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Tag: Trump voters

  • I’m No Fan of Trump, But I Don’t Shun His Supporters | RealClearPolitics

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    A Dominican priest in Chicago who said he’d spent the day helping a young U.S. citizen who’d been beaten by ICE agents after he was “detained for walking on his own sidewalk on his way to his home” posted some video of tear gas. “America,” he wrote, “we are better than this.”

    The irony is that a lot of us have spent our lives convinced that we really were better than this, and now Donald Trump seems hell-bent on proving us wrong. He has declared war on some U.S. cities, where our military is, according to him, supposed to train on those “enemy within” populations that didn’t vote for him. Stephen Miller claims a Trump-appointed judge who ruled that the administration can’t send troops into Portland is part of a legal insurrection in the face of a coordinated terrorist attack on the federal government. This is why some of us do not necessarily believe that everything and everyone the government labels a terrorist really is one.

    Yet those who approve of all that’s happening in this country do not mystify me, and partly that’s because they do not believe that this is what is happening. Frustratingly for some of my friends, I will never agree that this means all Trump supporters are x or are y. And last weekend, in my hometown of Mount Carmel, Illinois, population 7,015, I was reminded why.

    I went home to be inducted into my small public high school’s hall of fame there, in red rural southern Illinois, right across the Wabash River from Indiana. Mount Carmel High School is the one everybody in Wabash County attends. When I was in school, we did not have AP classes or test prep, and I only knew one person who even applied to an Ivy League college, though there would have been two if my mom hadn’t kept throwing the applications away faster than I could send away for them. 

    A lot of us did have talented and hardworking parents and aunts and uncles and neighbors and teachers, though. So what became of our cornfed selves? My fellow inductees included one guy who flew Air Force One, another who led a staff of 4,000 as director of the National Agricultural Statistics Service, and my genius classmate who went to college on a scholarship for the children of World War II veterans and made some important advances in semiconductor lasers and LEDs. (When I saw him at the event, he said he’d had a very pleasant conversation the previous evening with a woman he’d believed to be me, so he also has a sense of humor.)  

    Another inductee is an immunologist who had this message for those who came to the high school auditorium to celebrate with us: VACCINATE YOUR KIDS. The high school friend I got to see perform in a hit show on Broadway spoke movingly about the mother who’d adopted him and then, after his dad died just months later, did such a good job raising him on her own. A man who’d been the longtime chair of the modern languages department at Rhodes College in Memphis did a send-up of our Spanish teacher listening to us during language lab and deciding that maybe this wouldn’t be the week she quit smoking after all.

    The son of one of my moms best friends said he’d always thought of himself as George Bailey from It’s a Wonderful Life, sticking around to help keep our own Bedford Falls alive. He’s created jobs, and that’s an accomplishment I appreciate more all the time. 

    I got to hug people I hadn’t seen since we were in 4-H and Girl Scouts together, and if they gave prizes for kindness, we’d still be at the ceremony, recognizing for instance my little brother’s classmate who got up early last Friday to make sure that his gravesite was decked out in our school colors before I got to town “because something told me he wanted to join in on his sisters celebration.” I have told a few people about what she did, but haven’t yet gotten it out without crying. She keeps graves looking beautiful every season, not only for him but for many, out of love.  

    The highlight of my weekend was meeting a man who said that when hed worked for my father at the ice plant, one night he and some high school friends stole a bunch of 50-pound bags for a party. Somebody saw them, reported a robbery, and the police stopped them and called my dad, who kept them from being arrested. 

    The next day, the young man was mortified and sure he was fired, but my dad called and said he was not: You get back to work. Im sure youve learned a valuable lesson.

    They never spoke of it again, and it was because of my dad, the man told me, that he was able to go to college and become an educator himself. He also became the kind of person who knew what it would mean to me to hear all of this, and had gone to the trouble to type out the story. But, like my dad, I’m going to say that he was that person all along. 

    Years after this incident, one of the other boys whod been in the car that night was a states attorney in Indiana when a speeding ticket for my dad came across his desk. He tore it up and sent it to my father with a note that said, This is for the ice. 

    What an O. Henry ending, one of my friends said. Well, here’s the even bigger one: The same compassionate soul who taught those kids through forgiveness what they would not have learned from a night in jail? The man who I remember getting up in the middle of the night to deliver fuel oil to people who’d called saying they were cold, even though he knew they couldn’t pay? Who so respected women, and took such a dim view of men who cheated on their wives or treated anyone unfairly? 

    John Henneberger loved Donald Trump, and I’m not going to pretend that anything that’s happened since he died in 2017 would have changed that, either.

    There are lots of things I dont understand, like why trashing medical research isnt a bigger deal, when I never heard anyone of any political stripe complain that they sure hated all the progress we were making in fighting disease; I thought cancer was everyones enemy.

    But my dad and others I’ve known all my life are why I never say those who disagree with me about what I see happening in America must be just terrible. I never say it because I know it isn’t true.

    And here’s my challenge to those of you who feel as Stephen Miller does that those who disagree with you are “nothing” – actually, worse than nothing, as the “forces of wickedness and evil” tend to be: Is there really no one in your life who might force you to realize that’s not true, either? 

    If there isn’t anyone in your flesh-and-blood life who sees the world differently, youre failing at breaking out of the bubble you so confidently accuse others of living inside. In the short run, the decision to remain as pure and sure as you claim others are is all upside – unending waves of praise from the “right” people, and criticism only from total nogoodniks. 

    But you don’t have to have grown up across from a cornfield to know that this self-indulgent refusal to see our fellow Americans as people rather than “vermin” could be our undoing.

    Melinda Henneberger is a RealClearPolitics columnist based in Kansas City. She won the 2022 Pulitzer Prize for commentary and was a Pulitzer finalist for commentary in 2021, for editorial writing in 2020 and for commentary in 2019, all for her work at The Kansas City Star. For 10 years, she was a reporter for The New York Times, based in New York, Washington, D.C. and Rome. 

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    Melinda Henneberger, RCP

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  • Ariana Grande Poses Gut-Punch Question To Trump Voters – LOOK! – Perez Hilton

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    Ariana Grande is calling out Donald Trump’s supporters.

    Over the weekend, the Wicked: For Good star took to her Instagram Stories to pose a question for Trump supporters 250 days into his presidency. The 32-year-old shared a post originating from makeup artist-turned activist Matt Bernstein that asked:

    “i want to check in with trump voters. i have one very genuine question: it’s been 250 days. now that immigrants have been violently torn from their families and communities have been destroyed, now that trans people have been blamed for virtually everything and live in fear, now that free speech is on the brink of collapse for us all — has your life gotten better?”

    Huh. The question was then elaborated on to be super clear:

    “have your groceries gotten cheaper? has your health insurance premium gone down? has your work/life balance improved? can you take a vacation yet? are you happier?”

    Wow. Yeah, that is a big question, especially considering the price of groceries and the economy generally were what Trump himself has boasted won him the election.

    Related: Jimmy Kimmel Won! Sinclair Will Resume Airing His Show!

    Finally, the post concludes:

    “how has the widespread suffering of others paid off for you in the way he promised it would, or are you still waiting?”

    See the scathing message in full (below):

    Ari chose not to include any of her own additional commentary, but she was firm in her support for Kamala Harris last year.

    What are your reactions to this post, Perezcious readers? Are your prices down since Donald Trump took office? On groceries or anything else? Let us know in the comments down below.

    [Images via CBS/YouTube & MEGA/WENN]

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    Perez Hilton

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  • ‘The Most Entertaining Dead-Cat Bounce in History’

    ‘The Most Entertaining Dead-Cat Bounce in History’

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    Not very long ago, the harshest thing Nikki Haley would say about Donald Trump was that “chaos follows him”—a sort of benign jab that creatively avoids causation and suggests mere correlation, like noting that scorched trees tend to appear after a forest fire.

    For most of the Republican-primary campaign to date, Haley adopted a carefully modulated approach toward the former president, and reserved most of her barbs for her other primary rivals. Her motto seemed to be “Speak softly about Trump and carry a sharp stick for Vivek Ramaswamy.” Recently, though, Haley has made a hard pivot.

    Just two days after she came in (a distant) second to Trump in the New Hampshire primary, she began fundraising for the first time off his attacks on her—selling T-shirts with the slogan BARRED PERMANENTLY after the former president said that anyone who continues to support her will be “permanently barred from the MAGA camp,” whatever that means.

    In the past week, Haley has been on a tear, calling Trump “totally unhinged,” “toxic,” “self-absorbed,” and lacking in “moral clarity.” Her campaign unleashed a new attack-ad series in which Trump and President Joe Biden are portrayed as two “grumpy old men” standing in the way of the next generation. And yesterday, Haley posted a gag photo of a Trump Halloween costume labeled “Weakest General Election Candidate Ever.” To paraphrase the words of the Democratic-primary candidate Marianne Williamson, Girlfriend, this is so on.

    Such an aggressive posture is new for Haley, and Democrats and anti-Trump Republicans have applauded her for it. She should have been talking this way all along, some of her supporters argue. “If she started it sooner, she would’ve cut the lead in New Hampshire,” Chip Felkel, a Republican strategist in South Carolina, told me. In his view, Haley thought she “had to play nice” to win over Trump voters: “But this ain’t a nice game.”

    Can Haley still achieve anything by playing hardball at this point? Things don’t look promising. Her bid to defeat Trump is already the longest of long shots, based on the polls coming out of virtually every state, including Haley’s own South Carolina. So what’s the point of changing things up? Why muster the courage to smack-talk Trump now, when the race seems all but over? I asked a number of political strategists and experts for their view, and pieced together a few plausible theories. (Neither the Haley nor the Trump campaign responded to a request for comment.)


    1. Attacking Trump is easier now.
    The most obvious theory for Haley’s more combative rhetoric is that with only one other major candidate still in the primary, the task of drawing a direct contrast with Trump is much simpler. “If you have six people in a race and a couple are attacking a couple others, it’s hard to predict how that’s going to work in terms of driving your ballots,” David Kochel, a longtime Iowa Republican strategist, told me. “When it’s a multi-candidate field, you’ve got to tell your own story.” After Iowa, “that’s resolved,” he said, and so “she has no choice but to turn her attention to Trump.”

    The jabs are meant to draw Trump out—to pressure him to join her on a debate stage or to provoke a tantrum that turns off his potential voters and motivates her own. “She needs him to make a mistake,” Kochel said. “She needs some intervening activity, some dynamic that is not completely in her control.”

    Maybe this is a good moment for Haley to exploit Trump’s weakness with women voters. In a hypothetical head-to-head matchup, Biden beats Trump with the support of women, a new Quinnipiac poll showed, and that gender gap appears to be growing. Last week, Haley dragged Trump over his defamation-case loss to E. Jean Carroll, in which he was ordered to pay $83 million in additional defamation damages to the woman whom he was previously found liable for defaming and sexually abusing. “Haley is running the Taylor Swift strategy in the primary,” Steve Bannon, Trump’s former White House chief strategist, told me. “She’s playing to the ‘Trump is toxic’ women’s vote.’” The pop star’s apparent potential to influence Americans, and especially women, to vote Democratic, coupled with the results of the Quinnipiac poll, represent “deep, underlying forces that need to be addressed,” Bannon said—something Haley will continue to seize on.

    2. Haley’s anti-Trump rhetoric represents the death throes of her campaign.
    Haley’s campaign has followed the same trajectory as several other Republicans’ efforts in the Trump era: They might have avoided attacking him directly at first, but when their prospects dimmed, they lashed out. Marco Rubio mocked Trump’s small hands just before dropping out of the race; Ted Cruz called Trump a “pathological liar” at the tail end of his own campaign. “It seems like they all have consultants in their ear telling them if they take on Trump directly, they are going to crater support with the base, which is true,” Tim Miller, a political consultant and writer at the conservative outlet The Bulwark, told me. “Then, finally, when they’re up against the wall and in the final stages, they figure it’s worth a shot.”

    Maybe ratcheting up the combativeness is a form of emotional catharsis. When I asked the Democratic strategist James Carville about Haley’s change in approach, he texted me that Haley “is tired, scared & pissed off.” Because she’s trailing Trump in her own state, “certain doom in SC is eating at her. NEVER discount the human element.” Haley now sounds a lot more like she did behind closed doors during the Trump administration, Mike Murphy, a Republican consultant, told me, citing conversations he’s had with former Haley staffers. “This is Nikki therapy,” he said. “She’s just having fun poking him in the eye, getting all her ya-yas out. It’s the most entertaining dead-cat bounce in history.”

    3. Haley is giving her donors what they want.
    Haley’s billionaire supporters adore this new, aggressively anti-Trump candidate, and they’re rewarding her with cash. “Nikki’s more aggressive posture toward Trump was welcomed as it is communicating the stark choice in front of the party,” Bill Berrien, the CEO of the manufacturer Pindel Global Precision, who hosted a fundraiser for Haley in New York, told The Washington Post. Cliff Asness, a co-founder of AQR Capital Management and a Haley donor, wrote on X that, in response to Trump’s attacks, he “may have to contribute more” to her.

    At least some of these funders are convinced that Haley still has a shot. “She’s got donors saying, ‘You have a credible campaign, and you never know when Trump is going to choke to death on a meatloaf,’” Murphy said. Whether or not Haley believes that, she’s going along with it. The odds that she might become the nominee through an act of God or a brokered convention, after all, are probably better than buying a Power Ball ticket. “It’s a clutching-at-straws thing, but she’s got the best straw in town to clutch on,” Murphy said. “Why the hell not? It’s free and fun.”

    4. Haley is looking to a post-Trump future.
    A few weeks ago, rumors circulated that Haley might be on Trump’s shortlist for vice president. If the decision, though unlikely, went her way, that could set her up to be Trump’s political heir. But Haley’s recent hostility toward Trump—and his splenetic response—have surely shut the door on that possibility. Instead, Haley is staking out her own territory.

    “She’s not done. She’s running for 2028,” Sarah Isgur, a senior editor at The Dispatch and a former deputy campaign manager for the 2016 Republican presidential hopeful Carly Fiorina, told me. Trump has “changed her brand-thinking.” Instead of gunning for some sort of role in MAGA world, Haley can portray herself as the last person standing in the war against Trumpism—a position that many men before her have fought for and failed to achieve. If she can do that, she can consolidate a leadership future for herself, post-Trump, Isgur said.

    Haley will be able to say “I told you so” if Trump loses to Biden in November—or if he wins but then governs disastrously. She’ll be “the good conservative who tried to warn you,” Murphy said. This also means that after the race is over, she’ll have to lie low for a while, and not join other Trump rivals turned grovelers, including Ron DeSantis, Tim Scott, and North Dakota Governor Doug Burgum. She’s playing “the long-term game,” Murphy said.



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    Elaine Godfrey

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  • Robert F. Kennedy Jr. Promises to Spoil the Election

    Robert F. Kennedy Jr. Promises to Spoil the Election

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    Three words told the story. Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s campaign had billed this afternoon’s event in Philadelphia as a “much-anticipated announcement.” Of course, that specific phrase may have been more true than intended.

    Ever since Kennedy entered the Democratic presidential primary race in the spring, observers had been anticipating that he’d one day announce his honest intentions as a 2024 candidate. Given Kennedy’s rhetoric, his positions, and his support from conservative operatives, was he really running as a Democrat? A couple thousand people—supporters, journalists, campaign volunteers, people with nothing to do—trekked to Philly to find out.

    The candidate was nothing if not on message. Standing in front of a backdrop that read DECLARE YOUR INDEPENDENCE, Kennedy looked out at Independence Hall as he spoke of “a new declaration of independence for our entire nation.” He rattled off a list of everything we’d soon be independent from: cynical elites, the mainstream media, wealthy donors. (Though, presumably, not the same wealthy donors who recently raised more than $2 million for him and his super PAC at a private estate in Brentwood, California, with help from his friend Eric Clapton). Onstage, Kennedy formally declared his independence “from the Democratic Party and all other political parties”—perhaps an unsubtle way to shoot down speculation that he might change his mind and run as a Libertarian, or even a Republican. As his wife, Cheryl Hines, said a bit cryptically before her husband took the stage: “Are you really ready for Bobby Kennedy?”

    Kennedy, whom many came to know as a Boomer environmentalist, was the star of this mellow show with a distinct ’60s campus vibe. At one table, attendees were invited to literally sketch their vision of the future on blank sheets of paper with colored pens. Throngs gathered on the grass in front of the National Constitution Center and were led in a Native American tribal dance, followed by the inoffensive piano stylings of Tim Hockenberry, who covered “Jersey Girl” in a Springsteen growl. Outside the entrance, enterprising vendors sold an array of Kennedy memorabilia: buttons that read RESIST INSANITY, RAGE AGAINST THE PROPAGANDA MACHINE, and FIT TO BE PRESIDENT, featuring a photo of a buff, shirtless Kennedy. One attendee waved a giant black-and-white flag with a message for their fellow Kennedy-heads: WE ARE THE CONTROL GROUP. Many people wore fedoras.

    They came from all over. Michael Schroth, 69, and his wife, Luz, had taken a 4:30 a.m. bus down from Boston. Schroth told me he voted for Barack Obama twice, but also voted for the third-party candidate Ralph Nader twice, as well as Jill Stein in 2016. “I look for the best candidate, and I don’t care if they’re going to win or not. It’s getting the idea out,” he said. Chris Devol, 56, from Phoenixville, Pennsylvania, was wearing a Philadelphia Eagles hoodie and smiling ear to ear as he awaited Kennedy’s arrival. Devol told me he had voted for the third-party candidate Ross Perot in 1992, and that although he wasn’t sure whether he’d support Kennedy next November, he “100 percent” supported the idea of him competing in the Democratic primary. An elderly woman named Barbara (last name withheld), a retired teacher from Lansdowne, Pennsylvania, told me she believed that President Joe Biden wasn’t doing anything to address the nation’s drug problem. She said a bag of fentanyl was recently found on the steps of her local church, then asked me if I was familiar with the Boxer Rebellion.

    Prior to Kennedy’s address, Rabbi Shmuley Boteach, one of the opening speakers, asked for a moment of silence to honor the violence of this past weekend. Someone in the crowd yelled out “Warmonger!” Another screamed, “Free the Palestinians!” Boteach acknowledged neither individual, and said he greatly respects Kennedy, who has been accused of anti-Semitism, as a man of faith. Later, Kennedy said he had arrived at a place where he was serving only his conscience, his creator, and “you”—the voters.

    This afternoon marked the culmination of what he described as a “very painful” decision. He noted his long-standing ties to the Democrats, the party of his family, which he casually referred to as a dynasty, before tearing into the tyranny of the two-party system. For weeks, Kennedy had been attacking the Democratic National Committee for “rigging” the primary process. (The DNC has refused to hold primary debates, as is custom when a party’s incumbents are running for reelection.) Kennedy has been polling in the double digits against Biden, but his support hasn’t grown meaningfully since he launched his campaign. As of last Friday, according to the FiveThirtyEight average, Kennedy was polling at 16.4 percent compared with Biden’s 61.2 percent. Four of his siblings—Kerry Kennedy, Rory Kennedy, Joseph P. Kennedy II, and Kathleen Kennedy Townsend—issued a statement today denouncing their brother’s newly independent candidacy, calling his decision “perilous for our country.” Kennedy acknowledged the challenge ahead of him. “There have been independent candidates in this country before,” he said. “But this time it’s going to be different.”

    Kennedy is the second candidate in as many weeks to go rogue. Cornel West dropped his Green Party affiliation in favor of an independent bid, telling The New York Times, “I am a jazz man in politics and the life of the mind who refuses to play only in a party band!” Though neither Democrats nor Republicans seem particularly worried about the candidacies of West or Marianne Williamson, Kennedy is different. “The Democrats are frightened that I’m going to spoil the election for President Biden, and the Republicans are frightened that I’m going to spoil the election for President Trump,” Kennedy said. He waited for a strategic beat. “The truth is, they’re both right.”

    All year long, mainstream Democrats have tried to pretend that Kennedy simply doesn’t exist, with mixed results. Both the Biden campaign and the DNC declined to comment today on Kennedy’s switch. The RNC, for its part, blasted out a list of “23 Reasons to Oppose RFK Jr.,” and reports have been circulating that Trump’s allies are preparing to pummel Kennedy with opposition research. Last week, the election analyst Nate Silver argued that Kennedy’s independent run won’t necessarily hurt Biden, and it might even help him. David Axelrod, the chief strategist of Barack Obama’s campaigns, took a different view. “I think anything that lowers the threshold for winning helps Trump, who has a high floor and low ceiling [of support,]” Axelrod told me.

    Kennedy tantalized the crowd with nuggets that purport to make the case for his electability: “I have seen the polls that they won’t show you.” He pointed out that 63 percent of Americans want an independent to run for president. Though he didn’t cite the origin of this statistic, it aligns with recent Gallup polling, which also showed that 58 percent of Republicans endorse a third U.S. political party, up from 45 percent last year.

    Kennedy has built his candidacy, and his career as a lawyer and writer more broadly, on the idea that there are lots of things “they won’t show you.” As I wrote in a profile of Kennedy this summer, he has promoted a theory that Wi-Fi radiation causes cancer and “leaky brain,” saying it “opens your blood-brain barrier.” He has suggested that antidepressants might have contributed to the rise in mass shootings. He told me he believes that Ukraine is engaged in a “proxy” war and that Russia’s invasion, although “illegal,” would not have taken place if the United States “didn’t want it to.”

    “He’s drawing from many of those Trump voters—the two-time Obama, onetime Trump—that are still disaffected, want change, and maybe haven’t found a permanent home in the Trump movement,” Steve Bannon told me as I was reporting the profile. “Populist left, populist right, and where that Venn diagram overlaps—he’s talking to those people.”

    The reality is that Kennedy will have an extremely hard time even getting his name on the ballot. The GOP “dirty trickster” Roger Stone, who earlier this year was accused of being among those propping up Kennedy’s candidacy (something he has repeatedly denied), told me in a text message that Kennedy faces a “Herculean task” with “50 different state laws written by Republicans and Democrats working together to make ballot access as difficult as possible.” Even if Kennedy is right and voters are looking for a true alternative to Trump and Biden, mathematically, Kennedy’s path to 270 electoral votes is almost incomprehensible.

    Nevertheless, he said he believes that he is at the start of a new American moment. “Something is stirring in us that says, It doesn’t have to be this way,” Kennedy said onstage. He nodded to Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop” speech from the eve of his assassination and quoted Abraham Lincoln quoting Jesus Christ: “A house divided cannot stand.” He said that the left and the right had become “all mixed up.” He said that he was proud to count those on both sides of the abortion debate among his supporters, in addition to “climate activists” and “climate skeptics,” and, of course, the “vaccinated” and the “unvaccinated.” Perhaps saying the quiet part out loud, Kennedy said it would be very hard for people to tell “whether my administration is left or right.” He had no shortage of curious metaphors. He promised not just to “take the wheel,” but to “reboot the GPS.” The nation’s two-party system? “A two-headed monster that leads us over a cliff.” And, in case it wasn’t clear: “At the bottom of that cliff is the destruction of our country.”

    When I interviewed Kennedy for the profile, I asked him what he thought would be more dangerous for the country: four more years of Biden, or another Trump term. “I can’t answer that,” he said.

    Around that time, I asked his campaign manager, Dennis Kucinich, if Kennedy was committed to running solely as a Democratic candidate.

    “He’s running in the Democratic primary,” Kucinich responded.

    “So, no chance of a third party?”

    “He’s running in the Democratic primary.”

    “Gotcha. And nothing could change that?”

    “He’s running in the Democratic primary.”

    Today, after Kennedy finished speaking, Kucinich briefly seized the mic and led the crowd in a building, dramatic chant:

    “I declare my independence!”

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    John Hendrickson

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