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Tag: United States House of Representatives

  • House passes sprawling GOP energy bill aimed at reversing Biden climate policies

    House passes sprawling GOP energy bill aimed at reversing Biden climate policies

    Washington — The House on Thursday approved a sprawling energy package that seeks to undo virtually all of President Biden’s agenda to address climate change, with four Democrats joining Republicans in voting for passage.

    The massive GOP bill up would sharply increase domestic production of oil, natural gas and coal, and ease permitting restrictions that delay pipelines, refineries and other projects. It also would boost production of critical minerals such as lithium, nickel and cobalt that are used in products such as electric vehicles, computers and cellphones.

    The vote to pass the bill, dubbed the “Lower Energy Costs Act,” was 225 to 204. One Republican voted against the measure.

    Republicans gave the bill the symbolic label H.R. 1 — the top legislative priority of the new GOP majority, which took control of the House in January. The measure, which combines dozens of separate proposals, represents more than two years of work by Republicans who have chafed at Mr. Biden’s environmental agenda. They said Mr. Biden’s efforts have thwarted U.S. energy production and increased costs at the gas pump and grocery store.

    “Families are struggling because of President Biden’s war on American energy,” said House Majority Leader Steve Scalise of Louisiana, one of the bill’s main authors. “We have way too many energy resources here in America to be relying on hostile nations and paying [high prices] at the pump.”

    The GOP bill will “unleash those resources so we can produce energy in America,” Scalise said. “We don’t have to be addicted to foreign countries that don’t like us.”

    Democrats called the bill a giveaway to big oil companies.

    “Republicans refuse to hold polluters accountable for the damage they cause to our air, our water, our communities and our climate,” said New Jersey Rep. Frank Pallone, the top Democrat on the House Energy and Commerce Committee.

    “While Democrats delivered historic wins for the American people by passing historic climate legislation, Republicans are actively working to undermine that progress and do the bidding of their polluter friends,” Pallone said.

    Mr. Biden has threatened to veto the energy bill if it reaches his desk, and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York called it “dead on arrival” in the Democratic-controlled Senate.

    House Speaker Kevin McCarthy said the GOP bill “restores American energy leadership by repealing unnecessary taxes and overregulation on American energy producers,” and “makes it easier to build things in America” by placing a two-year time limit on environmental reviews that now take an average of seven years.

    “Every time we need a pipeline, a road or a dam, it gets held up five to seven years and adds millions of dollars in costs for the project to comply with Washington’s permitting process,” McCarthy said in speech on the House floor. “It’s too long, it’s unaffordable, it’s not based on science and it’s holding us back.”

    Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy leaves a House Republican meeting at the Capitol on March 28, 2023, in Washington, D.C.
    Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy leaves a House Republican meeting at the Capitol on March 28, 2023, in Washington, D.C.

    Kevin Dietsch / Getty Images


    He pointed to a project to modify and improve Lake Isabella Dam in his central California district that has lasted 18 years and still is not completed.

    “Permitting reform isn’t for everyone,” McCarthy added. “If you like paying more at the pump, you don’t want to make it faster for American workers to build more pipelines. If you’re China, you’d rather America sit back and let others lead. And if you’re a bureaucrat, maybe you really do enjoy reading the 600-page environmental impact studies.”

    Most Americans want lower prices and more U.S. energy production, McCarthy said — results he said the bill will deliver.

    Democrats called that misleading and said the GOP plan was a thinly disguised effort to reward oil companies and other energy producers that have contributed millions of dollars to GOP campaigns.

    Arizona Rep. Raul Grijalva, the top Democrat on the House Natural Resources Committee, derided the bill as the “Polluters Over People Act” and “a nearly 200-page love letter to polluting industries.”

    Instead of reining in “Big Oil” companies that have reported record profits while “hoarding thousands of unused leases” on public lands and waters, the GOP bill lowers royalty rates paid by energy producers and reinstates noncompetitive leasing of public lands, Grijalva said.

    The bill also gives mining companies “a veritable free-for-all on our public lands” and “makes mockery of tribal consultation” required under federal law, he said.

    Under the GOP plan, mining companies would “destroy sacred and special places” throughout the West, “ruin the landscape and leave behind a toxic mess that pollutes our water and hurts our health — all without paying a cent to the American people,” Grijalva said.

    Schumer called the measure “a giveaway to Big Oil pretending to be an energy package.”

    The House energy package “would gut important environmental safeguards on fossil fuel projects,” locking America “into expensive, erratic and dirty energy sources while setting us back more than a decade on our transition to clean energy,” Schumer said.

    Schumer said he supports streamlining the nation’s cumbersome permitting process for energy projects, especially those that will deliver “clean energy” such as wind, solar and geothermal power. “But the Republican plan falls woefully short on this front as well,” he said, calling on Republicans to back reforms that would help ease the transition to renewable energy and accelerate construction of transmission lines to bolster the nation’s aging power grid.

    Schumer and other Democrats said the Republican bill would repeal a new $27 billion Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund and other parts of the climate and health care law passed by Democrats last year. The bill also would eliminate a new tax on methane pollution.

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  • House passes GOP bill that would give parents more influence over schools

    House passes GOP bill that would give parents more influence over schools

    Washington — House Republicans on Friday narrowly passed legislation aimed at fulfilling a campaign promise to give parents more of a role in what’s taught in public schools. It has little chance in the Democratic-run Senate and critics said it would propel a far-right movement that has led to book bans, restrictions aimed at transgender students and raucous school board meetings across the country.

    Speaker Kevin McCarthy, a California Republican who made the Parents’ Bill of Rights Act a priority during the early weeks of his tenure, said GOP lawmakers were “keeping our promise, our commitment to America, that parents will have a say in their kids’ education.” The bill passed 213-208, with five Republicans — mostly members of the House Freedom Caucus — voting against it.

    It would require schools to publish course studies and a list of books kept in libraries, as well as affirm parents’ ability to meet with educators, speak at school board meetings and examine school budgets.

    In the Senate, Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York promised that the legislation would face a “dead end.” He said it was further evidence that the House GOP had been overtaken by “hard right MAGA ideologues,” referencing former President Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” campaign slogan.

    The bill was an early test of unity for the 222 House Republicans and their thin majority. The measure showed how the adoption of an open amendment process in the House — a concession McCarthy made to win hard-line conservatives’ support for his speakership — holds the potential to send legislation down unpredictable twists and turns.

    Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy conducts a news conference in the Capitol after the House passed the Parents Bill of Rights on Friday, March 24, 2023.
    Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy conducts a news conference in the Capitol after the House passed the Parents Bill of Rights on Friday, March 24, 2023.

    Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images


    Rep. Lauren Boebert, a Republican from Colorado, successfully added amendments that would require schools to report when transgender girls join girls’ athletics teams and if trans girls are allowed to use girls’ school restrooms or locker rooms. The bill would also require elementary and middle schools to get parents’ consent to change a child’s gender designation, pronouns or name.

    Advocates for LGBTQ+ people said the proposal poses a threat to LGBTQ+ students by potentially forcing them to come out to their families, which can sometimes lead to abuse or abandonment.

    “It’s part of a pattern of attempts we’re seeing where the right wing of the Republican Party is really trying to marginalize LGBTQ people,” said David Stacy, the government affairs director for Human Rights Campaign.

    House Freedom Caucus members unsuccessfully tried to add provisions that called for abolishing Department of Education programs in schools and endorsed vouchers that would send public funds to private schools.

    GOP Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky pointed to the 100-plus Republicans who supported his amendment to terminate the department’s authority and said “it adds a lot of momentum.”

    In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protests, conservatives’ intense focus on parental control over public school classrooms has migrated from local school board fights to Republican-held statehouses and now to the floor of the U.S. House.

    “Parents want schools focused on reading, writing and math, not woke politics,” Rep. Mary Miller, an Illinois Republican, said during earlier debate.

    Public school education in the U.S. has long invited concern among some parents — usually conservative — over what children are taught. Historically, the term “parents’ rights” has been used in schoolhouse debates over homeschooling, sex education and even the teaching of languages other than English.

    Recently, Republicans have tapped into frustrations over remote learning and mask mandates in schools, as well as social conservatives’ opposition to certain teachings on race that are broadly labeled as critical race theory, a way of thinking about America’s history through the lens of racism.

    Republican Glenn Youngkin was elected as Virginia’s governor in 2021 on the slogan “Parents matter,” and political action committees have poured millions of dollars into school board races nationwide.

    McCarthy made the bill a big part of his 2022 election pitch to voters to give Republicans a House majority. But the GOP’s expectation of a sweeping victory never materialized, and even in school board races, conservative groups’ goal of electing hundreds of “parents’ rights” activists largely fell short.

    But McCarthy pressed ahead with the bill, making a public appeal earlier this month at an event that featured a chalkboard, schoolchildren and parents who have been on the frontlines of the cause.

    When asked about the five Republican votes against the bill, McCarthy contended that “Democrats are too extreme to believe that parents should have a say” in their children’s education.

    Democrats said they want to foster parental involvement, but said the bill caters to a vocal minority set on controlling and politicizing classrooms. They derided it as the “Politics over Parents Act.”

    Attempted book bans and restrictions at school and public libraries surged in 2022 to their highest number since the American Library Association began keeping data 20 years ago, according to a new report the organization released this week.

    “We’ll fight against this legislation. We’ll fight against the banning of books, fight against the bullying of children from any community, and certainly from the LGBTQ+ community,” House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries said.

    Rep. Suzanne Bonamici, a Democrat from Oregon, offered alternative legislation that she argued would foster parental involvement, encourage collaboration with educators and make schools welcoming places to families, including those with LGBTQ+ students.

    “We want parents to be involved — peacefully,” she said.

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  • Key lawmakers say upcoming hearings on bank failures aim to boost U.S. confidence in banking sector

    Key lawmakers say upcoming hearings on bank failures aim to boost U.S. confidence in banking sector

    WASHINGTON — A bipartisan group of lawmakers overseeing the recent turmoil in the banking sector said Wednesday that they aim to increase Americans’ confidence in the banking industry after Silicon Valley Bank and Signature Bank collapsed over the last two weeks.

    The two House and Senate committees that oversee banking have announced back-to-back hearings next week to examine regulatory lapses that missed signs the banks were in trouble. Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. Chairman Martin Gruenberg, Federal Reserve Vice Chair for Supervision Michael Barr and Treasury Undersecretary for Domestic Finance Nellie Liang are scheduled to testify at both hearings.

    The high-profile hearings come as lawmakers try to understand what caused the two institutions to fold, and as many Democrats float legislation to bolster safeguards for the financial system. Regulators and lawmakers are also trying to contain further damage to the economy and reinforce confidence in the banking system.

    “My hope is that this first hearing, we can actually get a lot of the information out and establish [the facts],” Rep. Patrick McHenry, a North Carolina Republican and chairman of House Financial Services Committee, said during a summit of the American Bankers Association. “I think this will bring a great deal of certainty and confidence to the market.”

    Last week, the Fed appointed Barr to lead a review of the SVB failure. McHenry said he welcomed the probe and “the other views of financial regulators, as well.”

    The Republican said Congress has a “very important role to play” in reviewing how the banks failed. But he stopped short of calling for legislation to prevent future collapses.

    McHenry said he wanted to ensure the push for legislation matches “the realities of the situation.”

    Sen. Tim Scott, a South Carolina Republican and ranking member of the Senate Banking Committee, also said writing new laws should take a back seat at the hearings to investigating what happened.

    “Unfortunately, in Washington, that’s often what occurs, that those on the committee on the left will talk about Dodd-Frank and the reforms that were done in 2018,” he told the bankers’ group. He was referring to calls in Congress to unwind some of the provisions in the 2018 law that weakened regulatory powers in the landmark 2010 Dodd-Frank law.

    “Nothing could be a clearer red herring than that,” he added.

    Former SVB CEO Greg Becker lobbied lawmakers for certain exclusions from Dodd-Frank. But Scott said regulators already had the authority they needed to safeguard the banking system and failed to do so.

    He also said bank executives had a responsibility to adjust their strategies as the Fed embarked on an aggressive interest rate hiking cycle to stem inflation.

    McHenry also questioned the value of adding new regulatory authority or laws to govern the financial sector.

    “It’s important to note that we can’t regulate competence,” McHenry said. “Management of institutions need to be competent, boards of directors need to be competent. We can’t legislate that either in the financial sector or among financial institutions management, nor with the regulators.”

    Sen. Sherrod Brown, an Ohio Democrat and chairman of Senate Banking Committee, compared the SVB collapse to the devastating train crash in East Palestine, Ohio. He said the disaster in his state and the bank failures stemmed in part from companies pushing for fewer regulations and putting less effort into their own safeguards.

    “They have one thing in common: corporate lobbyists pushed for weaker rules, less oversight,” he told the ABA in opening remarks. “Companies cut costs, failed to invest in safety – or perhaps in the case of SVB, were too incompetent to realize they too should care about safety.”

    Brown, who said the congressional hearings can remain “mostly” bipartisan, warned banking lobbyists against using the crisis as a chance to lobby Congress for weaker oversight. He said “we continue to pay the price” when policymakers allow weaker regulations.

    Rep. Maxine Waters, ranking member of the House Financial Services Committee, told the ABA that Congress will have to “take a deep dive” into what took place at Silicon Valley Bank. The California Democrat, who has called for legislation to strengthen congressional authority over clawbacks for bank executives, said she is taking a close look at the high rate of uninsured deposits at SVB.

    At the time of its failure, 94% of the bank’s deposits sat above the FDIC’s $250,000 insurance limit.

    “And of course, I’m looking to see whether or not all of the oversight agencies … really did miss the opportunity to see what was happening and to know what was going on with the balance sheet and to be able to correct things before they got to the point of collapse,” Waters said.

    She added that the financial regulators’ quick decision to close SVB and secure customers’ deposits demonstrated the Biden administration’s competence.

    “The way that the FDIC, the Treasury, president, they way that they handled this should be a message to everybody that your government is at work and can solve problems — serious problems — if they are working together,” she said.

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  • Pat Schroeder, pioneer for women’s and family rights during long career in U.S. Congress, dies at 82

    Pat Schroeder, pioneer for women’s and family rights during long career in U.S. Congress, dies at 82

    Former Rep. Pat Schroeder, pioneer for women’s rights, dies


    Former Rep. Pat Schroeder, pioneer for women’s rights, dies

    00:36

    Washington – Former U.S. Rep. Pat Schroeder, a pioneer for women’s and family rights in Congress, died Monday night. She was 82. Schroeder’s former press secretary, Andrea Camp, said Schroeder suffered a stroke recently and died at a hospital in Celebration, Florida, the city where she had been residing in recent years.

    Schroeder took on the powerful elite with her rapier wit and antics for 24 years, shaking up stodgy government institutions by forcing them to acknowledge that women had a role in government.

    Her unorthodox methods cost her important committee posts, but Schroeder said she wasn’t willing to join what she called “the good old boys’ club” just to score political points. Unafraid of embarrassing her congressional colleagues in public, she became an icon for the feminist movement.

    Obit Schroeder
    U.S. Rep. Pat Schroeder, D-Colo., sits on the porch outside her Capitol Hill headquarters in Denver, July 18, 1994.

    Joe Mahoney/AP


    Schroeder was elected to Congress in Colorado in 1972 and became one of its most influential Democrats as she won easy reelection 11 times from her safe district in Denver. Despite her seniority, she was never appointed to head a committee.

    Colorado Governor Jared Polis said in a statement that he was “deeply saddened by the passing of my friend and mentor,” and he lauded Schroeder for “her wit, her passion, her love for country,” which he said would be “missed not only by those who knew her, but by our whole state and the entire nation.”

    Schroeder helped forge several Democratic majorities before deciding in 1997 it was time to leave. Her parting shot in 1998 was a book titled “24 Years of Housework … and the Place is Still a Mess. My Life in Politics,″ which chronicled her frustration with male domination and the slow pace of change in federal institutions.

    In 1987, Schroeder tested the waters for the presidency, mounting a fundraising drive after fellow Coloradan Gary Hart pulled out of the race. She announced three months later that she would not run and said her “tears signify compassion, not weakness.” Her heart was not in it, she said, and she thought fundraising was demeaning.

    She was the first woman on the House Armed Services Committee but was forced to share a chair with U.S. Rep. Ron Dellums, D-Calif., the first African American, when committee chairman F. Edward Hebert, D-La., organized the panel. Schroeder said Hebert thought the committee was no place for a woman or an African American and they were each worth only half a seat.

    Republicans were livid after Schroeder and others filed an ethics complaint over House Speaker Newt Gingrich’s televised college lecture series, charging that free cable time he received amounted to an illegal gift under House rules. Gingrich became the first speaker reprimanded by Congress. Gingrich said later he regretted not taking Schroeder and her colleagues more seriously.

    Earlier, she had blasted Gingrich for suggesting women shouldn’t serve in combat because they could get infections from being in a ditch for 30 days. According to her official House biography, she once told Pentagon officials that if they were women, they would always be pregnant because they never said “no.″

    Asked by one congressman how she could be a mother of two small children and a member of Congress at the same time, she replied, “I have a brain and a uterus, and I use both.″

    It was Schroeder who branded President Ronald Reagan the “Teflon” president for his ability to avoid blame for major policy decisions, and the name stuck.

    One of Schroeder’s biggest victories was the signing of a family-leave bill in 1993, providing job protection for care of a newborn, a sick child or a parent.

    “Pat Schroeder blazed the trail. Every woman in this house is walking in her footsteps,” said Rep. Nita Lowey, D-N.Y., who took over from Schroeder as Democratic chair of the bipartisan congressional caucus on women’s issues.

    Schroeder said legislators spent too much attention on contributors and special interests. When House Republicans gathered on the U.S. Capitol steps to celebrate their first 100 days in power in 1994, she and several aides clambered to the building’s dome and hung a 15-foot red banner reading, “Sold.”

    A pilot, Schroeder earned her way through Harvard Law School with her own flying service. Schroeder became a professor at Princeton University after leaving Congress, but said politics was in her blood and she would continue working for candidates she supported.

    For a while, she taught a graduate-level course titled “The Politics of Poverty.” She also headed the Association of American Publishers.

    Schroeder continued working in politics after moving to Florida, going door to door, speaking to groups and mentoring candidates. She was politically active for issues and candidates across the country and campaigned for Hillary Clinton in 2016. Among other activities she served on the board of the Marguerite Casey Foundation.

    Schroeder was born in Portland, Oregon, on July 30, 1940. She was a pilot who paid for college tuition with her own flying service. She graduated from the University of Minnesota before earning her law degree in 1964. From 1964 to 1966, she was a field attorney for the National Labor Relations Board.

    She is survived by her husband, James W. Schroeder, whom she married in 1962. Also surviving are their two children, Scott and Jamie, and her brother, Mike Scott, as well as four grandchildren.

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  • House votes to declassify info about origins of COVID-19

    House votes to declassify info about origins of COVID-19

    WASHINGTON (AP) — The House voted unanimously Friday to declassify U.S. intelligence information about the origins of COVID-19, a sweeping show of bipartisan support near the third anniversary of the start of the deadly pandemic.

    The 419-0 vote was final congressional approval of the bill, sending it to President Joe Biden’s desk. It’s unclear whether the president will sign the measure into law, and the White House said the matter was under review.

    “I haven’t made that decision yet,” Biden said late Friday when asked whether he would sign the bill.

    Debate in the House was brief and to the point: Americans have questions about how the deadly virus started and what can be done to prevent future outbreaks.

    “The American public deserves answers to every aspect of the COVID-19 pandemic,” said Rep. Michael Turner, R-Ohio, the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee.

    That includes, he said, “how this virus was created and, specifically, whether it was a natural occurrence or was the result of a lab-related event.”

    The order to declassify focused on intelligence related to China’s Wuhan Institute of Virology, citing “potential links” between the research that was done there and the outbreak of COVID-19, which the World Health Organization declared a pandemic on March 11, 2020.

    U.S. intelligence agencies are divided over whether a lab leak or a spillover from animals is the likely source of the deadly virus.

    Experts say the true origin of the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed more than 1 million Americans, may not be known for many years — if ever.

    “Transparency is a cornerstone of our democracy,” said Rep. Jim Himes, of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee, during the debate.

    Led by Republicans, the focus on the virus origins comes as the House launched a select committee with a hearing earlier in the week delving into theories about how the pandemic started.

    It offers a rare moment of bipartisanship despite the often heated rhetoric about the origins of the coronavirus and the questions about the response to the virus by U.S. health officials, including former top health adviser Anthony Fauci.

    The legislation from Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., was already approved by the Senate.

    Hawley urged Biden to sign the bill into law. “The American people deserve to know the truth,” he said in a statement.

    If signed into law, the measure would require within 90 days the declassification of “any and all information relating to potential links between the Wuhan Institute of Virology and the origin of the Coronavirus Disease.”

    That includes information about research and other activities at the lab and whether any researchers grew ill.

    __

    Associated Press writer Seung Min Kim contributed to this report.

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  • “Boy Meets World” star Ben Savage is running to take Adam Schiff’s House seat

    “Boy Meets World” star Ben Savage is running to take Adam Schiff’s House seat

    Ben Savage, the actor who rose to fame as Corey Matthews on the hit ’90s ABC sitcom “Boy Meets World,” is running for Congress. 

    The actor announced his run on Instagram this week, saying, “Together, we can do better.” 

    “I am a proud Californian, union member and longtime resident of District 30 who comes from a family of unwavering service to our country and community,” Savage said in his announcement. “I firmly believe in standing up for what is right, ensuring equality and expanding opportunities for all.” 

    Savage is vying for the California seat currently held by Rep. Adam Schiff, who in January announced he is putting in his own bid for Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s Senate seat in 2024. Feinstein announced in February that she will not seek reelection in 2024. 

    Savage is running as a Democrat, according to his filing with the Federal Election Commission.   

    “It’s time for new and passionate leaders who can help move our country forward,” Savage said in his announcement. “Leaders who want to see the government operating at maximum capacity, unhindered by political divisions and special interests.” 

    Savage starred in “Boy Meets World” from 1993-2000. He reprised the role in 2015 for the spinoff “Girl Meets World,” which ran for three seasons. He also starred as kidnapper Nathaniel Kibby in the 2022 Lifetime true crime movie “Girl in the Shed: The Kidnapping of Abby Hernandez.”

    The announcement seems to have garnered support from both fans and co-stars of the ABC series, with one person commenting, “Boy meets congress!” 

    Fellow “Boy Meets World” actor Matthew Lawrence, who played Jack Hunter, said, “Let’s go!!!” 

    Savage wrote on his campaign website that his priorities will include improving police-citizen interactions through more intensive training and “checks and balances to root out corruption.” He also wrote that he will fight for more affordable housing and veteran resources, protect unions, push for universal pre-k, school meals and community college, and work to secure more funding for mental health and substance abuse services. He also said it’s “important that we codify Roe v. Wade” and said that he will “oppose offshore drilling” initiatives while supporting environmental regulations. 

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  • House select committee hearing paints China as a strategic antagonist

    House select committee hearing paints China as a strategic antagonist

    The House select committee on China came out with guns blazing in its first hearing on Tuesday, arguing that the Chinese Communist Party should not be trusted or treated with kid gloves as it seeks to undermine the U.S. 

    “We may call this a ‘strategic competition,’ but it’s not a polite tennis match,” Wisconsin Rep. Mike Gallagher, the committee’s Republican chairman, said in a hearing that stuck to a bipartisan tone the leaders had promised. “This is an existential struggle over what life will look like in the 21st century — and the most fundamental freedoms are at stake.” 

    Former President Donald Trump’s national security adviser H.R. McMaster testified that China poses a greater threat to freedom than the Soviet Union ever did because it is more intertwined in the global economy. 

    “Just the scale of what they’re doing from an economic perspective and from an espionage perspective, I think is unprecedented,” McMaster said. “We never gave the Soviet Union the kind of access that we gave to Chinese Communist Party operatives, members of the party, again, based on … this fundamentally flawed assumption that China, having been welcomed into the international order, would play by the rules and as China prospered it would liberalize its economy, and liberalize its form of governance.” 

    The hearing took place against the backdrop of an already tense relationship between the two countries, after the U.S. shot down a Chinese spy balloon, has warned China against sending weapons to Russia and amid rising tensions over Taiwan’s self-governance. 

    Those who thought that trade and investment in China would encourage democracy in the region miscalculated, said Illinois Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, the panel’s top Democrat. 

    “Instead, the opposite happened as China’s economy has grown more than tenfold since gaining access to U.S. and world markets,” Krishnamoorthi said. “The CCP has, among other things, strengthened its authoritarian control at home, including engaging in a genocide of the Uyghur people. The CCP has funded a massive military buildup threatening its neighbors, including Taiwan, and it has pursued economic and trade policies that flat out undermine our economy.” 

    McMaster said many leaders “were slow to overcome wishful thinking and self-delusion concerning the intentions of the CCP.” 

    “And that’s because China’s Communist leaders are masters at disguising their true intentions,” Trump’s former deputy national security adviser and China expert Matthew Pottinger told the committee. “You could say that the Chinese Communist Party is the Harry Houdini of Marxist Leninist regimes, the David Copperfield of communism, the Criss Angel of autocracy, but the magic is fading. There’s really no excuse anymore for being fooled about Beijing’s intentions.” 

    McMaster used two protesters who interrupted his remarks to make the point that there’s a flawed idea that “only if America disengages or becomes more passive” in its rivalry with China that “things will get better.” China’s aspirations go “far beyond those that are in reaction” to the U.S., he said. 

    Lawmakers also asked about TikTok, which has been under heavy scrutiny for potential national security risks. Pottinger said concerns that the user data could be provided to the CCP, given that it’s owned by a Chinese parent company, ByteDance, are valid. 

    “I simply don’t think that it’s possible to mitigate in a credible way against that threat,” Pottinger said. “But the bigger coup for the Chinese Communist Party — if TikTok is permitted to continue operating in the United States, and if WeChat and other Chinese platforms are allowed to continue to operate — is that it gives the Chinese Communist Party the ability to manipulate our social discourse, the news to censor and suppress or to amplify what tens of millions of Americans see and read and experience and hear through their social media app.” 

    China’s spy balloon took a back seat to other issues, with the first question about the incursion coming nearly two hours into the hearing. McMaster said he thinks China was sending the message that it intends “to continue a broad range of surveillance activities.” 

    In an interview on Tuesday, Tim Bergreen, former staff director of the House Intelligence Committee and chief of staff to California Rep. Adam Schiff, said some of the comments made during the hearing were “red hot.” 

    “This committee can wake people up,” Bergreen said. “[China is] playing a smarter game than we are right now in a lot of ways.” 

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  • House select committee on China set to hold first high-profile hearing on Tuesday

    House select committee on China set to hold first high-profile hearing on Tuesday

    Washington — The House select committee tasked with examining the “strategic competition” between the U.S. and China is set to hold its first hearing on Tuesday night, with tensions running high in wake of the spy balloon incident and U.S. warnings to China against sending lethal weapons to Russia. 

    The 7 p.m. hearing will feature four witnesses, including former President Donald Trump’s national security adviser H.R. McMaster and Trump’s former deputy national security adviser and China expert Matthew Pottinger. Tong Yi, who was the secretary to a prominent Chinese dissident and jailed in China for more than two years, and Scott Paul, president of the Alliance for American Manufacturing, are also set to testify. 

    Wisconsin Rep. Mike Gallagher, the committee’s Republican chairman, told “Face the Nation” on Sunday that the panel plans to highlight the threats the Chinese Communist Party poses to U.S. interests. 

    “I think the Chinese spy balloon incident illustrates perfectly that this isn’t just an over-there problem,” the Republican said. “This isn’t just a matter of some obscure territorial claim in the East China Sea. This is a right-here-at-home problem.”

    The surveillance balloon that was shot down off the coast of South Carolina earlier this month after transiting over the U.S. is the latest flashpoint in tensions between Washington and Beijing and led to Secretary of State Antony Blinken to postpone a trip to China

    After President Biden faced criticism from Republicans over his response to the balloon, administration officials revealed that China flew at least three spy balloons over the U.S. during the Trump administration. McMaster and Pottinger are likely to face questions about what, if anything, the Trump administration knew about those incursions.

    Tong, meanwhile, has personal experience with China’s reeducation camps and alleged human rights abuses, another area of interest for the committee. She was imprisoned for two and a half years for her work with Wei Jingsheng, a human rights activist and dissident involved in the pro-democracy movement. She has since lived in exile in the U.S.

    Gallagher said Sunday the committee also hopes to have “a productive conversation with companies that have substantial business interests in China.” It’s a topic Paul, who’s been vocal about increasing domestic manufacturing and reducing China’s role in the U.S. economy, is likely to focus on. 

    “We want to make sure that the power of the Chinese economy is not seducing certain companies into betraying American values,” Gallagher said. 

    Tuesday’s hearing will be an early test of whether the committee’s work can remain bipartisan. Gallagher and Illinois Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, the panel’s top Democrat, appeared together on “Face the Nation” on Sunday, touting how the committee planned to be in lockstep as it carries out its work. 

    “I want both sides in some way to look to the committee as the area for the most forward-leaning, innovative, and bipartisan policy and legislation on China,” Gallagher said. 

    Rebecca Kaplan contributed reporting. 

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  • Congressional Hispanic Caucus considering ousting leader over sudden staff exodus

    Congressional Hispanic Caucus considering ousting leader over sudden staff exodus

    US-POLITICS-ECONOMY-BUTTIGIEG
    FILE: Rep. Nanette Barragán (D-CA) speaks alongside Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg after a tour of the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach during press conference at the Port of Long Beach on Jan. 11, 2022 in Long Beach, Calif.

    PATRICK T. FALLON/AFP via Getty Images


    Some members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC) are considering ousting Rep. Nanette Barragán, Democrat of California, as their leader after she fired the group’s executive director on Thursday, multiple people familiar with the situation tell CBS News.

    Barragán, 46, represents parts of South Los Angeles and areas around the Port of Los Angeles and has served since 2017. She became CHC chair in January, leading a group that now boasts a record 42 members serving in the House and Senate, all of them Democrats. 

    Several of those lawmakers and senior staff for CHC members raised concerns about Barragan’s ability to lead the caucus on Thursday, hours after she fired the caucus’s executive director, Jacky Usyk, who had been on the job for less than three weeks. 

    Usyk had no comment when reached Thursday evening. Several other caucus staffers, including the communications director and policy experts, have departed since Barragán took over. 

    Usyk’s departure was the final straw for some CHC members worried that the turnover leaves the caucus rudderless at a time when a Republican-led House is diving into issues including immigration and education — key concerns for voters in the predominantly Latino districts represented by caucus members. 

    “At this point George Santos has more people working for him than Nanette,” one CHC member commented. 

    Barragán did not reply to text messages sent by CBS News seeking comment, but in a statement emailed by her spokesman, she said, “Jacky is no longer with the CHC. We wish her well in her future endeavors. We do not comment on internal confidential personnel matters.”

    Some of the concerned lawmakers said they were seeking a meeting as soon as Thursday night with Barragán about the staff exodus, but it was unclear if it could happen, since House members are leaving Washington for a two-week recess. 

    “Without institutional knowledge/memory, the CHC will suffer. I guess Nanette doesn’t value that at all,” a CHC-member lawmaker said.

    “She has a hard time keeping staff in her personal office. Those concerns seem real given that all CHC staff left (because they did not want to work for her), and CHC is currently understaffed,” the lawmaker added. “The staff that are there are unhappy, so concerns about whether the effectiveness of the caucus is hurt by the way she treats staff is real.”

    The lawmakers and staffers who commented for this article requested anonymity out of concern for maintaining relationships with Barragán. 

    Barragán has developed a reputation as a tough boss who struggles to keep staff, a perception that’s been amplified on a social media account popular with congressional staffers that first reported Barragán’s decision to fire Usyk. 

    “Nanette fired the ED today,” said a post on the Instagram account @dear_white_staffers Thursday afternoon. The account tracks Hill staff gossip and workplace concerns, especially among minorities who struggle to advance through the ranks. 

    An analysis by the congressional-tracking website LegiStorm found Barragánhad one of the top-10 worst staff turnover rates in 2021, an already tough year for retention given the COVID-19 pandemic. 

    Under Hispanic Caucus rules, members may vote to impeach Barragán and call for her removal. If she is pushed out, Caucus Vice Chairman Rep. Adriano Espaillat, Democrat of N.Y. is next in line to lead the group, people familiar with the process said. 

    Espaillat, who represents parts of Spanish Harlem, Washington Heights and the Bronx, did not immediately respond to text messages sent Thursday night.

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  • Biden, McCarthy, once breakfast mates, wrangle over US debt

    Biden, McCarthy, once breakfast mates, wrangle over US debt

    WASHINGTON (AP) — Not so long ago, Joe Biden and Republican leader Kevin McCarthy used to talk things over at breakfast in Biden’s vice presidential home at the Naval Observatory.

    Biden was intent in those days on “keeping up relations with the opposition party,” as he writes in his memoir, and the new House majority leader often arrived with fellow GOP lawmakers in tow.

    But now, with a potential national debt crisis l ooming, those morning meetings in 2015 seem a political lifetime ago as Democratic President Biden and McCarthy, the new House speaker, prepare for their first official meeting Wednesday at the White House.

    “You know, when I met with him as the vice president, he was always eager to sit down and talk,” McCarthy recalled to The Associated Press ahead of the meeting. “He was always a person who would like to try to find solutions, work together.”

    Biden has signaled no such open-ended hospitality this time as newly emboldened House Republicans court a risky debt ceiling showdown.

    At a fundraiser Tuesday in New York, Biden called McCarthy a “decent man” who was being pulled by demands from restive Republicans.

    “He made commitments that are just absolutely off the wall” in order to win the speaker’s gavel, Biden said.

    Two affable leaders known for their willingness to strike deals, Biden and McCarthy find themselves charging headlong into uncomfortable political terrain in hardball negotiations over the nation’s debt limit.

    A generation apart — McCarthy, 58, has been in Congress just a third of the time that Biden, 80, has held elected office — the two men are deeply familiar with the ways of Washington and positions of power.

    Both have built political brands on their ability to meet with all comers, forging deals where none seemed likely. They’ve shown mutual respect during their limited interactions in Biden’s presidency, according to one senior White House official. And both have been here before, veterans of the last fiscal showdown, in 2011, when Biden, as vice president to Barack Obama, tried to negotiate an endgame to a standoff with McCarthy’s predecessors in Congress.

    The political as well as economic stakes are apparent this time as Biden considers another run for the White House and McCarthy strains to keep his new job as speaker of the House, including its right-flank Republicans.

    “Just like in 2011, it’s not going to be real kumbaya,” said Neil Bradley, vice president at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and a former top aide to former House GOP Majority Leader Eric Cantor. Bradley, who was part of earlier Biden talks, said, “These are both seasoned leaders who understand what it takes to get things done in Washington.”

    Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has notified Congress that it will need to raise the debt ceiling, now set at $31 trillion, to allow continued borrowing to pay the nation’s already accrued bills. While the Treasury Department has been able to launch “extraordinary measures” to temporarily avoid a debt default, that’s only expected to last until June.

    The debt ceiling showdown carries echoes, but also differences, from 2011, when the House Republican “tea party” majority rose to power, demanding budget cuts and threatening a potentially catastrophic federal debt default.

    Recalling those difficult negotiations, Biden has been reluctant to negotiate with the new House Republicans under McCarthy. Ahead of Wednesday’s meeting, the White House released a memo outlining the “two questions” Biden will pose to the Republican leader.

    “Will the speaker commit to the bedrock principle that the United States will never default on its financial obligations?” reads one of the questions, in part. And: “When will Speaker McCarthy and House Republicans release their Budget?”

    The memo, from White House National Economic Council Director Brian Deese and Shalanda Young, the Office of Management and Budget director, noted that Biden will be releasing the administration’s budget on March 9 — notably blowing past a February deadline — and called on McCarthy to detail precisely how Republicans would cut the government spending that they insist is too high.

    McCarthy all but invited himself to the White House as he pushed for the meeting with Biden. And he has made it clear he is willing to bargain, announcing over the weekend he will not be proposing cuts to Medicare or Social Security as Republicans try to slash federal spending as part of any debt ceiling deal.

    While McCarthy comes to the negotiating table with the power of the new House majority behind him, he is also viewed as coming somewhat empty-handed.

    It’s not at all clear the new speaker will be able to deliver the votes needed from divided Republicans in Congress on any debt deal. He has promised his GOP hardliners a return to fiscal 2022 spending levels, but even that might not be enough budget cutting for some of them.

    It’s a potential repeat of the 2011-12 fiscal showdown, when the Obama administration negotiated with Republicans before finally settling on a deal that Biden negotiated with the Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell to ease the crisis.

    “We’re all behind Kevin, wishing him well in the negotiations,” McConnell said Tuesday, his own Senate Republicans in the minority.

    “The deal has to be cut, obviously, between the House majority and the Democratic president, in order for it to have a chance to survive over here.”

    Senate Minority Whip John Thune, R-S.D., said that Biden and McCarthy “don’t have the historic relationship that Senator McConnell and Biden have had through the years, but I do think circumstances necessitate and dictate at times that people have to come together — whether they like it or not.”

    Like the Republicans, Democrats are skeptical of dealing with the opposing party. They’re pushing Biden to drive a hardline bargain against any trade-offs.

    Congressional Progressive Caucus Chairwoman Rep. Pramila Jayapal said Biden “has seen over the last two years who he’s negotiating with — these are not people who are actually about negotiating something that makes sense for the working people.”

    The president, she added, has been “such a champion of working people and reversing inequality” that any budget-slashing deal with Republicans “would reverse all of that work.”

    Refusal to negotiate with Republicans has been off-brand for Biden, who has championed his decades of experience in building relationships with lawmakers, governors and administrations of both parties.

    In many ways, Biden and McCarthy are picking up where they left off from those breakfast meetings.

    “I think he’ll start by listening more than he talks, by getting to know Speaker McCarthy a little bit more as a person and by exploring what their common priorities might be,” said Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., a close ally of the president.

    Republican Rep. Tom Cole of Oklahoma, a former history professor, said of the two: “They’re career public servants. They’re both intensely political. I think they’re both hail-well-met fellows. It seems to me that they’ll have a reasonably good discussion.”

    ___

    Associated Press writer Josh Boak contributed from New York.

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  • GOP-led House Oversight Committee targets fraud in COVID relief programs

    GOP-led House Oversight Committee targets fraud in COVID relief programs

    More than 1,000 people have pleaded guilty or have been convicted on federal charges of defrauding the myriad COVID-19 relief programs that Congress established in the early days of the pandemic. And over 600 other people and entities face federal fraud charges.

    But that’s just the start, according to investigators scheduled to testify Wednesday to a congressional committee as House Republicans mark the beginning of what they promise will be aggressive oversight of President Joe Biden’s administration.

    The House Committee on Oversight and Accountability is holding its first hearing in the new Congress on fraud and waste in federal pandemic spending. In total, Congress approved about $4.6 trillion in spending from six coronavirus relief laws, beginning in March 2020 when Donald Trump was president.

    “We owe it to the American people to get to the bottom of the greatest theft of American taxpayer dollars in history,” said the chairman of the committee, Rep. James Comer, Republican of Kentucky.

    The Government Accountability Office is expected to tell the committee that the number of cases of suspected fraud is certain to grow in the coming months. For example, the inspector general for the Small Business Administration has more than 500 ongoing investigations involving loan programs designed to help businesses meet operating expenses during the pandemic. The inspector general for the Labor Department continues to open at least 100 unemployment insurance fraud investigations each week.

    The GAO said the more than 1,000 convictions related to COVID-19 relief fraud are one measure of how extensive it was. It’s unknown how much money was lost to fraud, the GAO also said, but it reported in December that an extrapolation of Labor Department data would suggest more than $60 billion in fraudulent unemployment insurance payments during the pandemic. But the GAO also warned that such an extrapolation has inherent limitations and should be interpreted with caution.

    Still, lawmakers are anxious to discern how much theft has occurred and what can be done to stop it in future emergencies.

    “We must identify where this money went, how much ended up in the hands of fraudsters or ineligible participants, and what should be done to ensure it never happens again,” Comer said.

    Some 20 inspectors general work collaboratively to investigate pandemic relief spending. Michael Horowitz, who chairs a committee Congress created in March 2020 to lead oversight of COVID-19 spending, is also scheduled to testify.

    In his prepared remarks, Horowitz said the committee issued a fraud alert this week regarding the use of more than 69,000 questionable Social Security numbers to obtain $5.4 billion in pandemic loans and grants.

    Also testifying is David Smith, an assistant director of the Office of Investigations at the U.S. Secret Service, who predicts that efforts to recover stolen assets and hold criminals accountable for pandemic fraud will continue for years to come.

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  • Inside McCarthy’s House: Famous friends and hard realities

    Inside McCarthy’s House: Famous friends and hard realities

    WASHINGTON (AP) — In an almost forgotten slice of marbled real estate at the Capitol, the Kevin McCarthy era is taking shape in Congress.

    It was here that the new House speaker was chatting last week with Donald Trump Jr. on the former president’s son’s podcast, their laughter spilling into the halls from behind closed doors. And it was in this modest outpost, with its grand vistas of the National Mall and easy proximity to the action on House floor, that the Republican leader from California had met with his lieutenants brokering deals in the grueling race to become speaker.

    Away from the glare of the speaker’s official office, McCarthy is conducting some of the most exhilarating but also difficult business of leadership. Yet McCarthy is also confronting the limits of his slim hold on power as the promises of a new style of running the House run into the hard realities of governing.

    This past week, an immigration bill that was supposed to be easy work for a Republican Party intent on sealing the U.S. border with Mexico was shelved for quick action, kicked back to committees for changes.

    A Republican proposal for a 23% national sales tax that would take the place of income taxes rose and quickly fell from favor, turned into a punchline for President Joe Biden’s attacks on extreme elements in the GOP.

    McCarthy booted two prominent Democrats, Adam Schiff and Eric Swalwell of California, from the House Intelligence Committee, but his promise to oust Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., from the House Foreign Affairs Committee ran into resistance from a couple of Republicans.

    “You watch,” McCarthy told The Associated Press as breezed through the halls, signaling he had the votes in hand to remove the Somali-born Omar.

    Three weeks into the new Republican majority, the risks of McCarthy’s leadership style are clearly taking hold: In the interest of opening up the legislative process, with more seats at the table for far-right lawmakers, the GOP agenda will be subjected to prolonged debates and delays — and the chance that nothing gets done at all.

    McCarthy appeared upbeat as he exited the Trump podcast, brushing off the scrapes over the immigration bill and others as part of the process with his bottom-up way of governing.

    “I don’t view that as at risk,” McCarthy said.

    “Say you passed the bill early here, but it just it’s not perfect,” he said. “I want to get it right.”

    So far, Republicans have been able to get about 10 pieces of legislation through the House, including one abortion-related measure that was a party priority. Some other bills and resolutions had sweeping bipartisan backing, largely symbolic actions including one to commend Iranian human rights protesters.

    But several of the top proposals the Republicans lined up for quick passage as part of their rules package have stalled out amid differences between the hard-right Freedom Caucus and pragmatic conservatives. As McCarthy celebrated his birthday with a visit from Elon Musk at the Capitol, lawmakers were grinding through a two-day debate on a routine oil-and-gas leasing bill.

    “At some point in time, they have to belly up to the bar, make a decision, and go,” said Rep. James Clyburn of South Carolina, the seasoned Democratic leader and former House whip.

    As part of the opening up the House process, lawmakers on Thursday dove into a freewheeling debate over an oil and gas leasing bill that would limit the president’s ability to tap the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, as Biden did during soaring fuel prices, without first developing an Energy Department plan to increase resource production on federal lands.

    One of the first amendments came from Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, the far-right Georgia Republican who used her precious few minutes of debate to also mention she was the first in Congress to file legislation calling for Biden’s impeachment.

    “The people’s House has been broken for too long,” she said, extolling the new system.

    But House Republicans acknowledge some grumblings from their constituents back home at the slow start to their new majority. The prolonged speaker’s race consumed the first week of the new Congress as McCarthy endured 15 votes before finally seizing the gavel.

    Rep. Troy Nehls, R-Texas, said he heard from a caller to his office demanding to know why House Republicans hadn’t yet launched investigations into Biden’s son Hunter.

    “Everybody gets so emotional,” Nehls said.

    “Let’s just breathe a little bit. Take a step back,” he said. “Let’s develop the situation and see what comes out of these committees.”

    But the challenges ahead for the House Republican majority are as much philosophical as organizational.

    The immigration bill proposed by Rep. Chip Roy of Texas was supposed to be an easier lift, centered in the GOP’s political wheelhouse of priorities clamping down on migrants at the border.

    Pushed by the Freedom Caucus member, the legislation would require the Homeland Security zecretary to deny migrants, including those seeking asylum, conditional entry into the U.S. without valid documents, instead holding them in detention.

    The immigration bill had been green-lighted in the House rules package for action, but it ran into resistance from the pragmatic wing of conservative Republicans from the Main Street caucus.

    Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., a former chairman of that group, which calls itself conservatives who want to govern, said he and others were tapped by colleagues to notify McCarthy’s team that some had concerns with the immigration bill as well as the proposed legislation for a national sales tax.

    “These things got to go through committee,” Bacon told reporters at the Capitol.

    Still, McCarthy’s efforts to open up the legislating process have drawn interest from Democrats as well as Republicans, as lawmakers offered dozens of amendments to the oil and gas drilling bill in a first test of the new system.

    “We are about to do something we haven’t done in a long time,” announced Rep. Steve Womack, R-Ark., who was presiding over the chamber late Thursday, as he gaveled the start of rapid-fire voting. “Two minute votes!”

    Cheers erupted from the lawmakers.

    Twenty four amendment votes later, they wrapped by dinnertime.

    Lawmakers were back at it on Friday, another several dozen amendments for rapid two-minute voting, before Republicans pushed the oil and gas bill to passage, almost strictly on party line with just one Democrat joining.

    But the bill has almost no chance of becoming law.

    It is unlikely to be considered in the Senate. And Biden has threatened a veto.

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  • House Oversight Committee chairman says subpoenas are on the table for White House, National Archives in Biden documents case

    House Oversight Committee chairman says subpoenas are on the table for White House, National Archives in Biden documents case

    Subpoenas will be on the table for the White House and National Archives if they don’t comply with the House Oversight Committee’s requests related to classified documents found at President Biden’s home and former private office, Chairman James Comer told CBS News Friday. 

    Asked by CBS News senior investigative correspondent Catherine Herridge if the committee would issue subpoenas if the White House didn’t fully comply with the committee’s requests for records and communications by its Jan. 24 deadline, Comer replied “yes.”

    On timing, Kentucky’s Comer said “hopefully” the panel wouldn’t have to take that step but did not rule out subpoenas at the end of January or early February.  

    On Tuesday, Comer asked the White House to turn over documents and communications related to the material marked classified, including the documents themselves, by Jan. 24. He has also asked the National Archives to provide all documents and communications between the Archives, the White House, the Justice Department and the president’s attorneys related to the classified documents discovered at the Penn Biden Center, a Washington think tank established after Mr. Biden’s tenure as vice president.

    Comer’s request was made before the White House on Wednesday confirmed news reports that additional documents marked classified had been discovered at Mr. Biden’s home in Wilmington, Del. Comer, who is probing Hunter Biden’s business dealings, contacted the White House Counsel’s Office and expressed concern that the president had “stored classified documents at the same location his son resided while engaging in international business dealings with adversaries of the United States.” Comer requested additional records by Jan. 27. 

    Comer said he considers both locations where documents were discovered to be a “national security risk.” The Kentucky Republican said he’s “not a big fan of special counsels,” but said Attorney General Merrick Garland had “no other choice” but to appoint a special counsel, since he appointed a special counsel to probe the documents stored at former President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida, among other things. That investigation is ongoing. 

    “He called for one with Donald Trump and he had no other choice but to call for one with Joe Biden,” Comer said. 

    Garland announced Thursday that former Maryland U.S. Attorney Robert Hur will serve as special counsel overseeing the Biden documents inquiry. Hur is the second special counsel appointed to oversee an investigation into sensitive documents, joining Jack Smith, who was tapped in November to take over the probe into Trump’s handling of sensitive government documents.

    Comer insisted Republicans’ probe into the Biden documents is “not political.”

    “We don’t know what Joe Biden had,” Comer said. “Either way, you have to treat Joe Biden the same way that Trump was treated.”

    The White House and the president’s counsel insist they turned records over to the proper authorities immediately after discovering them. Trump resisted turning over documents. 

    Federal investigators recovered more than 300 documents marked classified in all from Mar-a-Lago, and Justice Department lawyers revealed in court filings in August that Trump is under investigation for potential violations of the Espionage Act, obstruction of justice and unlawful concealment or removal of government records. 

    Mr. Biden’s personal lawyers found roughly 10 documents marked classified in his vice-presidential office at the Penn Biden Center and a “small” number of documents at his home in Wlimington. 

    Asked if he’s concerned the appointment of a special counsel could limit the committee’s investigation, Comer said he’s “sure” that will be used as a reason not to comply with the committee’s request. But he hopes the special counsel focuses solely on investigating any mishandling of classified records. 

    Comer said the federal government needs to reform the system governing how documents are handled, stored and transferred, and that’s something his committee will consider in the future. 

    “I don’t think we would know about these documents had it not been for investigative reporting, so we want to know why the administration wasn’t transparent sooner,” Comer said. 

    Grace Kazarian contributed to this report.

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  • U.S. will hit its debt limit Thursday, start taking steps to avoid default, Yellen warns Congress

    U.S. will hit its debt limit Thursday, start taking steps to avoid default, Yellen warns Congress

    Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen on Friday notified Congress that the U.S. will reach its statutory debt limit next Thursday.

    After that, the Treasury Department this month will begin “taking certain extraordinary measures to prevent the United States from defaulting on its obligations,” Yellen wrote in a letter to new House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif.

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    The Treasury “is not currently able” to estimate how long those emergency actions will allow the U.S. to pay for government obligations, she wrote.

    But, “It is unlikely that cash and extraordinary measures will be exhausted before early June,” Yellen added.

    She warned McCarthy that it is “critical that Congress act in a timely manner to increase or suspend the debt limit.”

    “Failure to meet the government’s obligations would cause irreparable harm to the U.S. economy, the livelihoods of all Americans, and global financial stability,” Yellen wrote.

    “I respectfully urge Congress to act promptly to protect the full faith and credit of the United States.”

    A spokeswoman for McCarthy had no immediate comment on Yellen’s letter.

    White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre told reporters later Friday, “Congress is going to need to raise the debt limit without condition”

    “It is one of the basic items that Congress has to deal with and that should be done without conditions. So there is going to be no negotiation over it,” Jean-Pierre said. “This is something that must get done.”

    Yellen’s letter effectively starts a clock counting down how long the federal government can continue to make interest payments on its debt.

    Congress in December 2021 increased the federal debt limit to about $31.4 trillion.

    The limit is the total amount of money the U.S. government is allowed legally to borrow to pay for its existing obligations. Those obligations include “Social Security and Medicare benefits, military salaries, interest on the national debt, tax refunds, and other payments,” Yellen noted

    The so-call called extraordinary measures available to the Treasury secretary free up the government’s borrowing capacity.

    This can extend the clock for weeks or months while Congress hashes out a bill to raise the borrowing limit.

    Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and House Democratic leader Rep. Hakeem Jeffries of New York, in a joint statement, said, “Congress must act on legislation to prevent a disastrous default, meet our obligations and protect the full faith and credit of the United States.”

    “A default forced by extreme MAGA Republicans could plunge the country into a deep recession and lead to even higher costs for America’s working families on everything from mortgages and car loans to credit card interest rates,” the leaders said in their statement.

    Yellen wrote that the two extraordinary measures that Treasury expects to implement are redeeming existing and suspending new investments of the Civil Service Retirement and Disability Fund and the Postal Service Retiree Health Benefits Fund; and suspending reinvestment of the Government Securities Investment Fund of the Federal Employees Retirement System Thrift Savings Plan. 

    She noted Congress previously authorized the Treasury to use such measures, which the department has employed in the past.

    “After the debt limit impasse has ended,” those funds “will be made whole,” Yellen wrote.

    A senior White House official told CNBC the Biden administration plans to pursue negotiations in earnest with Congress after the mid-April tax deadline.

    At that point, the official said, the federal government will have a better idea of how much revenue is coming in, how far it will go in paying the country’s bills and how urgently it needs to reach a deal.  

    The trajectory of the American economy between now and then will also determine how brazen Republicans become in their demands to cut spending in response.

    Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the top Senate Republican, has a long record of rejecting an increase to the debt ceiling unless fiscally conservative policies are included.

    It remains unclear whether the new GOP majority in the House under McCarthy will unite over its own set of demands. 

    McCarthy has made little secret of the fact that Republicans intend to demand massive spending cuts to the federal budget in exchange for approving an increase in the debt ceiling.

    But he told reporters on Thursday that GOP lawmakers “don’t want to put any fiscal problems through our economy, and we won’t.”

    The new House majority leader, Rep. Steve Scalise, R-La., earlier this week compared the U.S. borrowing limit to a household credit card, saying the nation needed to curb its spending the same way a person with maxed out credit cards would.

    “At the same time you’re dealing with the debt limit, you’re also putting mechanisms in place so that you don’t keep maxing it out,” Scalise said to reporters on Capitol Hill, “because if the limit gets raised, you don’t go to the store the next day and just max it out again.”

    “You start figuring out how to control the spending problem. And this has been going on for way too long. And we’re going to confront this,” he said.

    What Republicans have failed to say, however, is that, unlike a household that defaults on its debt, a U.S. government default would have massive repercussions around the world.

    A default on Treasury bonds could throw the U.S. economy into a tailspin as bad as the Great Recession, the research firm Moody’s Analytics warned in a September 2021 report.

    At the time, Moody’s also projected a 4% decline in gross domestic product and the loss of nearly 6 million jobs if the U.S. defaulted.

    In her letter to McCarthy on Friday, Yellen wrote, “Indeed, in the past, even threats that the U.S. government might fail to meet its obligations have caused real harms, including the only credit rating downgrade in the history of our nation in 2011.”

    Yellen added: “Increasing or suspending the debt limit does not authorize new spending commitments or cost taxpayers money. It simply allows the government to finance existing legal obligations that Congresses and Presidents of both parties have made in the past.”

    CNBC’s Emma Kinery contributed to this article.

    Correction: An earlier version of this article incorrectly stated the month in which Congress increased the statutory debt limit.

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  • House Republicans pass rules package in key test for McCarthy

    House Republicans pass rules package in key test for McCarthy

    (CNN) — House Republicans on Monday approved a rules package for the 118th Congress, in what marked the first test of House Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s ability to navigate his slim Republican majority.

    The rules were passed on a 220-213 mostly party-line vote, with Texas Republican Rep. Tony Gonzales joining all the Democrats in voting against the measure.

    McCarthy and his allies had to scramble to ensure they had enough support for the rules package after McCarthy’s concessions to GOP hardliners to win the gavel last week frustrated some centrist House Republicans. With little margin for error — and the vote seen as McCarthy’s first test of whether he can govern — GOP leaders left little to chance.

    GOP leaders lobbied Republicans who had expressed misgivings, like Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina, who got on board Monday after saying she was “on the fence” a day prior.

    After Republican foreign policy hawks protested the prospect of spending cuts to defense as a result of McCarthy’s dealmaking with the hardliners, McCarthy’s allies took to the airwaves to try to clarify what is and isn’t in the rules package, particularly related to defense spending.

    GOP leaders are hoping to quickly push past the rules and onto their legislative agenda, with a vote slated for Monday evening after the rules on a bill to roll back $80 billion funding to staff up the Internal Revenue Service that was included in the Inflation Reduction Act, a massive social spending bill passed by Democrats in the last Congress.

    Still, the skirmish over the House rules underscores the herculean task McCarthy faces as the leader of a House with a slim four-vote Republican majority that gives a small bloc of members on either side of the Republican political spectrum outsized sway to stand in the way of legislation.

    Tensions are running high in the House GOP Conference as lawmakers still do not know the full extent of the promises McCarthy made to his detractors that did not become public in the House Rules package.

    “Operating in a vacuum doesn’t feel good,” one member told CNN. “We’ve been loyal and it’s a slap in the face”

    Another member said, “The devil is in the details we don’t know.”

    McCarthy would not say on Monday when he would release details of the side-deals he cut to become speaker that irked the moderates in his conference. Many of the details — such as tying a debt ceiling increase to spending cuts and ensuring Freedom Caucus members have more seats on key committees — have not been released.

    In order to flip the 20 GOP holdouts last week, McCarthy agreed to a number of concessions. That included returning the House rules so that one member can move for a vote to oust the speaker. The California Republican agreed to expand the mandate of a new select committee investigating the “weaponization” of the federal government to include probing “ongoing criminal investigations,” setting up a showdown with the Biden administration and law enforcement agencies over their criminal probes, particularly those into former President Donald Trump.

    McCarthy also signed off on a pledge that the Republican-led House would pair any debt ceiling increase to spending cuts and would approve a budget capping discretionary spending at fiscal 2022 levels — which, if implemented, would roll back the fiscal 2023 spending increase for both defense and non-defense spending from last month’s $1.7 trillion omnibus package.

    Texas Rep. Tony Gonzalez was the first Republican to oppose the House rules on Friday. He said on Fox News Monday morning that he remained a no.

    “I’m against the rules for a couple different reasons. One is the cut in defense spending, I think that’s an absolutely terrible idea, the other is the vacate the chair. I mean I don’t want to see us every two months be in lockdown,” Gonzalez said.

    Mace had said on CBS’ “Face the Nation” on Sunday that she was “on the fence” about the rules package because she didn’t support “a small number of people trying to get a deal done or deals done for themselves in private.” On Monday afternoon, however, Mace’s office said that she supported the rules package.

    “What I am raising hell about is whatever potential backroom deals may have been done,” Mace told reporters.

    Republicans who backed the rules package Monday were coming to grips with the concessions that McCarthy had to make to secure the speakership.

    Rep. David Joyce, a moderate Ohio Republican, told CNN that McCarthy should be concerned that a single member can force that vote of no-confidence on the speakership.

    “I’m not the speaker. So it concerns Kevin more than it concerns me, but that just took it back the way it was originally. And I don’t think that is going to change the way we do business around here,” he said, adding it should only be used in the most extreme of circumstances.

    Asked if everyone agrees with that, Joyce told CNN: “Probably not.”

    Rep. Tom Cole, the chairman of the House Rules Committee, told CNN: “I’m willing to cut spending and we need to do that. I’m not willing to cut defense and that is half the discretionary budget.”

    Republican allies of McCarthy have sought to push back on the notion they will cut defense spending, saying it’s domestic spending that will be targeted.

    “There’s going to be good conversations, there already has been, that you can’t cut defense, right? It needs to go on a very predictable trajectory,” said Rep. Dan Crenshaw, a Texas Republican. “We have massively increased spending on the non-defense programs, because that’s always the deal, right? There’s plenty to work with there, in my opinion.”

    House GOP leaders are planning to hold votes this week on a bevy of red-meat messaging bills on taxes, abortion and energy, starting with Monday’s vote to roll back the IRS funding increases.

    The bill is likely to pass the House on party lines but won’t be taken up by the Democratic-majority Senate.

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  • House Speaker Kevin McCarthy faces first major governing test

    House Speaker Kevin McCarthy faces first major governing test

    House Speaker Kevin McCarthy faces first major governing test – CBS News


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    Fresh off a bruising fight to win the gavel, House Speaker Kevin McCarthy is facing his next political challenge. CBS News congressional correspondent Scott MacFarlane and CBS News chief Washington correspondent Major Garrett join “Red and Blue” to discuss the next steps for this session of Congress.

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  • McCarthy’s next big task: Win GOP support for House rules

    McCarthy’s next big task: Win GOP support for House rules

    WASHINGTON (AP) — After an epic 15-ballot election to become House speaker, Republican Kevin McCarthy faces his next big test in governing a fractious, slim majority: passing a rules package to govern the House.

    The drafting and approval of a set of rules is normally a fairly routine legislative affair, but in these times, it’s the next showdown for the embattled McCarthy.

    To become speaker and win over skeptics, McCarthy had to make concessions to a small group of hard-liners who refused to support his ascension until he yielded to their demands.

    Now those promises — or at least some of them — are being put into writing to be voted on when lawmakers return this week for their first votes as the majority party.

    On Sunday, at least two moderate Republicans expressed their reservations about supporting the rules package, citing what they described as secret deals and the disproportionate power potentially being handed out to a group of 20 conservatives.

    The concessions included limits on McCarthy’s power, such as by allowing a single lawmaker to initiate a vote to remove him as speaker and curtailing government spending, which could include defense cuts. They also give the conservative Freedom Caucus more seats on the committee that decides which legislation reaches the House floor.

    They also raise questions about whether McCarthy can garner enough support from Republicans, who hold a 222-212 edge, on a critical vote in the coming months to raise the debt limit, given conservatives’ demand that there also be significant spending cuts, over opposition from the White House and a Democratic-controlled Senate.

    Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., a strong McCarthy supporter, said she currently is “on the fence” about the proposed rules.

    “I like the rules package,” Mace said, in reference to what has been released publicly. “What I don’t support is a small number of people trying to get a deal done or deals done for themselves in private, in secret.”

    She said it will be hard to get anything done in the House if a small band is given a stronger hand compared with the larger number of moderates. “I am concerned that commonsense legislation will not get through to get a vote on the floor,” she said.

    Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-Texas, was an outright “no” against the rules package, decrying an “insurgency caucus” that he said would cut defense spending and push extremist legislation, such as on immigration.

    Democrats are expected to be united against the package.

    Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, a member of the Freedom Caucus who is expected to lead the House Judiciary Committee, defended the concessions McCarthy made and said he believes the rules package will get enough Republican support to pass. He insisted that the agreements will help ensure broader representation on committees and will curtail unfettered government spending.

    “We’ll see tomorrow,” he said Sunday, but “I think we’ll get the 218 votes needed to pass the rules package.”

    In the coming months, Congress will have to work to raise the debt limit before the government reaches its borrowing cap or face a devastating default on payments, including those for Social Security, military troops and federal benefits such as food assistance. Lawmakers will also have to fund federal agencies and programs for the next budget year, which begins Oct. 1.

    “Our general concern is that the dysfunction — that was historic — that we saw this week is not at an end, it’s just the beginning,” said House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York.

    The White House has rejected Republican calls to slash spending in return for an increase in the federal government’s borrowing authority. White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre went so far on Sunday as to call House Republicans’ likely demands “hostage taking” that would risk default, an event that could trigger an economic crisis.

    “Congress is going to need to raise the debt limit without — without — conditions and it’s just that simple,” Jean-Pierre told reporters aboard Air Force One as President Joe Biden flew to Texas. “Attempts to exploit the debt ceiling as leverage will not work. There will be no hostage taking.”

    Yet the White House also said it had no plans to sidestep the needed congressional approval through possible budget gimmicks such as the minting of a coin to help cover a deficit that could be roughly $1 trillion this fiscal year.

    “We’re not considering any measures that would go around Congress,” Jean-Pierre said. “That’s not what we’re doing. This is a fundamental congressional responsibility, and Congress must act.”

    Jordan argued that “everything has to be on the table” when it comes to spending cuts, including in defense, in light of the government’s $32 trillion debt. “Frankly we better look at the money we send to Ukraine as well and say, how can we best spend the money to protect America?” he said.

    Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, one of the 20 who initially voted against McCarthy before throwing his support behind the Californian, said he and other conservatives will be holding their position that there should be spending cuts in a debt ceiling bill. Asked whether he would exercise members’ new authority and unilaterally initiate a vote to remove the speaker if McCarthy doesn’t ultimately agree, Roy offered a warning.

    “I’m not going to play the ‘what if’ games on how we’re going to use the tools of the House to make sure that we enforce the terms of the agreement, but we will use the tools of the House to enforce the terms of the agreement,” Roy said.

    Mace and Gonzales appeared on CBS’ “Face the Nation,” Jordan spoke on “Fox News Sunday,” Jeffries was on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” and Roy was on CNN’s “State of the Union.”

    ___

    Associated Press writer Josh Boak contributed to this report.

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  • Special Report: Kevin McCarthy elected House speaker on 15th ballot

    Special Report: Kevin McCarthy elected House speaker on 15th ballot

    Special Report: Kevin McCarthy elected House speaker on 15th ballot – CBS News


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    After 15 rounds of voting over four days, Republicans elected Kevin McCarthy as the new speaker of the House, edging out the top Democrat, Hakeem Jeffries. Both leaders spoke about their priorities for the next two years before the members of the 118th Congress were sworn in. Watch full coverage in this CBS News Special Report.

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  • House to convene for 4th day to try to elect speaker after 11 failed rounds of voting

    House to convene for 4th day to try to elect speaker after 11 failed rounds of voting

    House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy will try again Friday to muster a majority on the floor to win the race for speaker after falling short in 11 rounds of voting over three days this week. The speaker’s election has not exceeded nine rounds since before the Civil War.

    As McCarthy left the House chamber Thursday night, he was still expressing optimism about his prospects of becoming speaker, though he declined to predict when the voting might go his way.

    “I’m not putting any timeline on it,” he told reporters. “I just think we’ve got some progress going on. We’ve got members talking. I think we’ve got a little movement, so we’ll see.”

    On Friday morning, just before a 10:15 a.m. GOP conference call to present the framework of a deal with some of the GOP holdouts opposing him, McCarthy told CBS News, “We’re going to shock you today.”

    McCarthy made two key concessions to the 21 conservative holdouts on Wednesday. The first would lower the threshold for the motion to vacate the chair to just one House member, meaning that any single member could call for a vote to oust the speaker. The second would give the GOP holdouts the power to pick two of the nine members of the House Rules Committee, which holds considerable power over which legislation goes to the floor.

    Despite those compromises, none of the holdouts supported McCarthy in any of the four rounds of voting on Thursday. 

    After the House adjourned for the day, McCarthy chose to adopt a philosophical view of the succession of failed votes. 

    “It’s better that we go through this process right now so we can achieve the things we want to achieve for the American public,” he said, adding, “It’s not how you start; it’s how you finish. And if we finish well, we’ll be very successful.”

    The House adjourned shortly after 8 p.m. Thursday until noon Friday.

    The continuing impasse leaves the House effectively in limbo, since lawmakers must first elect a speaker before moving on to other business in the new Congress. 

    Democrats have remained united behind New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, the first Black party leader in either chamber of Congress. Jeffries and his lieutenants said Democrats “are united and are committed to staying in Washington for as long as it takes to get the Congress organized.”  

    Ellis Kim contributed to this report.

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  • Speaker election to enter 10th ballot, the most since before Civil War

    Speaker election to enter 10th ballot, the most since before Civil War

    The race for House speaker race remains undecided as Republican leader Kevin McCarthy continued to fail to win a majority in the first nine rounds of voting, and now as it is set to enter a 10th round, it will have gone to more rounds than any other time in history. Only eight other times in U.S. history has it taken more than three rounds.

    According to the House of Representatives, there have been 127 speaker elections since 1789. In the modern era, a nominee needs a majority of the House members voting — 218 if all 435 are present — to become speaker. Members of Congress cannot be sworn in until there’s a speaker. 

    Prior to this week’s votes, 14 speaker elections required multiple ballots, with 13 of those occurring before the Civil War. The only time in the post-Civil War era was in 1923, when it took nine tries.

    Six of those 14 elections were decided on the second or third ballot, but others took more than that — with the longest election finally ending after nearly two months and 133 ballots.

    Here are the instances when the speaker vote required more than three ballots:

    John W. Taylor, 22 ballots, 16th Congress 

    In Oct. 1820, Henry Clay resigned as speaker after shepherding through the Missouri Compromise, which allowed slavery in Missouri but made Maine a free state and established the 36°30′ parallel as the boundary determining where slavery would be allowed in the U.S.

    John W. Taylor of Saratoga, New York, first elected in 1812, was one of the earliest — and most outspoken — abolitionists in Congress. Although he had supported the Missouri Compromise, he ran for speaker in the 1820 special election opposing slavery in new territories.

    His main opponent was the pro-slavery Rep. William Lowndes of South Carolina – who at one point came within one vote of winning. Taylor ultimately prevailed after 22 ballots over four days. 

    After losing the speakership in 1821 to Clay, Taylor again won the speaker election in 1825 in a vote that took two rounds. 

    Taylor served as speaker in the 19th Congress but ultimately lost the speaker’s race in the 20th Congress in 1827 to Andrew Stevenson of Virginia because of his abolitionist views. Taylor told his son “I lost my third election as Speaker, through my direct opposition to slavery.” 

    Philip Pendleton Barbour, 12 ballots, 17th Congress

    Taylor was defeated by Philip Pendleton Barbour of Virginia in 1821 in the 17th Congress after a vote that took 12 ballots.

    John W. Bell, 10 ballots, 22nd Congress

    John W. Bell of Tennessee, although initially a supporter of President Andrew Jackson, accepted support from Jackson’s opposition in the race for House speaker in 1833. The race went to 10 ballots before Bell ultimately defeated James K. Polk. 

    Robert M.T. Hunter, 11 ballots, 29th Congress

    Robert M.T. Hunter was the first speaker elected via public ballot, rather than secret ballot, although he was not the first choice for either the Democratic or the Whig party in the 1839 race for speaker. The two parties rallied around “highly partisan candidates” from Southern states, turning off the Unionist Southerners and Northerners, according to “Fighting for the Speakership: The House and the Rise of Party Government” by the University of Virginia’s Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III, at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 

    That divide paved the way for Hunter to win the speakership on the 11th ballot, though he didn’t win a single vote when the first ballot was cast.

    Howell Cobb, 63 ballots, 31st Congress

    Neither the Democrats nor the Whigs had a majority in the 31st Congress, but Democrats — who held a plurality — had backed a compromise candidate, Howell Cobb of Georgia, who was pro-Union. But deep divisions between the parties and the separate organization of the Free Soil Party led to a split ballot on the first round, according to “Fighting for the Speakership.” 

    The Free Soilers, made up of an equal number of Democrats and Whigs and divided over slavery, were not organized around a single candidate. 

    Over the next three weeks of voting, the Democrats and Whigs could not rally around a single candidate, according to “Fighting for the Speakership.” Democrats decided to settle on a Westerner, William J. Brown, of Indiana, on the 32nd ballot. On Dec. 11, after seven more ballots, Brown received 80 votes — more than Cobb had ever received — and was within five votes of taking the majority. The Whigs’ chosen candidate, Robert C. Winthrop, sensed his defeat and withdrew his name. 

    The House adjourned for the evening without selecting a speaker and when balloting resumed the next day, there were rumors Brown had struck a deal with Free Soilers. He had the votes of six Free Soil Party members on the first ballot of the day, but he lost the support of three Southern Democrats. 

    On the 48th ballot, the Whigs switched their support back to Winthrop. As the stalemate continued, some unconventional methods to select a speaker were proposed – relying on a plurality or successive elimination of low-ranking candidates – but they were all tabled.

    On Dec. 19, the Whig caucus invited six Democrats and six Whigs to create a “Conference Committee,” which met the next day, at which point 59 ballots had been cast with no speaker elected, according to “Fighting for the Speakership.” 

    The “Conference Committee” decided there would be three more majority votes for speaker and if no speaker could receive a majority, it would go to a plurality vote. The rule change was brought to the House floor on Dec. 22, and it passed 113-105. The Democrats and the Whigs also decided to go back to supporting their original candidates, Cobb and Winthrop.

    After no one received a majority in the next three votes, Cobb won on the 63rd ballot with a plurality, thanks to the newly enacted rule change.

    Nathaniel Banks, 133 ballots, 34th Congress

    The vote for speaker in 1855 was the longest in history, taking two months. Initially, 21 candidates were vying for the role, with Congress deeply divided over slavery.  Democrat William Richardson of Illinois, who supported slavery in future states, was an early frontrunner but fell far short of the 113 votes needed.

    Anti-slavery congressmen then decided to back Nathaniel Banks of Massachusetts, a member of the American Party (also known as the Know Nothing Party and, prior to 1855, the Native American Party). On the 33rd ballot, Banks managed to win100 votes, topping Richardson, but still falling short of a majority.

    “This is not a mere contest as to a Speaker of the House; it is but an incident in a long and arduous struggle which is to determine whether slavery will be the pole star of our National career,” Horace Greeley’s New York Tribune wrote, according to The Washington Post

    As the debate over the next speaker extended into January, Democratic Rep. Albert Rust of Arkansas, who opposed Banks’ candidacy, physically assaulted Greeley, who supported Banks. Rust struck “a stunning blow on the right side of my head and followed it by two or three more, as rapidly as possible,” Greeley wrote, according to the Post.

    On Feb. 1, 1856, Democrats decided to back pro-slavery Rep. William Aiken Jr. of South Carolina. Democratic leaders also said they would again support a proposal to elect a speaker via a plurality if nobody could win a majority in the next three ballots. On Feb. 2, the plurality resolution passed. Banks received the most votes in each of the first three ballots, but he fell short of a majority each time. Aiken then seemed poised to pick up the plurality on the fourth vote.

    But Banks managed to secure 103 votes to Aiken’s 100 because some of Aiken’s expected votes fell through. Banks had won the speakership on the 133rd ballot, nearly two months after the first ballot had been cast.

    William Pennington, 44 ballots, 36th Congress

    William Pennington won his first congressional term in 1859 as a Republican with support from disaffected Democrats. Republicans took control of the House in 1859, but did not support a specific candidate for speaker, instead deciding to back whoever won the majority in the first ballot.

    Democrat Thomas S. Bocock received the most votes, but fell short of a majority. Republican John Sherman was the runner-up. Republicans backed Sherman, but before the second ballot, Democrat John Clark of Missouri gave an extended speech on the floor in which he tied Sherman to an anti-slavery writer, Hinton Helper. Clark claimed Helper was trying to build a class-based revolution among White Southerners in the wake of John Brown’s raid on Harper’s Ferry, when Brown tried to start a revolt among slaves and end slavery.

    After Clark’s speech, Sherman fell nine votes short of a majority. Over the next 10 days, eigh

    t ballots were cast with the same pattern: Sherman failing to win a majority and Bocock holding firm with around 80 votes. 

    After the 12th ballot, Bocock dropped out of the race, leaving Democrats with no clear choice. Still, no candidate was able to win a majority in 24 ballots that stretched beyond Christmas. In the new year, there were 10 more ballots between Jan. 4 and 11, again with no winner. Republicans nonetheless remained firm in their support of Sherman, according to “Fighting for the Speakership.” 

    Republicans attempted to allow a candidate to win with a plurality, but the resolution failed in a procedural vote. Democrats began coalescing behind William N. H. Smith of North Carolina, a candidate from the American Party.

    On the 39th ballot, Smith’s vote count had increased, and he appeared to have a majority – but the clerk had not recorded the vote, and he wasn’t able to replicate the feat in subsequent votes. Another candidate, a Republican named William Pennington, a moderate freshman legislator who had been governor of New Jersey, emerged as a possible consensus candidate.

    The House adjourned until Jan. 30, and Sherman urged members to unify behind Pennington.

    When the House reconvened, Sherman urged Republicans to “vote in favor of any one of our number who can command the highest vote, or who can be elected Speaker of this House,” according to “Fighting for the Speakership.” On the 40th ballot, Pennington came out with 115 votes, three short of the majority. 

    On the 41st ballot, Pennington and Sherman abstained in an attempt to lower the number of votes needed to win a majority, but Pennigton still fell short. The 42nd ballot had nearly the same result.

    Democrats met that night and decided to drop Smith as their candidate. On Jan. 31, on the 43rd ballot, Pennington raised his vote tally to 116. George Briggs, a Whig from Massachusetts, then said he would support Pennington the next day.

    On Feb. 1, on the 44th ballot, Pennington finally secured 117 votes, a majority of the 233 cast, giving him the speakership.

    Frederick Gillett, 9 ballots, 68th Congress

    Massachusetts Republican Frederick Gillett was first elected speaker in 1919. But during his 1923 bid, he faced a rebellion from the progressive wing of the Republican party in a closely-divided House. 

    After three days of voting, Gillett was able to secure enough Republican support on the ninth ballot. He received 215 votes, which was less than a majority of the full House, but a majority of the votes that had been cast on that ballot, giving him another term as speaker.

    At least 9 ballots, 118th Congress

    McCarthy has so far failed to win a majority of votes in nine ballots and is now poised to fall short again on the ninth ballot on Jan. 5. The House minority leader can only afford to lose four Republican votes, assuming no Democrats also vote for him and they do not vote “present,” which would lower the threshold of votes constituting a majority.

    “This isn’t about me,” McCarthy said. “This is about the conference now because the members who are holding out … they want something for their personal selves.”

    Democrats nominated their chosen leader, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, as speaker. In the first ballot, Democrats united behind Jeffries and he received 212 votes. McCarthy lost 19 Republicans, receiving just 203 votes.

    The outcome in the second ballot was the same. In the third ballot, McCarthy lost one more Republican, for a total of just 202 votes. The House abruptly adjourned for the night after the third ballot. 

    On the second day of voting, McCarthy fell short in all three rounds of balloting, without converting a single “no” vote. He suggested on Tuesday night that some of the holdout Republicans could vote “present” to bring the total number of votes needed to secure a majority — but the only person who voted “present” was one of his own votes, bringing him down one more vote. 

    On the third day, McCarthy remained stymied by conservative opposition. He made two key concessions to the 21 conservative holdouts on Wednesday, but none of them have voted to support him in the latest rounds Thursday.

    Correction: This story and headline have been updated to correct the number of previous cases.

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