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Tag: U.S. Census

  • State GOP seeks Supreme Court injunction to block California’s new, voter-approved congressional districts

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    The state Republican Party on Tuesday filed an emergency application asking the U.S. Supreme Court to issue an injunction to stop the congressional districts California voters approved last year from going into effect.

    Arguing that the districts created by Proposition 50 violate federal law because the race of voters was considered when they were configured, the filing urges the court to act by Feb. 9 because of ensuing deadlines for candidates to file to run for office.

    “Our emergency application asks the Supreme Court to put the brakes on Prop. 50 now, before the Democrats try to run out the clock and force candidates and voters to live with unconstitutional congressional districts,” state GOP Chairwoman Corrin Rankin said in a statement. “Californians deserve fair districts and clean elections, not a backroom redraw that picks winners and losers based on race.”

    A spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom, who led the rare middecade redistricting effort and is one of the respondents in the lawsuit, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    The redrawing of congressional districts typically occurs once a decade, after the U.S. census, to account for population shifts. In California, the boundaries are drawn by a voter-approved independent commission to stop partisan gerrymandering and incumbent protection.

    After President Trump urged leaders in Texas and other GOP-led states to redraw their delegation’s districts to boost the number of Republicans elected to Congress in the November midterm election, Newsom and other Democratic leaders responded by crafting a plan to increase the number of their party’s members in the California delegation to the U.S. House of Representatives. Republicans currently have a razor-thin majority, and the party that controls Congress after the November election will determine whether Trump is able to continue enacting his agenda during his final two years in office.

    California voters handily passed Proposition 50, one of the most expensive ballot measure campaigns in state history. The state GOP and others immediately challenged the new districts, but earlier this month, two members of a three-judge federal panel rejected their claim that the district boundaries were drawn to illegally favor Latino voters.

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    Seema Mehta

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  • Prison Populations Impact Rural, Urban Power in Ohio’s Census and Redistricting

    Prison Populations Impact Rural, Urban Power in Ohio’s Census and Redistricting

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    Anti-gerrymandering groups in Ohio and nationally are looking to correct what they say is a representational flaw in redistricting regarding prison populations.

    As it stands now, those incarcerated in the country’s state and federal prisons are counted in the U.S. Census every 10 years as residents of the county in which their facility sits. Groups like Common Cause and the Prison Policy Initiative are asking the U.S. Census Bureau and, failing that, other government entities to change that policy.

    “When you’re crafting a policy that is intended to last for decades, you want to ensure that things are as fair as possible,” said Catherine Turcer, head of Common Cause Ohio.

    The national Common Cause Education Fund, in conjunction with the PPI, sent a letter to U.S. Census Bureau director Robert Santos and other agency leaders, asking that the bureau suspend its current method of privacy protection within its census data, which they claim led to “unnecessary inaccuracies” in the data set used for the most recent redistricting cycle, and had an “adverse impact,” especially on data for correctional facility populations.

    The Census Bureau’s method uses the “intentional infusion of inaccurate information” into the data in an attempt to keep resident data safe, though some of the data creates miscounts, Common Cause and the PPI said.

    Along with the inaccuracies the group said the privacy protection method created within census data sets, the bureau “continues to interpret its residence rule to count incarcerated people as residents of their prison cells rather than their home communities,” according to the letter, signed by PPI legal director Aleks Kajstura and Common Cause justice and democracy manager Keshia Morris Desir.

    “As a result, when states use census data to draw new state or local districts, they inadvertently give residents of districts with prisons greater political clout than all other state residents,” Kajstura and Desir wrote.

    Counting incarcerated individuals as residents of the county in which they are housed creates a problem, not only when it comes to representation for that incarcerated individual, but also for the county and community where they live when they aren’t serving out a sentence.

    More often than not, those sentences don’t last a decade, as well, which means the data will be inaccurate before the next census is taken, but after districts have been drawn and resource distribution has happened, according to advocates.

    Ohio’s prisons are in more rural areas than urban areas, with the Ohio Office of Prisons holding facilities in Ashtabula, Richland, Union, Madison, Pickaway, Fairfield, Ross, Noble and Scioto counties. Franklin, Marion, Montgomery, Lorain, Cuyahoga, Trumbull and Mahoning counties also house correctional facilities, according to the office.

    And while changing the way in which incarcerated individuals are counted wouldn’t necessarily impact the way in which prisons are funded, it would change representation and the constituency that can engage with elected officials.

    “It takes a little bit of representation from every community that has incarceration,” said Mike Wessler, communications director for the Prison Policy Initiative, which continues to oversee the Prison Gerrymandering Project, in an effort to advocate for better redistricting and census processes when it comes to incarcerated individuals.

    Wessler said counting those in prisons as residents of the prison’s county also lowers the amount of impact residents who actually live in the counties with prisons can have on political issues.

    The population of Ohio’s statehouse district 12, for example, is made up of 7% incarcerated people, according to PPI counts.

    “What that means is 93 people in that district have the same power as 100 people in another district,” Wessler said.

    Also, despite the fact that those incarcerated individuals are considered residents of the prison counties in census data, elected officials may not count them as part of the population to which they need to answer.

    “Just about everyone we’ve heard from that represents a prison district has not considered incarcerated individuals a part of their constituency,” Wessler told the OCJ.

    Even if the U.S. Census Bureau doesn’t change their methods, state and local governments have their own ways of changing the population representation. The U.S. has 14 states acting to change the way in which they draw districts to revise census data that places incarcerated individuals in their home county rather than their facility location, according to the PPI. Ohio could be a part of that list if voters approve redistricting reforms on the ballot in November.

    As part of the constitutional amendment drawn up by Citizens Not Politicians, the 15-member citizens redistricting commission would be required to “provide that persons in the custody of the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections or its successor agency shall be counted at their last known pre-incarceration address for purposes of population equalization,” according to the amendment.

    Originally published by the Ohio Capital Journal. Republished here with permission.

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    Susan Tebben, The Ohio Capital Journal

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  • Detroit’s population growth masks glaring racial disparities

    Detroit’s population growth masks glaring racial disparities

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    click to enlarge

    Steve Neavling

    Downtown Detroit is buzzing with new businesses, lofts, and entertainment, but the city’s neighborhoods continue to struggle.

    You may have woken up Thursday to the good news that Detroit’s population is rising for the first time since 1957, a time when white people began flocking to the suburbs.

    Between July 1, 2022, and July 1, 2023, Detroit gained 1,852 residents, putting the city’s population at 633,366, according to U.S. Census estimates released Monday morning.

    Detroit is now ranked as the 26th most populated city in the U.S., leapfrogging Memphis, Louisville, and Portland.

    While population gains are a positive sign for any city, the growth in Detroit is far more nuanced and complicated than a single estimate can reveal.

    Between 2000 and 2020, Detroit lost about 295,000 Black residents, or 37.4% of its African American population. No other city has lost more Black residents.

    Meanwhile, Detroit’s white population grew by more than 5,100 between 2010 and 2020.

    Black people now account for 77.2% of the city’s overall population, compared to 82.2% in 2010, when Detroit had the highest percentage of Black residents in the country.

    You can see the growth in the pricey lofts and condos that are cropping up in Midtown, downtown, Corktown, Brush Park, the Cass Corridor and the riverfront.

    At the same time, a disproportionate number of Black residents are living in neighborhoods dominated by blight, abandonment, and crime. The number of middle-class neighborhoods in Detroit shrunk from 22 in 2010 to 11 in 2020, leaving longtime residents with fewer options to find a decent place to live.

    The areas where white people are flocking are getting more expensive, displacing Black businesses and residents.

    While the latest census information doesn’t break down data by race, it’s difficult to imagine that the Black population suddenly began to rise.

    As part of a series Metro Times published last year about the growing racial and economic disparities in Detroit, we talked to Black residents who fled the city and asked them why they left. Overwhelmingly, they said they couldn’t find decent-paying jobs in the city. By contrast, white newcomers are disproportionately getting employed by high-paying businesses.

    Over the last decade, the median income of white Detroiters rose 60%. For Black Detroiters, the increase was 8%, according to Detroit Future City, a think tank that develops strategies for a more equitable city.

    The average income of a white Detroiter is $46,650, compared to $32,290 for a Black resident. The unemployment rate for Black Detroiters is 1.5 times higher than white residents.

    In a recent report, Detroit Future City found that metro Detroit’s fastest-growing, well-paying jobs are disproportionately going to white workers. About 16% of Black workers in the region are in so-called growth occupations, compared to 26% of white workers.

    Jobs are considered growth occupations if they are growing at the same or higher rate than the region as a whole, pay at least a middle-class salary, have increased wages between 2014 and 2019, and employ at least 300 people. Most of the jobs pay more than $73,000 a year.

    “What we’re seeing pretty consistently unfortunately is that the highest growth for Detoiters in terms of workforce is lower-wage jobs, which means the jobs that you would think of as middle wage or higher wage are not being occupied by Detroiters,” Anika Goss, CEO of Detroit Future City, told Metro Times in May 2023. “The jobs are either going to people who are moving here from other places or suburbanites. They are not Detroiters.”

    Black Detroiters are also more likely to be denied mortgages, regardless of their income level. Higher-income Black residents, for example, were denied a loan at a higher rate than moderate-income white applicants.

    In a news release Thursday morning, Mayor Mike Duggan tried to make the case that Black Detroiters are getting more opportunities. He pointed to a recent University of Michigan study that indicated Black homeowners gained $2.8 billion in home value. He also said the city spent $1 billion for more than 4,600 units of affordable housing over the past five years.

    Duggan has objected to past census estimates that showed population decline, saying many residents weren’t counted.

    “We have known for some time that Detroit’s population has been growing, but this is the first time the U.S. Census Bureau has confirmed it in its official estimate,” Duggan said Thursday. “This day is for the Detroiters who stayed and for everyone who has put in the hard work to make Detroit a great place to live.”

    Despite the good news about Detroit’s overall population growth, much work still needs to be done to address a future for Black residents.

    As a result of the inequities, many Black children are facing long odds of succeeding later in life. More than half of the city’s Black children live in poverty. About 20% of young adults who grow up in poverty end up poor in their 20s, according to the National Center for Children in Poverty.

    Detroit’s Black population grew exponentially in the early and mid-1900s, lured by the bustling auto industry. But those fleeing Jim Crow laws in the U.S. south found themselves in similar situations in Detroit, largely relegated to substandard homes in segregated, overpopulated neighborhoods.

    In the 1950s, when Detroit’s population peaked at nearly 2 million, Mayor Albert Cobo campaigned on a platform of “Negro removal” — a pledge to force Black people out of predominantly white neighborhoods and deny federal funding for Black housing projects.

    In the mid-1950s, the construction of highways decimated the city’s historic Black communities, Black Bottom and Paradise Valley.

    By the time federal civil rights laws banned racial discrimination in the 1960s, white people were fleeing the city for the suburbs, and the jobs followed, leaving behind a majority-Black population that lacked the resources to thrive.

    Now that white flight is reversing, it’s up to city leaders and wealthy landowners to ensure that Black residents have a fair shake this time.

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    Steve Neavling

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  • Closure of only Barnes & Noble will be major blow to Clayton County book lovers

    Closure of only Barnes & Noble will be major blow to Clayton County book lovers

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    A letter to customers can be found on the front door of Barnes & Noble Store #2865 in Morrow, Georgia. The store is the only major bookseller in the county.
    Photo by Donnell Suggs/The Atlanta Voice

    Closure of only Barnes & Noble is major blow to Clayton County

    By Donnell Suggs

    The fifth largest county in the state of Georgia will no longer have a major bookseller after May 7. The only Barnes & Noble franchise in Clayton County is scheduled to close in May and with it the only opportunity for locals to browse a large bookstore on weekends or read and study quietly in the attached Starbucks during the week. 

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    Donnell Suggs

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