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  • L.A. Times, Washington Post see subscription cancellations over not endorsing in presidential race

    L.A. Times, Washington Post see subscription cancellations over not endorsing in presidential race

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    The Los Angeles Times and Washington Post have seen significant subscription cancellations in the days since their billionaire owners decided not to endorse in the presidential race after the editorial boards at both newspapers proposed backing Vice President Kamala Harris.

    National Public Radio reported that the Post saw more than 200,000 cancellations. Sources said The Times, which has less than 400,000 subscribers, had more than 7,000 subscribers cancel for “editorial reasons.” Total cancellations over the last few days were higher, but internal data did not give reasons in those cases.

    Those losses amounted to about 8% of the roughly 2.5 million print and online readership of the Post and at least 1.8% of the audience for The Times. Any subscription drops are painful for financially shaky organizations whose futures rely heavily on building robust audiences online.

    The Post suffered its particularly large setback, insiders said, because it built much of its reputation on being an unflinching Trump critic, adopting the slogan “Democracy Dies in Darkness.” Many readers said they subscribed because the paper that exposed the Watergate scandal 50 years ago also held Trump accountable for his lies, his inflammatory and sometimes racist rhetoric and his attacks on institutions.

    “This is a self-inflicted wound on the part of the Washington Post,” Martin Baron, former editor of the Post, said in an interview Monday. “Many of these readers signed up for the Post because they believed it would stand up to Donald Trump. And now they fear this is a sign of weakness … and an invitation to Trump to continue to bully the owner of the Washington Post.”

    The angry reaction prompted an extraordinary response from the newspaper’s owner, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos.

    The Post published a column by the billionaire, one of the world’s wealthiest men, in which he defended his decision not to endorse Harris, saying that the tradition of presidential endorsements had not helped the public but, instead, served to “create a perception of bias. A perception of non-independence.”

    He depicted the decision not to endorse in the Harris-Trump race as an attempt to begin to restore trust.

    “I wish we had made the change earlier than we did, in a moment further from the election and the emotions around it,” Bezos wrote. “That was inadequate planning, and not some intentional strategy.”

    Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos wrote that the tradition of presidential endorsements had not helped the public but, instead, served to “create a perception of bias. A perception of non-independence.”

    (Brent N. Clarke / Invision / Associated Press)

    Bezos rejected claims that he declined an endorsement to Harris in hopes of mollifying Trump, although he acknowledged that his web of business interests would always present appearances of potential conflicts of interest.

    The Times’ owner, Dr. Patrick Soon-Shiong, said last week that he had decided not to endorse in an effort to ease sharp divisions surrounding the election. He said he trusted readers to pick the best candidate.

    Readers accused the two venerable outlets of refusing to take a stand in the face of what they see as the dangers of another Donald Trump presidency.

    “Our democracy is very much under threat, and we should be bolstering our institutions as an act of defiance against the threat of authoritarianism,“ said Miguel Santana, CEO of the California Community Foundation and a prominent civic leader in Southern California. “Choosing to sit this one out is shortchanging our community at the time when we need the institution most.”

    David Warren, a long-time university administrator who is now retired, said The Times’ lack of endorsement made it appear Soon-Shiong had no respect for the years of critical reporting on Trump by his own newspaper.

    Warren rejected the suggestion — raised by Soon-Shiong— that The Times should have provided readers only with a side-by-side matrix on Harris and Trump, comparing their records and issue stands.

    “This excuse is like saying we should give the fantasy of creationism the same validity as the scientifically proven truth of evolution. We should not,” said Warren. “It’s so disingenuous and it seems cowardly. And I don’t think the paper should be cowardly.”

    Many long-time readers said they were dropping The Times reluctantly but felt they had no other choice.

    “I am absolutely heartbroken that I had to cancel because I truly appreciate all the brilliant hard work you all do everyday while the profession withers around you,” said Stephanie Stanley of Tarzana, who once worked as a journalist in New Orleans. “Unfortunately, I don’t see how else readers can express their shock and disgust.”

    Some journalists at The Times joined readers in renewing their warnings about a potential unintended consequence of a reader cancellations — undermining The Times’ ability to fund its journalism, at the very time when the public says it wants public figures held to account.

    Matt Hamilton, who won a Pulitzer Prize for covering scandals at USC — along with reporters Harriet Ryan and Paul Pringle — also pleaded for “heartbroken” readers to consider the impact of dropping The Times.

    “We have the largest newsroom west of the Mississippi,” said Hamilton. “These subscriptions underwrite our journalism, and they make it so that we can have more people covering City Hall, local courts, the school district, more people in Sacramento and D.C. Canceling your subscription just hurts the journalism effort.”

    The Times had received as many as 1,000 emails and letters protesting the non-endorsement by midday Monday. About 90% of them criticized the paper and its owner.

    At least some readers called not publishing the Harris endorsement the right move.

    Los Angeles Times owner Dr. Patrick Soon-Shiong

    Los Angeles Times owner Dr. Patrick Soon-Shiong said that he had decided not to endorse in an effort to ease sharp divisions surrounding the election.

    (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)

    “A balanced approach is best,” wrote Keith Hagaman, a real estate investor who lives in Marina del Rey and Hawaii. “Kudos to Dr. Patrick Soon-Shiong, albeit it may be too late. If he had done this a few years ago, so many subscribers would not have left.”

    Lloyd del Llamas had years of experience with journalists as a city administrator in several California cities. He credited Soon-Shiong with spending millions to bolster The Times and agreed that even disappointed readers needed to stand fast or risk having to rely on the less probing coverage provided by thinly staffed suburban newspapers around Southern California.

    Terry Tang, the executive editor, directs the newsroom that produces The Times’ news pages. She also oversees the Opinion department, which includes the editorial board. The board, managed at the time by editorials editor Mariel Garza, tried to persuade Soon-Shiong to go ahead with an endorsement of Harris. A series detailing the dangers of a second Trump term had also been planned but not published.

    “We understand that many readers are disappointed and angry that The Times did not make a presidential endorsement,” Tang said in a statement Monday. “ We want our readers to know that we deeply value the trust that they place in us and work hard every day to earn that trust. But canceling subscriptions will hurt our ability to provide the robust journalism our communities rely on.”

    Garza resigned over the blocking of a pro-Harris editorial. She wrote in the Boston Globe on Monday that she suspects the owners of both papers did not want their business interests impacted by “a vengeful Trump administration.” Both have denied their businesses played a role in the decision.

    The Atlantic published a critique by Robert Greene, a Pulitzer Prize-winning opinion writer, who resigned along with Garza and opinion writer Karin Klein.

    “In this year’s race, a non-choice ignores Trump’s singular unfitness for office,” Greene wrote, “demonstrated time and again through his dishonesty, his false claims to have won the 2020 election, his criminal convictions, his impeachable offenses, his race-baiting, his threats of retaliation against his opponents, and many other features that make him a danger to the nation.”

    The leaders of the union representing Times journalists also issued a new statement, saying Soon-Shiong should go beyond his social media posts and previous remarks by “writing an explanation to readers and the staff further detailing how he came to this decision and what it might mean for future endorsements.”

    Soon-Shiong told The Times on Friday he had no regrets about the decision not to endorse. He did not respond to a request for further comment on Monday.

    Staffers at the Washington Post also pleaded with readers not to cancel.

    Post columnist Dana Milbank excoriated the owner for the decision, which he said “gave the appearance of cowering before a wannabe dictator to protect Bezos’s business interests.” But he joined colleagues in pleading with readers not to abandon the newspaper because of the owner’s action.

    “Boycotting The Post will hurt my colleagues and me,” he wrote. “We lost $77 million last year, which required a[nother] round of staff cuts through buyouts. The more cancellations there are, the more jobs will be lost, and the less good journalism there will be. … For all its flaws, The Post is still one of the strongest voices for preserving our democratic freedoms.”

    Jennifer Mercieca, a political historian and communications professor at Texas A&M and author of “Demagogue for President: The Rhetorical Genius of Donald Trump,” said every action in the final days before voting closes on Nov. 5 is provoking new levels of anxiety among an already tense electorate.

    And for those who fear Trump, any sign he may have sway over powerful institutions only redoubles concern, Mercieca said.

    “It wouldn’t have been a story had you all just endorsed,” she said. “Nobody would have been concerned. But the fact that you chose not to is telling — and people read into that with fear.”

    Times staff writer Kevin Rector contributed to this report.

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    James Rainey

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  • Liz Cheney Already Has a 2024 Strategy

    Liz Cheney Already Has a 2024 Strategy

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    The defiant speech from Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming after her defeat in yesterday’s Republican primary could be reduced to a single message: This is round one.

    Cheney didn’t specify how, or where, she intends to continue her struggle against former President Donald Trump, after Harriet Hageman, the candidate Trump endorsed, routed her by more than two to one in the primary for Wyoming’s lone congressional seat.

    But Cheney dropped a big hint when she noted that the GOP’s Founding Father, Abraham Lincoln, lost elections for the House and Senate “before he won the most important election of all” by capturing the presidency. This morning, she went a step further, telling the Today show that she was “thinking about” joining the 2024 Republican presidential race.

    The magnitude of Cheney’s defeat yesterday underscores how strong Trump remains within the party, and how little chance a presidential candidacy based explicitly on repudiating him would have of capturing the nomination.

    Yet many of Trump’s remaining Republican critics believe that a Cheney candidacy in the 2024 GOP presidential primaries could help prevent him from capturing the next nomination—or stop him from winning the general election if he does. “Of course she doesn’t win,” Bill Kristol, the longtime strategist who has become one of Trump’s fiercest conservative critics, told me. But, he added, if Cheney “makes the point over and over again” that Trump represents a unique threat to American democracy and “forces the other candidates to come to grips” with that argument, she “could have a pretty significant effect” on Trump’s chances.

    In some ways, a Cheney 2024 presidential campaign would be unprecedented: There aren’t any clear examples of a candidate running a true kamikaze campaign.

    Cheney would have no trouble assembling the building blocks of a traditional presidential campaign. Her name identification is extremely high, for both her familial ties and her prominence as a Trump critic. Her potential fundraising base is strong: Through late July, she had already raised more than $15 million in her House race, and in a presidential run, she could tap into a huge pool of small-dollar donors (many of them Democrats) determined to block Trump. And with her unflinching attacks on the former president, she would be ensured bottomless media coverage.

    Cheney could face other logistical hurdles. She reduced her in-person campaign appearances in Wyoming because of security threats, and that problem would undoubtedly persist in any presidential campaign. Dave Kochel, a longtime Republican consultant with extensive experience in Iowa, told me that Cheney could likely find ways to deliver her message even amid such threats. “You would need a lot of security, no doubt about that,” he said. “But remember, these days you can do a lot of this stuff from the green room. You don’t have to be going to the diner or the Hy-Vee or the state fair. It’s essentially a media strategy.”

    More difficult to overcome would be obstacles erected by the national and state Republican parties. The laws governing which candidates can appear on a presidential primary ballot vary enormously across the states. For instance, in New Hampshire, anyone who meets the legal requirements for the presidency, fills out a one-page form, and pays $1,000 can appear on the venerable first-in-the-nation ballot. But in other states—including Iowa and South Carolina—the state party controls whose name can be included on the primary ballot. And in at least some of those places, either the state party or the Republican National Committee, which has subordinated itself to Trump under Chair Ronna McDaniel, would likely move to keep Cheney off the ballot as a means of protecting him.

    Debates could be another challenge for Cheney. The general feeling among Republicans I spoke with this week is that the RNC would go to almost absurd lengths to avoid allowing Cheney to appear on the same debate stage as Trump. Kristol predicted that the party might try to exclude her by requiring any candidate participating in a RNC-sanctioned debate to commit to supporting the party’s eventual nominee in the general election—something Cheney’s determination to stop Trump would not allow her to do. (In 2016, the RNC imposed such a loyalty oath primarily out of fear that Trump wouldn’t endorse the nominee if he lost. Trump signed it but characteristically renounced it in the race’s latter stage.)

    Even so, it would be difficult for any media organization that sponsors an RNC debate to agree to keep her off the stage. And if Cheney is registering reasonable support in the polls—say 5 percent or more—even state parties might think twice about barring her. “Every other candidate not named Trump is going to want Liz Cheney on the debate stage,” the GOP consultant Alex Conant, the communications director for Senator Marco Rubio’s 2016 presidential campaign, told me.

    No one I talked with thinks Cheney could come anywhere close to winning the GOP nomination behind an anti-Trump message. The widespread success of Trump-endorsed candidates, almost all of whom overtly echo his lies about the 2020 election, in this year’s GOP primaries has made clear that the former president remains the party’s dominant figure (despite occasional losses for his picks). With Cheney’s defeat yesterday, four of the 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump after the January 6 attack on the Capitol have now been ousted in primaries, and four others have retired; only two have survived to face voters in November. “Trump continues to own a majority share of the Republican Party and the GOP has remade itself in his image,” Sarah Longwell, founder of the Republican Accountability Project, a group critical of Trump, told me in an email.

    But many Republicans resistant to Trump believe that Cheney could rally the minority of party voters who continue to express reservations about the former president. In public polls, as many as one-fourth of Republicans and GOP-leaning independents reject Trump’s claim that the 2020 election was stolen, or criticize his efforts to overturn the result and his role in the January 6 insurrection. The share of Trump critics is usually slightly higher among Republicans holding at least a four-year college degree—a group that was notably cooler toward him during his first run to the nomination in 2016 and that sharply moved away from the GOP in the 2018 and 2020 elections. Some of those voters have since soured on President Joe Biden and the Democrats, but Cheney could spend months reminding them why they rejected Trump in the first place. “Especially among college-educated and donor-class Republicans, I think she continues to just chip away at Trump,” Kristol said.

    Whit Ayres, a longtime GOP pollster, believes that the core of Republican-leaning voters hostile to Trump is smaller—only about one in 10, rather than the roughly one in five suggested by some poll questions. But he believes a Cheney candidacy could reach beyond that circle to raise doubts among a much bigger group: Republicans who are neither hard-core Trump supporters or opponents, but are focused mostly on winning in 2024. Although Cheney might appeal solely to the thin sliver of die-hard Trump opponents “with a prophetic-moral case … about the importance of devotion to our democratic institutions and the U.S. Constitution,” Ayres said, that larger group might respond to “a very practical utilitarian case” that Trump has too much baggage to win a general election.

    The best-case scenario for the Trump critics if Cheney runs is that her battering-ram attacks weaken him to the point that someone else can capture the nomination. As Longwell told me, even if “Liz likely cannot win a Republican primary (though anything can happen!) … she can play a significant role in helping someone else beat Trump in a Republican primary.”

    The worst-case scenario raised by some Trump critics is that a sustained attack on him will encourage GOP voters, and even other candidates, to rally to his defense more than they would otherwise.

    But even those sympathetic to Cheney recognize that the 2024 primaries may offer only so much opportunity to change the party’s direction. Many of them view Trump’s strongest competitor in early polls, Governor Ron DeSantis of Florida, as little improvement over Trump in his commitment to a pluralistic democracy; Cheney recently told The New York Times that DeSantis has aligned himself so closely with Trump that she would find it “very difficult” to support him in 2024 either.

    These dynamics explain why many Cheney supporters believe that the real leverage for her—and other Trump critics—would come from working to defeat the former president, or a like-minded alternative, in the 2024 general election. The only plausible way to break Trump’s hold on the GOP, these critics believe, is to show that Trump, or Trumpism, cannot win national elections. Even if Cheney cannot deny Trump the nomination, she could still ultimately loosen his hold on the party, this thinking goes, if she persuades enough centrist and white-collar voters to reject him and ensure his defeat in a general election. To save the party, in other words, Cheney might first have to be willing to destroy it.

    Cheney signaled her willingness to accept such a mission yesterday, when her remarks condemned not only Trump but Republicans who have enabled him, especially those echoing his noxious discredited claims of fraud in 2020. But how she may pursue her goals remains unclear. Though most Republicans sympathetic to Cheney think she should run in the 2024 GOP primaries, others believe she might have more influence leading an outside movement against Trump. Cheney’s GOP supporters are even more divided over a possible general-election strategy; some sympathizers believe she would hurt Trump most by running as an independent third-party presidential candidate in the general election, and others worry that such a bid would help Trump by splitting voters resistant to him.

    Cheney has many months to resolve those choices. What she indicated yesterday is that when she talks about a long battle, she is looking not only past the Wyoming House GOP primary but even past the struggle for the next GOP presidential nomination. The real prize she’s keeping her eyes on is preventing Trump from ever occupying the White House again, whatever that takes.

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    Ronald Brownstein

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