ReportWire

Tag: Trump supporter

  • Thousands gather statewide in anti-ICE protests, including hundreds in Huntington Beach

    [ad_1]

    More than 60 largely peaceful protests took place this weekend against U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement actions, including several in Southern California.

    But while many protests were without incident, they were not short on anger and moments of tension. Organizers called the gatherings the “ICE Out for Good” weekend of action in response to the fatal shooting of Renée Nicole Good by an Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent in Minneapolis.

    In Huntington Beach, Ron Duplantis, 72, carried a diagram to represent the three shots fired at Good, including one through her windshield and two others that appeared to go through her side window.

    “Those last two shots,” he said, “make it clear to me that this is murder.”

    Participants in the “ICE Out” protest hold signs Sunday in Huntington Beach.

    (Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)

    Huntington Beach has seen past clashes between Trump supporters and anti-racism activists, but as of mid-afternoon, Sunday’s protest was tense at times, but free of violence. About 300 people — and two dozen counterprotesters — stood outside City Hall, with protesters carrying anti-ICE signs, ringing cowbells and chanting “ICE out of O.C.”

    As cars sped past them on Main Street, many motorists honked in a show of solidarity, while some rolled down their windows to shout their support for ICE, MAGA and President Trump.

    “The reason why I’m here is democracy,” said Mary Artesani, a 69-year-old Costa Mesa resident carrying a sign that read “RESIST.” “They have to remember he won’t be in office forever.”

    A car with a MAGA hat on the dashboard passes an "ICE Out" protest.

    Participants in the “ICE Out” protest in Huntington Beach hold signs as a car with a MAGA hat in the windshield passes.

    (Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)

    The Trump administration has largely stood behind the ICE agent, identified as Jonathan Ross, with Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem saying he acted in self-defense. Democratic officials and many members of the public have said the videos of the shooting circulating on social media appear to contradict at least some of the administration’s assertions.

    “I’m outraged a woman was murdered by our government and our government lied to our faces about it,” said protester Tony Zarkades, 60, who has lived in the Huntington Beach area for nearly 30 years. A former officer in the Marines, Zarkades said he is thinking of moving to Orange to escape the presence of so many Trump supporters in Huntington Beach.

    Large protests against ICE occurred in the Bay Area as well as Sacramento and other California cities over the weekend. In Oakland, hundreds demonstrated peacefully on Sunday, although the night before, protesters assembled at the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building and left graffiti, according to a report in the San Francisco Chronicle.

    In Los Angeles on Saturday night, protesters marched through the downtown area to City Hall and past the
    Edward Roybal Federal Building, with the L.A. Police Department issuing a dispersal order at about 6:30 p.m., according to City News Service.

    While many of the protests focused on what happened to Good in Minnesota, they also recognized Keith Porter Jr., a man killed by an off-dutyICE agent in Northridge on New Year’s Eve.

    In Huntington Beach, the coastal community has long had a reputation as a Southern California stronghold for Republicans, though its politics have recently been shifting. Orange County has a painful legacy of political extremism, including neo-Nazism. In 2021, a “White Lives Matter” rally in the area ended in 12 arrests.

    On Sunday, a small group of about 30 counterprotesters waved Trump and MAGA flags on a corner opposite from the anti-ICE rally.

    A handful of people hold American flags and signs.

    Counterprotester Victoria Cooper, 72, holds signs and shouts at participants of the “ICE Out” protest in Huntington Beach.

    (Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)

    “We’re here to support our country and president and support ICE,” said Kelly Johnson, who gave his age as “old enough to be your sugar daddy.”

    Wearing an “ICE Immigration: Making America Safe Again” T-shirt, Kelly said the protesters were “paid agitators” who had been lied to by the media.

    “Look at the other angles of the [shooting] videos,” he said. “She ran over the officer.”

    Standing with him was Jesse Huizar, 66, who said he identifies as a “Latino for Trump” and was here to “support the blue.”

    The Chino resident said he came to the U.S. from Mexico when he was 5, but that he has no fear of ICE because he “came here legally.”

    Huizar said Good’s death was sad, but that she “if she had complied, if she got out of her car and followed orders, she’d be alive right now.”

    But their voices were largely overpowered by those of the anti-ICE protesters. One of the event’s organizers, 52-year-old Huntington Beach resident Denise G., who declined to give her last name, said they’ve been gathering in front of City Hall every Sunday since March, but that this was by far one of the largest turnouts they have seen.

    She felt “devastated, angry, and more determined than ever” when she saw the video of Good’s shooting, she said.

    A man in an "ICE Immigration: Make America Safe Again" shirt stands across from protesters.

    Counterprotester Kelly Johnson stands across from the “ICE Out” demonstration.

    (Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)

    “It could be any one of us,” she said. “The people not out here today need to understand this could be their family member, their spouse, their children. The time is now. All hands on deck.”

    Nearby, 27-year-old Yvonne Gonzales had gathered with about 10 of her friends. They said they were motivated to come because they were outraged by the shooting.

    “I wish I was surprised by it,” Gonzales said, “but we’ve seen so much violence from ICE.”

    She suspected that race was a factor in the outpouring of support, noting that Good was a white woman while many others who have been injured or killed by immigration enforcement actions have been people of color, but that it was still “great to see this turnout and visibility.”

    A few feet away, 41-year-old Christie Martinez stood with her children, Elliott, 9, and Kane, 6. She teared up thinking about the shooting and the recent ICE actions in California, including the killing of Porter.

    “It’s sad and sickening,” said Martinez, who lives in Westminster. “It makes me really sad how people are targeted because of their skin color.”

    [ad_2]

    Hayley Smith

    Source link

  • Commentary: After a year of insults, raids, arrests and exile, a celebration of the California immigrant

    [ad_1]

    What comes next is a mystery, but I’d like to share a note of appreciation as 2025 fades into history.

    If you came to Greater Los Angeles from Mexico, by way of Calexico, Feliz Navidad.

    If you once lived in Syria, and settled in Hesperia, welcome.

    If you were born in what once was Bombay, but raised a family in L.A., happy new year.

    I’m spreading a bit of holiday cheer because for immigrants, on the whole, this has been a horrible year.

    Under federal orders in 2025, Los Angeles and other cities have been invaded and workplaces raided.

    Immigrants have been chased, protesters maced.

    Livelihoods have been aborted, loved ones deported.

    With all the put-downs and name-calling by the man at the top, you’d never guess his mother was an immigrant and his three wives have included two immigrants.

    President Trump referred to Somalis as garbage, and he wondered why the U.S. can’t bring in more people from Scandinavia and fewer from “filthy, dirty and disgusting” countries.

    Not to be outdone, Homeland Security chief Kristi Noem proposed a travel ban on countries that are “flooding our nation with killers, leeches and entitlement junkies.”

    The president’s shtick is to rail mostly against those who are in the country without legal standing and particularly those with criminal records. But his tone and language don’t always make such distinctions.

    The point is to divide, lay blame and raise suspicion, which is why legal residents — including Pasadena Mayor Victor Gordo — have told me they carry their passports at all times.

    In fact, thousands of people with legal status have been booted out of the country, and millions more are at risk of the same fate.

    In a more evolved political culture, it would be simpler to stipulate that there are costs and benefits to immigration, that it’s human nature to flee hardship in pursuit of better opportunities wherever they might be, and that it’s possible to enact laws that serve the needs of immigrants and the industries that rely on them.

    But 2025 was the year in which the nation was led in another direction, and it was the year in which it became ever more comforting and even liberating to call California home.

    The state is a deeply flawed enterprise, with its staggering gaps in wealth and income, its homelessness catastrophe, housing affordability crisis and racial divides. And California is not politically monolithic, no matter how blue. It’s got millions of Trump supporters, many of whom applauded the roundups.

    But there’s an understanding, even in largely conservative regions, that immigrants with papers and without are a crucial part of the muscle and brainpower that help drive the world’s fourth-largest economy.

    That’s why some of the state’s Republican lawmakers asked Trump to back off when he first sent masked posses on roundups, stifling the construction, agriculture and hospitality sectors of the economy.

    When the raids began, I called a gardener I had written about years ago after he was shot in the chest during a robbery attempt. He had insisted on leaving the hospital emergency room and going back to work immediately, with the bullet still embedded in his chest. A client had hired him to complete a landscaping job by Christmas, as a present to his wife, and the gardener was determined to deliver.

    When I checked in with the gardener in June, he told me he was lying low because even though he has a work permit, he didn’t feel safe because Trump had vowed to end temporary protected status for some immigrants.

    “People look Latino, and they get arrested,” he told me.

    He said his daughter, whom I’d met two decades ago when I delivered $2,000 donated to the family by readers, was going to demonstrate in his name. I met up with her at the “No Kings” rally in El Segundo, where she told me why she wanted to protest:

    “To show my face for those who can’t speak and to say we’re not all criminals, we’re all sticking together, we have each other’s backs,” she said.

    Mass deportations would rip a $275-million hole in the state’s economy, critically affecting agriculture and healthcare among other industries, according to a report from UC Merced and the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.

    “Deportations tend to raise unemployment among U.S.-born and documented workers through reduced consumption and disruptions in complementary occupations,” says a UCLA Anderson report.

    Californians understand these realities because they’re not hypothetical or theoretical — they’re a part of daily life and commerce. Nearly three-quarters of the state’s residents believe that immigrants benefit California “because of their hard work and job skills,” says the Public Policy Institute of California.

    I’m a California native whose grandparents were from Spain and Italy, but the state has changed dramatically in my lifetime, and I don’t think I ever really saw it clearly or understood it until I was asked in 2009 to address the freshman convocation at Cal State Northridge. The demographics were similar to today’s — more than half Latino, 1 in 5 white, 10% Asian and 5% Black. And roughly two-thirds were first-generation college students.

    I looked out on thousands of young people about to find their way and make their mark, and the students were flanked by a sprinkling of proud parents and grandparents, many of whose stories of sacrifice and yearning began in other countries.

    That is part of the lifeblood of the state’s culture, cuisine, commerce and sense of possibility, and those students are now our teachers, nurses, physicians, engineers, entrepreneurs and tech whizzes.

    If you left Taipei and settled in Monterey, said goodbye to Dubai and packed up for Ojai, traded Havana for Fontana or Morelia for Visalia, thank you.

    And happy new year.

    steve.lopez@latimes.com

    [ad_2]

    Steve Lopez

    Source link

  • 15 of Gavin Newsom’s most brutal roasts of Trump that have the left cackling & MAGA melting down

    [ad_1]

    Shiela Fitzgerald/Shutterstock; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

    California Governor Gavin Newsom and President Donald Trump.

    California Governor Gavin Newsom is setting the internet on fire with his new social media strategy that is not only hilarious but has the added benefit of making MAGA angry.

    Two birds, one stone.

    Newsom has been roasting the Right using memes and dunking President Donald Trump and Republican politicians by imitating Trump’s own all-caps, deranged style of posting on Truth Social.

    Over the course of the last month, the governor and his social media team have become masters at trolling. Camille Zapata is the head of Newsom’s press office and runs his @CAGovernor account, while director of communications Izzy Gardon and other members of the team run @GovPressOffice and @GavinNewsom, and all of them are well-versed in Internet memes and students of the way Trump likes to post.

    The social media posts have been so successful that they’ve managed to anger Republican politicians and even caused a Fox News host to crash out on air. After Newsom’s office posted memes making fun of Vice President JD Vance and Trump supporter Kid Rock, and labeled Kristi Noem “Commander Cosplay” and Tomi Lahren “woke,” The Five host Dana Perino melted down and called on Newsom’s wife to stop him.

    Democrats, on the other hand, have been cheering Newsom on by reposting his greatest hits, creating Trump-like AI memes of Newsom, while the media is busy creating best-of lists.

    The LGBTQ+ community is rightfully sick of Newsom after he called trans athletes competing in women’s sports “deeply unfair” in the debut episode of his podcast, but it’s hard to deny that his tweet storm is having an impact on Republicans and MAGA voters.

    Newsom may be one of the only Democrats willing to fight fire with fire, and the internet is loving him for it!

    x.com

    Newsom’s press office making fun of Trump by mimicking the bizarre all-caps way he posts on Truth Social is a hilarious and clever way to dunk on the president. Calling his hands “tiny” and roasting him for needing “little baby stairs” to get into Air Force One is the icing on the cake.

    x.com

    “Tiny hands” and “beta” are the perfect nicknames for a man obsessed with his own virility and masculinity.

    x.com

    The internet spent a couple of days making fun of the way JD Vance runs, and Newsom joined in on the fun.

    x.com

    Newsom’s press office is getting eerily good at posting like Trump. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson was another target for Newsom’s ire, calling him “little man” while roasting Trump for his obsession with maps and calling him Donald “TACO” J. Trump.

    x.com

    After Texas House Democrats broke quorum and fled the state for Illinois and California, Texas Senator Ted Cruz poked the bear by writing on X that they were probably off having dinner with Newsom “at the French Laundry.” Cruz meant it as a powerful burn, but Newsom shot back by reminding everyone of the time Cruz fled Texas for Cancun while Texans were being devastated by a harsh winter storm.

    x.com

    He has mastered the art of sarcasm.

    x.com

    Either Newsom or his social media manager is as chronically online as the rest of us and is getting in on the FAFO trend.

    x.com

    Sometimes all he needs to do is laugh at Trump.

    x.com

    Newsom has been leading the charge, fighting against the Trump administration’s use of ICE to enact their cruel immigration policies, including dunking on Donald Trump Jr. for being his dad’s mouthpiece and starting a ridiculous wireless phone company.

    x.com

    Newsom’s whole social media team deserves a raise for this one!

    x.com

    Using the “old man yells at clouds” meme to describe Fox News anchor Trace Gallagher will never not be hilarious.

    x.com

    Newsom’s press office posted a video montage of his back and forth with conservative political commentator Tomi Lahren, which included Newsom making fun of her by posting, “Tomi’s account is basically Yelp for toilets now,” with the caption “thoughts and prayers.” Hilarious.

    x.com

    Further proof that Newsom has hired funny, young, and chronically online people to run his press office.

    x.com

    Talking down to Trump and throwing his own book (The Art of the Deal) back in his face will never not be funny.

    x.com

    Superimposing Vance’s face on the meme of Raygun doing a terrible “break dance” at the Olympics is the reason Photoshop was invented.

    x.com

    Calling White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller “Voldemort’s hand” and using Cards Against Humanity to say Newsom is hurting him? Chef’s kiss.

    x.com

    No notes.

    x.com

    This Republican made the mistake of filming his anti-Newsom “rap” — we’re being generous calling it that — with a cutout of the governor behind him so that it looks like Newsom is taking him from behind. Oops.

    This article originally appeared on Pride: 15 of Gavin Newsom’s most brutal roasts of Trump that have the left cackling & MAGA melting down

    RELATED

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • The Humiliation of Donald Trump

    The Humiliation of Donald Trump

    [ad_1]

    He shuffled quietly into the courtroom and took his seat at the defense table. He looked strangely small sitting there flanked by lawyers—his shoulders slumped, his hands in his lap, his 6-foot-3-inch frame seeming to retreat into itself. When he spoke—“Not guilty”—it came out hoarse, almost a whisper. Pundits and reporters had spent weeks trying to imagine what this moment would look like. How would a former president—especially one who prided himself on showmanship—behave while under arrest? Would he act smug? Defiant? Righteously indignant?

    No one predicted that he would look quite so humiliated.

    Of course, becoming the first ex-president in American history to be charged with a crime is not exactly a coveted résumé line. But Donald Trump’s indictment yesterday marked a low point in another way too: For a man who’s long harbored a distinctive form of class anxiety rooted in his native New York, Trump’s arraignment in Manhattan represented the ultimate comeuppance.

    The island of Manhattan plays an important role in the Donald Trump creation myth. In speeches and interviews over the years, Trump has repeatedly recalled peering across the East River as a young man, yearning to expand the family real-estate business and compete with the city’s biggest developers. For a kid born in Queens—even one who grew up in a rich family—Manhattan seemed like the center of the universe.

    “I started off in a small office with my father in Brooklyn and Queens,” Trump said in the 2015 speech launching his campaign. “And my father said … ‘Donald, don’t go into Manhattan. That’s the big leagues. We don’t know anything about that. Don’t do it.’ I said, ‘I gotta go into Manhattan. I gotta build those big buildings. I gotta do it, Dad. I’ve gotta do it.’”

    In the version of the story Trump likes to tell, he went on to cross the river, conquer the island, and cement his victory by erecting an eponymous skyscraper in the middle of town. His childhood dream came true.

    But Trump was never really accepted by Manhattan’s old-money aristocracy. To the city’s elites, he was just another nouveau riche wannabe with bad manners and a distasteful penchant for self-promotion. They recognized the type—the outer-borough kid who’d made good—and they made sure he knew he wasn’t one of them. With each guest list that omitted his name, with each VIP invitation that didn’t come, Trump’s resentment burned hotter—and his desire for revenge deepened.

    Today, the old hierarchies that defined the New York of Trump’s youth are largely gone, replaced by new ones. (Brooklyn, the middle-class backwater where Trump’s father kept his office, is now home to enough pretentious white people that even the snootiest Manhattanites have to acknowledge the borough.) Trump, meanwhile, isn’t even a New Yorker anymore, having changed his voter registration to Florida in 2019 and retreated to the more hospitable confines of Mar-a-Lago after leaving the White House.

    But Trump never forgot the island that rejected him. And this week, he was forced to return to it—not in triumph, but in disgrace. Hundreds of journalists descended on Lower Manhattan to chronicle each indignity: the courthouse door gently shutting on him because nobody bothered to hold it open, the judge sternly instructing him to rein in his social-media rhetoric about the case. At one point, shortly after Trump entered the courtroom, someone in the overflow room, where reporters and others were watching a closed-circuit feed, began to whistle “Hail to the Chief,” drawing stifled laughter.

    In the past, Trump has succeeded in using his humiliations to his benefit. It’s a big part of why he excels at playing a populist on the campaign trail. When Trump railed against the corrupt ruling class in 2016, he wasn’t just channeling the anger of his supporters; he was expressing something he felt viscerally. Yes, his personal grievances with the “elites”—the ego-wounding snubs—might have been petty, but the anger was real. And for many of his followers, that was enough.

    Now he’s trying to pull off that trick again. In the weeks leading up to his indictment, Trump has sought to cast Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s investigation as an act of political persecution—aimed not just at him, but at the entire MAGA movement. “WE MUST SAVE AMERICA!” he shout-posted on Truth Social last month. “PROTEST, PROTEST, PROTEST!”

    A modest contingent of pro-Trump demonstrators gathered in a park across the street from the courthouse yesterday, separated by police barricade from a larger group of counterprotesters. But the relatively muted MAGA presence, compared with the crowds of onlookers relishing the moment, only underscored how alienated the former president has become from the city with which he was once synonymous. The scene was heavier on performance artists and grifters than outraged true believers. A woman in a QAnon T-shirt strutted and gyrated for reporters as she rambled about Satan and the financial system, periodically punctuating her comments with “Bada bing!” A Trump supporter burned sage to ward off evil spirits, prompting one bystander to ask, “Is someone cooking soup?” The Naked Cowboy made an appearance.

    A handful of Trump’s New York–based supporters tried to convince me that this was still his town. Dion Cini—a MAGA-merch salesman who drew attention for his giant TRUMP OR DEATH flag and his liberal deployment of flagpole-based innuendos—told me he lived in Brooklyn. “Trump country!” he declared.

    I asked Cini if he really believed that New York could still be considered Trump country. Cini responded by launching into an enthusiastic (and exaggerated) recitation of how much of the city had been built by the Trumps. “Sheepshead Bay was built by Trump. All 50,000 homes,” Cini said, claiming that he lives in a Trump-built house there himself. “How many towers were built by Trump? The Javits Center! I mean, you name it—the Wollman Rink, the carousel in Central Park. And they call him a Nazi. I mean, did Hitler ever build a carousel?”

    After Cini wandered away, another Trump supporter named Scott Schultz approached me. Schultz said he also lives in Brooklyn’s Sheepshead Bay neighborhood, but he disagreed that it was “Trump country.” He can’t even put a Trump sign outside his house, because he knows it will be immediately defaced, Schultz said. He fantasized about a day when New Yorkers could celebrate Trump simply as a product of their city.

    “Most other [places], when someone becomes president, they have pride in that,” Schultz told me. “There was no pride at all … They want to wipe him clean. They rejected him.”

    Trump didn’t linger in the city after his arraignment. There was no impromptu press conference on the courthouse steps or chest-thumping speech to his supporters outside. Instead, his motorcade whisked him away to LaGuardia Airport for a flight back to Florida. He’d been in New York barely 24 hours. For now, at least, he seems intent on waging his battle with the Manhattan haters from a distance. Writing on Truth Social yesterday, Trump proposed moving his trial to Staten Island.

    [ad_2]

    McKay Coppins

    Source link