a fenced-off area but did not see any smoke or fire.

    “After an extensive investigation, the incident was determined to be a false alarm,” the statement said.

    The most significant changes in the various iterations of the after-action report involved the LAFD’s deployment decisions before the fire, as the wind warnings became increasingly dire.

    In a series of reports earlier this year, The Times found that top LAFD officials decided not to staff dozens of available engines that could have been pre-deployed to the Palisades and other areas flagged as high risk, as it had done in the past.

    One draft contained a passage in the “failures” section on what the LAFD could have done: “If the Department had adequately augmented all available resources as done in years past in preparation for the weather event, the Department would have been required to recall members for all available positions unfilled by voluntary overtime, which would have allowed for all remaining resources to be staffed and available for augmentation, pre-deployment, and pre-positioning.” The draft said the decision was an attempt to be “fiscally responsible” that went against the department’s policy and procedures.

    That language was absent in the final report, which said that the LAFD “balanced fiscal responsibility with proper preparation for predicted weather and fire behavior by following the LAFD predeployment matrix.”

    Even with the deletions, the published report delivered a harsh critique of the LAFD’s performance during the Palisades fire, pointing to a disorganized response, failures in communication and chiefs who didn’t understand their roles. The report found that top commanders lacked a fundamental knowledge of wildland firefighting tactics, including “basic suppression techniques.”

    A paperwork error resulted in the use of only a third of the state-funded resources that were available for pre-positioning in high-risk areas, the report said. And when the fire broke out on the morning of Jan. 7, the initial dispatch called for only seven engine companies, when the weather conditions required 27.

    There was confusion among firefighters over which radio channel to use. The report said that three L.A. County engines showed up within the first hour, requesting an assignment and receiving no reply. Four other LAFD engines waited 20 minutes without an assignment.

    In the early afternoon, the staging area — where engines were checking in — was overrun by fire.

    The report made 42 recommendations, ranging from establishing better communication channels to more training. In a television interview this month, Moore said the LAFD has adopted about three-quarters of them.

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    Alene Tchekmedyian, Paul Pringle

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  • ‘Do Not Rehire’: Panel finds Villanueva violated county discrimination, harassment policies

    ‘Do Not Rehire’: Panel finds Villanueva violated county discrimination, harassment policies

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    An oversight panel has recommended that former Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva be deemed ineligible for rehire after officials found he discriminated against Inspector General Max Huntsman, according to records obtained by The Times.

    In the initial complaint filed in March 2022, Huntsman accused Villanueva of “dog whistling to the extremists he caters to” when he repeatedly referred to the inspector general by his foreign-sounding birth name, Max-Gustaf. In an interview with The Times editorial board a few weeks later, Villanueva — without any evidence — accused Huntsman of being a Holocaust denier.

    “You do realize that Max Huntsman, one, he’s a Holocaust denier,” Villanueva told the board. “I don’t know if you’re aware of that. I have it from two separate sources.”

    At the time, Villanueva refused to identify the sources. On Wednesday, he did not immediately respond to The Times’ request for comment.

    Records show that after the department investigated the allegations, a County Equity Oversight Panel met in 2023 and found that Villanueva had violated several policies against discrimination and harassment. By that point, Villanueva was no longer sheriff, and the panel recommended that he “should receive a ‘Do Not Rehire’ notation” in his personnel file. Villanueva is currently running for county supervisor, and it’s not clear how the finding could affect his campaign.

    On Wednesday, the Sheriff’s Department confirmed to The Times that it upheld the panel’s recommendation. Meanwhile, Huntsman said he was “happy” with the finding.

    “I’m glad that Villanueva is no longer the sheriff and, now that he is gone, the facts have been treated in a more fair and objective way,” he told The Times. “But it doesn’t undo the damage that is done when an agency is allowed to operate above the law.”

    Throughout his time in office, Villanueva repeatedly sparred with Huntsman, who was one of the department’s top critics as well as the chief watchdog tasked with its oversight.

    Villanueva leveled personal attacks against Huntsman and eventually banned him from the department’s facilities and databases, saying he was “a suspect” in two criminal cases.

    Huntsman issued subpoenas aimed at forcing the sheriff’s cooperation and at one point launched an investigation into whether Villanueva lied about a violent incident involving an inmate.

    Amid that tension, on March 9, 2022, Huntsman filed a complaint — which he told The Times this week he was required to do under county policy — accusing Villanueva of sending an email “throughout the Sheriff’s Department that was a racially biased attack.” In the email, Villanueva allegedly referred to Huntsman by his full name. Around the same time, during an interview on KFI-AM radio , the sheriff raised the issue again, adding, “He’s dropped the Gustaf for some reason, and there might be a story behind that.”

    When Villanueva found out about Huntsman’s complaint, he in turn told The Times editorial board about it, adding in the new claim about Huntsman’s supposed denial of the Holocaust.

    The editorial board functions independently of The Times newsroom, and the interview — during Villanueva’s reelection campaign — came as part of the board’s usual endorsement process in the 2022 election cycle.

    At the time, Huntsman wrote a letter to the Board of Supervisors, alerting them to the sheriff’s allegations and offering a response. He wrote that Villanueva was “dog whistling to his more extreme supporters that I am German and/or Jewish and hence un-American.”

    Huntsman explained his family’s history, saying his German grandfather had been conscripted into the Nazi army, but was not allowed to carry a rifle because he had previously employed Jews. Growing up during the Holocaust, he said, his father had developed a deep distrust of authority. Huntsman’s father left Europe for North America after the war ended but abandoned the family shortly after his son was born. “He gave me the name Max-Gustaf and so I do not use it,” Huntsman wrote. “I would never deny that the Holocaust happened.”

    During his internal affairs interview about his complaint, records show, Huntsman added that his father was a “piece of work — as a result of the Holocaust.” He said that the “way the Nazis functioned” did great damage to his family.

    “I don’t claim that’s as bad as the Holocaust, but it had a direct impact on me,” he said, according to a transcript of the summer 2022 interview. “So the idea that I would deny the Holocaust is crazy. I have no love for Nazi Germany; quite the opposite.”

    When Villanueva began using the inspector general’s birth name, Huntsman said he believed it was an effort to say: “This guy’s a foreigner; he’s either German or Jewish or both.”

    During his internal affairs interview — conducted by an independent investigator hired by the county — Huntsman also detailed the genesis of his tensions with the former sheriff, which he said dated back to at least 2019 when the Office of Inspector General began investigating Villanueva’s controversial decision to rehire a deputy who’d been fired for domestic violence and dishonesty.

    When Huntsman’s office prepared to issue a report on the matter, he said, he gave a draft to the Sheriff’s Department.

    “When I did that he shut off our computer access and I was asked by people in the county to try to convince him to change his mind,” Huntsman said, according to the internal affairs transcript. “In that context he said to me, ‘If you issue this report, there’ll be consequences.’”

    Not long after that, Huntsman said, Villanueva announced that the inspector general was the target of a criminal investigation, and sent a letter to the Board of Supervisors asking them to relieve Huntsman of duty.

    Huntsman stayed on the job, but his tensions with Villanueva continued.

    Though heavily redacted Internal Affairs Bureau records show Huntsman was interviewed by an investigator in summer 2022, it wasn’t until October 2023 that the county oversight met to discuss the case and issue its recommendation.

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    Keri Blakinger

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  • Villanueva denies existence of deputy gangs as L.A. County officials seek accountability

    Villanueva denies existence of deputy gangs as L.A. County officials seek accountability

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    During four hours of combative testimony in front of the Civilian Oversight Commission on Friday morning, former Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva attempted to minimize the problem of deputy gangs, refusing to acknowledge their existence and alleging the problem of tattooed subgroups is “actually disappearing” from the department.

    “You’re still trying to pretend that deputy gangs exist and that they operate in the countryside pillaging and plundering,” he told special counsel Bert Deixler. Minutes before, Villanueva testified that if the department got rid of all deputies with controversial tattoos the county would have to fire so many people that it would create a “gargantuan public safety crisis.”

    The former sheriff, currently running for county supervisor, told the commission he never did a systematic investigation into deputy gangs. He said he did not ask employees about the nature of their tattoos, and did not question his top leadership about their involvement in the groups, even though his former chief of staff publicly admitted to once being a member of the Grim Reapers, linked to the now-closed Lennox station.

    For years, Villanueva defied subpoenas to testify under oath. It was only after a county judge scheduled a hearing to decide whether to order him to comply that he reversed course. Though there were no major surprises in Friday’s testimony, commission chair Sean Kennedy said the hearing served an important purpose: showing that even the county’s former top cop can face tough questions.

    “It is essential that an elected sheriff be held accountable when he flouts oversight subpoenas,” Kennedy told The Times on Saturday. Demonstrating that, he said, also “puts the pressure” on the current sheriff to continue moving forward with his plans to rid the department of deputy gangs.

    Sheriff Robert Luna, who took office in 2022, vowed last year to “eradicate all deputy gangs” from the department. But the problem has vexed oversight officials and county leaders for years, and there’s no clear path to eliminating them.

    For five decades, the Sheriff’s Department has been plagued by rogue groups of deputies accused of running roughshod over certain stations and promoting a culture of violence. The groups are commonly known by names such as the Executioners, the Banditos, the Regulators and the Little Devils, and members typically have matching, sequentially numbered tattoos featuring macabre imagery.

    Last year, Inspector General Max Huntsman ordered nearly three dozen deputies to submit to questioning about deputy gangs and show investigators their tattoos in the hope of compiling a list of potential gang members. But the unions filed suit and a judge temporarily blocked the county watchdog’s inquiries.

    At the same time, the sheriff has been working to put in place a stronger policy banning participation in deputy gangs, though the latest proposal is still being hammered out with the unions. Though Villanueva implemented an anti-gang policy in 2020, critics said it didn’t go far enough.

    The oversight commission, meanwhile, has been trying to investigate deputy gangs for years, despite ongoing problems with reluctant witnesses. The former undersheriff, Tim Murakami, has yet to comply with the commission’s subpoena efforts — but Deixler still raised questions about his affiliations during Friday’s hearing.

    Minutes after the testimony began, Deixler played a 2022 clip of Villanueva likening deputy gangs to unicorns.

    “Everybody knows what a unicorn looks like, but I challenge you, name one,” he said during a televised pre-election debate. “Name a single deputy gang member.”

    Then Deixler put a photo of a unicorn on the screen and asked: “That’s a unicorn, isn’t it, sir?”

    Seconds later, he displayed a picture of the former undersheriff and, referencing the name of an alleged deputy gang linked to the East Los Angeles station, said: “And that’s a Caveman, isn’t it, sir?”

    Villanueva bristled, stiffly telling Deixler, “That’s a former undersheriff.”

    At one point, Deixler asked Villanueva whether he’d been a Caveman himself, which the former sheriff denied.

    Despite the academic setting at Loyola Law School, the special hearing on deputy gangs — the commission’s ninth in the past two years — was marked by spectacle and bluster. Audience members interrupted often with cheers, jeers and obscenities, while the former sheriff repeatedly insulted the commission, the inspector general, the media and the special counsel’s lines of inquiry, which he called “dumb” and “appalling.”

    Deixler forcefully questioned Villanueva — at times shouting questions — about some of the most publicized deputy groups, as well as a newly revealed one first made public last week in The Times. That group, the Industry Indians, came to light when the department began investigating an off-duty fight in the parking lot of a Montclair bowling alley and discovered that some of the deputies involved allegedly had Industry Indians tattoos.

    Once Villanueva admitted knowing about the incident, Deixler questioned whether he’d been aware of it in late 2022 when he compared deputy gangs to unicorns. The former sheriff said he only learned of the investigation as he was leaving office, and that it was an example of “misconduct” at a social event, not evidence of gang behavior.

    Villanueva said he did not ask people what “ink they have on their bodies,” and that during his time in office he “never examined anyone’s tattoo.” Even after then-Chief April Tardy — who is now the undersheriff — testified to the commission that the Banditos met the legal definition of a law enforcement gang, Villanueva said he did not launch an investigation.

    “We elected not to touch this matter only because it became a hot political potato that you guys were eager to jump on,” he said, adding that he thought Tardy’s testimony was false.

    Instead, he said, he spent his time in office focused on rooting out misconduct, which he argued was more important than investigating tattoos or subgroups.

    “It’s no secret there are subgroups within the Sheriff’s Department,” he said. “They exist everywhere, and they will always exist.”

    Calling them gangs, he said, is “missing the key element — that is misconduct.”

    For some of the community members who turned out to watch the hearing, the takeaways seemed predictable.

    “He’s still denying deputy gangs exist, and he’s still denying that gang tattoos are a problem in the department,” said Stephanie Luna, whose nephew was killed by deputies in 2018. “He said the same things he’s been saying for years, but all in one shot.”

    But Friday’s hearing may not be the only opportunity to question Villanueva. When the testimony ended, Deixler still had questions left to ask — and the commission signaled interest in calling the former sheriff back in March.

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    Keri Blakinger

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  • After years-long fight, ex-sheriff agrees to comply with subpoenas, testify on deputy gangs

    After years-long fight, ex-sheriff agrees to comply with subpoenas, testify on deputy gangs

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    After years of resisting subpoenas to testify under oath about deputy gangs, former Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva has reversed course and agreed to appear in front of the Civilian Oversight Commission.

    His lawyer notified the commission of the decision in a December letter stating that Villanueva “is very willing to testify” in January and that he will “answer any question you have under oath.”

    The change of heart comes days after a county judge scheduled a hearing to decide whether to order the former sheriff, who is running for county supervisor against incumbent Janice Hahn, to comply with the commission’s subpoenas.

    Villanueva did not immediately respond to a request for comment. But his attorney, Linda Savitt, confirmed in an email to The Times last week that her client plans to follow through and appear in front of the commission next month.

    “He is going to testify under oath,” she wrote. “He’s a private citizen now.”

    Despite Savitt’s assurances, Sean Kennedy — who chairs the oversight commission — expressed some skepticism, pointing out that the former sheriff “said he was going to appear once before and then announced on Twitter that he wasn’t going to.”

    Earlier this year, the commission’s special counsel issued a 70-page report condemning the “cancer” of violent deputy gangs and urging Sheriff Robert Luna to create a stronger policy banning the secretive groups.

    The report’s findings and recommendations relied heavily on testimony from a series of seven public hearings, many of which involved witnesses testifying under oath. Despite being subpoenaed, Villanueva and former Undersheriff Tim Murakami both refused to testify at the hearings.

    The legal wrangling began in 2020, after the Board of Supervisors granted the commission subpoena power, which voters then affirmed by approving Measure R. A few months later, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law granting subpoena power to oversight bodies statewide.

    That same year, the commission issued a subpoena directing the sheriff to testify about his response to COVID-19 inside the jails. Villanueva questioned the legality of the subpoena, which he called a “public shaming endeavor.” The dispute ended up in court, but Villanueva avoided a contempt hearing by agreeing to answer the commission’s questions voluntarily.

    Afterward, oversight officials issued more subpoenas, and Villanueva resisted them, resulting in multiple court cases.

    In one of those cases, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Elaine Lu scheduled a contempt hearing for late last year, but called it off after Villanueva’s lawyers asked a higher court to step in.

    The former sheriff’s legal counsel argued that the 2020 legislation Newsom signed described a two-step process and that the judge first needed to issue an order directing Villanueva to comply with the subpoena. Only if he ignored that could he be found in contempt, his lawyer said.

    In September, an appeals court agreed. This month, lawyers for the county embarked on the two-step process by asking for a hearing so a judge could decide whether to order Villanueva and Murakami to comply with the subpoenas.

    Less than two weeks later, Villanueva’s lawyer sent the oversight commission’s Kennedy a letter about the former sheriff’s willingness to testify in January. Unlike Villanueva, Murakami has not given any indication of a newfound willingness to speak to the commission, Kennedy told The Times.

    Previously, the former undersheriff has cited a medical condition as his reason for refusing to testify. His attorney did not respond to The Times’ request for comment.

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    Keri Blakinger

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