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  • A 1-year-old boy died of severe burns. Were warning signs of abuse ignored?

    A 1-year-old boy died of severe burns. Were warning signs of abuse ignored?

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    The injuries to little Henry Wheatley Brown were horrific.

    The 1-year-old had suffered burns that his mother, Samantha Garver, and her boyfriend, Sergio Mena, told authorities were the result of him being left in a hot bath. Garver said the baby had been fine just 40 minutes before paramedics arrived Oct. 1 at their home in Sugarloaf, near Big Bear.

    But paramedics found Henry cold to the touch. He was taken to a hospital, where he was pronounced dead.

    A trove of investigative records released to The Times revealed a troubling history of allegations of child abuse and neglect stretching back more than a decade against Garver, 33, including another case involving burns to one of her other children in 2013. Garver had four children; Henry was the youngest.

    The San Bernardino County Department of Children and Family Services did not provide comment regarding the documents.

    Both Mena and Garver told authorities that Garver was not home at the time Henry suffered his fatal injuries — second-degree burns from his shins down to his feet as well as “isolated” second-degree burns on his genitals consistent with having been “dipped in hot water,” according to an investigation by San Bernardino County Department of Children and Family Services.

    But even if the doomed baby’s mother was not home, an investigation released to The Times by CFS found that she did little to save her child.

    “The mother allowed the child to suffer for several hours before he eventually died,” according to the report, submitted October 25.

    For more than a decade, police and child services investigators repeatedly responded to calls for service to Garver’s home, though it was not clear what exactly was done to ensure the safety of her children.

    The records documenting the visits and investigations were released to The Times by San Bernardino’s Department of Children and Family Services following a request for information about the death of Henry. While all the names in the report released to The Times were redacted, the facts in the allegations line up with public information released in the case of Garver and Mena. The victim, referred to only as H, is Henry.

    “The investigation conducted by San Bernardino County Children and Family Services regarding the aforementioned decedent is complete. A determination has been made that abuse or neglect led to the child’s death,” said Jeany Zepeda, director of San Bernardino CFS in an emailed statement that names Henry.

    Garver has been on the radar of San Bernardino County Children and Family Services — with some gaps — since 2009, when she was first reported for general neglect, the records show.

    She was reported again in 2010, when she told a doctor she had “felt like putting a pillow over” one of her children’s faces because the child “wouldn’t stop crying.” Another report was filed against Garver in 2013, investigative documents show.

    After Henry’s birth, Garver was reported again, and an investigator found on Aug. 19, 2022, that her children were at “high risk” of abuse and neglect, records show. Despite that, another investigator found that the children were “safe.”

    “No safety threats are present,” the investigator wrote in the same report.

    Henry’s grandmother, Sierra Rivers, told The Times she was the one who reported Garver to authorities.

    “I called after Henry was born. I was not convinced” he was safe, Rivers said.

    Rivers had been concerned about Garver’s children ever since she saw Garver slap one of her other kids hard in the face, she said.

    But when she confronted Garver about the slap, Rivers said, Garver was not remorseful.

    “I got abused as a kid and I got hit as a baby, and I turned out fine,’” Rivers recalled Garver telling her.

    In 2013, a person reported Garver to Children and Family Services after she posted troubling comments in a Facebook group chat that was meant for people to ask and debate questions, according to investigative documents.

    The person who ran the Facebook page said Garver posted on Jan. 10, 2013, asking whether “duct taping a child’s mouth is abusive,” the report says. At the time, Garver had an 8-month-old baby as well as two older toddlers, according to investigative documents.

    A few weeks later, Garver posted on the Facebook page again saying that a friend of hers was watching one of her babies while she went to the store and that when Garver returned home, the baby was suffering from “blistered burns on her thighs.”

    Garver posted that she was scared of CFS and did not want to take her daughter to the hospital out of fear that the burns would be reported to the agency, according to the party who reported her.

    On Jan. 31, 2013, authorities conducted a wellness check based on a report about the burns to the daughter, according to documents that don’t identify the source of the report.

    Garver told investigators that the baby suffered the burns after getting “stuck between the wall and a heater,” according to the documents.

    The child was hospitalized but child service investigators found another sickening scene at the home.

    There was “fecal matter all over the bedroom that the children sleep in and it appears as though it has been there for quite some time. There are also roaches all over the place. Mother will not be arrested but she will be charged with felony child neglect,” wrote an investigator with CFS in a report.

    Garver was charged that day with felony willful cruelty to a child with possible injury or death. The charges were dismissed, and she later pleaded guilty to lesser charges of misdemeanor willful cruelty to a child, according to court documents. It was not clear whether she admitted to burning the child.

    She was sentenced to 100 days in jail, but she failed to turn herself in that July and was listed as a fugitive by a judge, court documents show.

    Garver and her boyfriend Mena, 32, have both been charged with murder and child abuse in connection with Henry’s death.

    Both told child welfare investigators that Garver was not home when Henry suffered his fatal burns. Garver told investigators that Mena was using methamphetamine at the time of the burns, but he did not admit to the CFS investigators to purposefully injuring the baby.

    Investigators also found that Henry had other injuries that had gone untreated and unreported — a dislocated arm and marks and bruises on his face, according to investigative documents.

    “The mother failed to seek medical attention for previous injuries that are indicative of possible physical abuse that occurred,” the investigator wrote.

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    Noah Goldberg

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  • Video purportedly shows ex-Angel City FC player flashing Nazi salute at pro-Israel rally in Beverly Hills

    Video purportedly shows ex-Angel City FC player flashing Nazi salute at pro-Israel rally in Beverly Hills

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    Angel City FC has condemned the “recent actions and statements” of a former player who appears to be captured in a video giving a Nazi salute at pro-Israel demonstrators Sunday in Beverly Hills.

    Stefany Ferrer Van Ginkel is shown shouting “Heil Hitler!” and giving the Sieg Heil salute out of the passenger side window of a car driven by a man, according to a video posted on X on Monday by the watchdog group StopAntisemitism.

    Members of the pro-Israel crowd responded with, “Shame on you!”

    The StopAntisemitism group asked for help in identifying the two people in the vehicle. That evening, it posted an update identifying the woman as “Stefany Neyra.”

    A spokesperson for StopAntisemitism told The Times via email that the information was sent to the organization by a confidential source.

    Ferrer Van Ginkel seems to have gone by the name Stefany C. Neyra on her social media accounts, which have since been deactivated. StopAntisemitism posted a screenshot of an Instagram account with the Neyra name and the handle @stefvangi21 that included photos that appear to be of Ferrer Van Ginkel. She could not immediately be reached for comment.

    As tensions over the Israel-Hamas war continue to intensify in the U.S., Angel City FC attempted to distance itself from Ferrer Van Ginkel with a post on X on Monday night.

    “Stefany Ferrer Van Ginkel (stefvangi21) does not play for Angel City Football Club, nor has she been affiliated with the club since November 2022,” the club wrote. “We condemn her recent actions and statements.”

    In response to further questions for this article, Angel City FC referred The Times back to that statement.

    Ferrer Van Ginkel posted a video to Instagram on Monday night, before the account was deactivated, that appeared to address the incident at the rally. In the clip, Ferrer Van Ginkel sits silently next to a man, who offers an apology on behalf of both of them.

    “I know we have approached the situation with hate and made it worse with our actions,” the man says in the video. “We acted childish and it’s the wrong way to approach any situation that we live in. All we can do is become better, learn a lesson from this. We cannot change the past. And we just wanted to apologize and ask for you guys to understand and stop the hate. We just wanna spread love from now on. We understand we did the wrong thing.”

    Ferrer Van Ginkel, 25, grew up in Brazil, appeared in a British reality show and played with Tigres of Mexico’s Liga MX Femenil before playing for Angel City during its inaugural season in 2022. Her contract was not renewed after that campaign, and she does not seem to have played professionally since then.

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    Chuck Schilken

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  • Elizabeth Hirschhorn moves out of Brentwood Airbnb after 570 rent-free days. She said she had a right to stay

    Elizabeth Hirschhorn moves out of Brentwood Airbnb after 570 rent-free days. She said she had a right to stay

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    Elizabeth Hirschhorn, the Brentwood tenant who did not pay rent for her luxury Airbnb rental for 570 days, moved out of the unit on Friday.

    The move was exactly one month after The Times chronicled Hirschhorn’s contentious tenancy, which began with a cordial stay on Airbnb and ended with her and Sascha Jovanovic, the landlord and property owner, suing each other.

    “I’m a little overwhelmed, but I finally have my home back,” Jovanovic said. “I had such a peaceful weekend once she left.”

    During her stay, which began in September 2021, Hirschhorn said that the lease was extended off Airbnb and that the unit was subject to the Rent Control Ordinance, so Jovanovic would have to evict her if he wanted her to leave. She also argued that she didn’t have to pay rent since Jovanovic never obtained an occupancy license for the guesthouse.

    Jovanovic, who lives on the property, was at the home on Friday being interviewed for a documentary detailing the battle between him and Hirschhorn when he saw three men, who turned out to be movers, walk into the guesthouse.

    He said he asked why they were there, and they didn’t clearly say why. He suspected she could be moving out but feared it also could be a home invasion, so he called the police.

    The police arrived, and once all of Hirschhorn’s belongings were packed, they escorted her off the property, Jovanovic said.

    Jovanovic and his attorney, Sebastian Rucci, knocked on the door to confirm she was gone and then entered the guesthouse and found it empty. Within an hour, a locksmith arrived and changed the locks.

    As of now, it’s unclear whether Hirschhorn moved out permanently, or if she’s planning to return to the property.

    Jovanovic and Rucci said they hadn’t heard anything from either Hirschhorn or her legal team, so they assumed she had moved out for good. On Saturday, Rucci emailed Hirschhorn’s attorney, Amanda Seward, to figure out the next steps regarding Jovanovic’s eviction lawsuit against Hirschhorn.

    “My review of the case law is that once a tenant abandons the unit, the unlawful detainer is dismissed. If you wish, I can file the dismissal, or we can file a joint dismissal,” Rucci wrote.

    Seward replied that they “may have jumped the gun,” according to the email exchange reviewed by The Times.

    “Ms. Hirschhorn had discussed with me concern over the constant harassment and surveillance, and also the desire to get the things repaired that needed to be repaired. Subject to my discussions with Ms. Hirschhorn, please be advised that you have no authority to change the locks or to assume abandonment of the unit,” Seward wrote. “Further, you have violated the law by entering without permission and changing the locks.”

    Neither Hirschhorn nor Seward immediately responded to a request for comment.

    Rucci said he’s planning to drop the unlawful detainer lawsuit, assuming Hirschhorn has moved out for good. But he’ll still pursue damages in a separate lawsuit, since he claims Hirschhorn owes roughly $58,000 in unpaid rent. Hirschhorn said she owes nothing since Jovanovic never had a license to rent the unit, and her lawsuit accuses him of multiple forms of harassment and intimidation in attempts to get her to leave the place, which Jovanovic has denied.

    Hirchhorn’s tenancy became a viral story in the days and weeks after The Times chronicled the saga. News vans posted up outside the home, and paparazzi followed Hirschhorn whenever she left.

    “Drones were flying above my house every day. It was crazy,” Jovanovic said.

    Now, he plans to address the mold damage in the unit, which was an issue during Hirschhorn’s stay that eventually soured their relationship. He also plans to get the necessary permits from the city, which was another issue; Jovanovic never obtained a license to rent the unit, and Hirschhorn argued in court that he wasn’t allowed to charge rent on a unit he didn’t have a license for.

    After that, he plans to turn the space into a recreation room for his two adolescent children.

    “We need to get the bad energy out and turn it back into a happy, family space,” he said.

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    Jack Flemming

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  • Arnold Schwarzenegger sued by the cyclist he collided with earlier this year

    Arnold Schwarzenegger sued by the cyclist he collided with earlier this year

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    Arnold Schwarzenegger is being sued by a cyclist he accidentally hit with his SUV earlier this year.

    Joanne Flickinger is alleging that Schwarzenegger’s “negligent” driving led to the biking accident that landed her with hefty medical bills, according to the lawsuit, which was reviewed by The Times.

    The suit states that on Feb. 5, 2023, Schwarzenegger was driving “with excessive speed and failed to keep a proper lookout” on San Vicente Boulevard when his vehicle struck Flickinger, “causing severe injuries.” The suit further alleges that Flickinger’s injuries are “permanent.”

    The cyclist is seeking damages exceeding $25,000 — the exact amount is not yet known — for “past and future pain and suffering, emotional distress; past and future loss of earnings; past and future loss of earning capacity; past and future medical expenses; past and future healthcare expenses; past and future incidental expenses; and past and future household services.”

    Representatives for Schwarzenegger did not immediately respond to The Times’ request for comment. Legal representation for Flickinger also did not immediately respond.

    TMZ first reported the collision and published photos of Schwarzenegger, 75, sitting in his GMC Yukon. The outlet quoted law enforcement sources as saying the woman made a left turn in front of Schwarzenegger’s SUV before he could brake, and he was not driving at an excessive speed.

    The woman did complain of pain after the accident and Arnold apparently took Flickinger’s bicycle for repairs at a local bike shop, TMZ said.

    “No crime was committed,” LAPD Officer Mike Lopez told The Times in February. He said the cyclist didn’t have life-threatening injuries.

    Last year, Schwarzenegger was also involved in a four-vehicle crash at Sunset Boulevard and Allenford Avenue in Brentwood, an incident that sent a woman to the hospital with minor injuries.

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    Emily St. Martin

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  • Alan Ruck grateful ‘nobody was killed’ in multicar crash at Hollywood pizzeria

    Alan Ruck grateful ‘nobody was killed’ in multicar crash at Hollywood pizzeria

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    Alan Ruck is doing fine after crashing his Rivian truck into a Los Angeles pizzeria on Tuesday.

    The “Succession” star was spotted Thursday leaving a convenience store in L.A. and graciously answered a few paparazzi questions about the incident.

    “I’m OK,” Ruck said in the footage obtained by TMZ. “I’m fine and thank God nobody was killed.”

    Representatives for the actor did not immediately respond Friday to The Times’ requests for further comment.

    On Halloween, Ruck’s electric pickup truck smashed into the side of Raffallo’s Pizza in Hollywood. The Los Angeles Police Department confirmed to The Times that a crash occurred around 9 p.m. Tuesday at the intersection of La Brea Avenue and Hollywood Boulevard. Four vehicles were involved in the collision and minor injuries were reported.

    LAPD public information officer Matthew Cruz told The Times on Friday that “there was no crime involved in this incident and there was no arrest.”

    Surveillance footage showed the Rivian traveling south on La Brea approaching Hollywood Boulevard when it rear-ended a vehicle. The impact pushed that vehicle into the intersection, where it then crashed into another vehicle. The Rivian, meanwhile, continued in a southwest direction, clipping a separate car before slamming into the side of Raffallo’s Pizza. Photos show the cab of the truck breaking through the building’s exterior.

    A 32-year-old man from one of the other vehicles was hospitalized with non-life-threatening injuries, officials told KTLA-TV Channel 5. Ruck was not hurt and was later seen on video speaking with police at the scene, the local news station reported Thursday.

    Law enforcement officials also told KTLA that no charges will be filed as a result of the multicar crash and impairment was not suspected.

    While speaking to paparazzi Thursday, the 67-year-old Ruck acknowledged that he had been limping and wore a brace on his left knee. However, he said, they were not related to the crash.

    “This isn’t from the accident,” Ruck said. “This is because I’m getting old.”

    He also told the videographers that he’s aware that the recent crash is being compared to his famous Ferrari crash scene from his 1986 film, “Ferris Bueller’s Day Off.”

    Incidentally, another of Ruck’s injuries made its way into a 2021 episode of “Succession.” The actor tore his shoulder while shoveling snow and the cast that he wore during his recovery was written into a Season 3 episode set inside Kendall Roy’s 40th birthday party. Ruck’s Connor Roy claims he had a fall at his ranch and annoys his younger brother by refusing to take off his coat during the lavish celebration.

    Times staff writer Emily St. Martin contributed to this report.

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    Nardine Saad

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  • ‘A full-on inferno’: The history of range trailer fires at the L.A. Sheriff’s Department

    ‘A full-on inferno’: The history of range trailer fires at the L.A. Sheriff’s Department

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    To Steven Propster, the swirling flames looked like something straight out of a Hollywood movie. They crackled and licked at his heels, and he fleetingly wondered whether he’d make it out alive.

    After nearly three decades at the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, Propster — then a deputy — knew this was one of his closest calls. It was the spring of 2019, and he and two co-workers had been testing a training device inside one of the department’s mobile shooting ranges when the trailer caught fire.

    “It became a full-on inferno,” Propster told The Times.

    Four years later, that scene seemed all too familiar, when a range trailer parked next to the county’s Castaic jail complex went up in flames and landed two deputies in the hospital with third-degree burns. It was at least the fourth time in less than a decade that a Sheriff’s Department mobile range caught fire, a frequency of blazes that several firearms experts said was surprising.

    “It’s curious that they’ve had this number of fires,” said Phil Ludos, a former Michigan police chief who is now vice president of a range trailer training company in Florida. “Did we not learn? If I had one fire in a mobile range, I wouldn’t have another fire.”

    Typically, the Sheriff’s Department relies on range trailers so thousands of deputies can test their skills four times a year as required by department policy. After the Oct. 10 blaze, the department quickly shut down all of its mobile firing ranges, launched an internal investigation and called in the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for help.

    “We need to know why it happened and get to the bottom of it so we can prevent it from happening again,” Sheriff Robert Luna said afterward at a news conference.

    But to some deputies and those who represent them, the latest fire seemed frustratingly preventable — especially considering how many had come before.

    “It appears the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department has been caught once again trying to ‘do more with less,’ resulting in inadequate maintenance of these range trailers and serious injuries to two of our deputies,” said Richard Pippin, president of the Assn. of Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs. “ALADS is shocked to learn that there have been so many similar fires and there haven’t been, to our knowledge, any changes to the range trailer procedures.”

    *****

    The Sheriff’s Department has been using range trailers since the late 1980s. In a county the size of Los Angeles, they offered an attractive and affordable alternative to relying on more permanent firing ranges built in far-flung places. Instead of paying deputies overtime to spend a day driving to a fixed location for their required firearms testing every few months, the department could move the mobile ranges from station to station every week.

    Three decades ago, officials said that, aside from convenience, in some ways mobile ranges were safer than outdoor ones. “There are no distractions,” Deputy Robert Drake told the Los Angeles Daily News in 1992. “Here, you have the target down range, and that’s it.”

    At the time, the department had five trailers, though that number has since expanded to 15. The 50- to 53-foot mobile structures usually have three shooting lanes overseen by a range master. The interior walls are covered with soundproofing foam, and a thick rubber or metal plate known as a bullet trap sits behind the target.

    Every few months, deputies practice in them using training rounds designed to minimize lead exposure. Like regular indoor ranges, shooting trailers require regular cleaning to prevent a dangerous buildup of lead and gunpowder.

    A former range deputy with the Sheriff’s Department explained the problem in more detail.

    “When you shoot a gun, there’s gunpowder and explosives inside the cartridge,” the deputy said, asking to remain anonymous due to pending litigation involving the department. “Not all of that gunpowder burns — sometimes it ends up on the floor in front of you, sometimes it ends up on your hands.”

    It’s a “known problem,” he said, and can lead to blazes that get out of control.

    Though mobile ranges are a common law enforcement tool, it’s not clear how often they catch fire. Multiple range experts said fires appear to be rare. The National Law Enforcement Firearms Instructors Assn. said it does not track that data, and that the risk of fires from unburned gunpowder is a possibility at any range that isn’t adequately cleaned and ventilated.

    “When you tell me that there’s a fire inside a range, most often that means it either hasn’t been maintenanced properly or they’re not using the right kind of ammo,” said Ludos, vice president of Mobile Tactics, which uses range trailers to conduct firearms qualifications and training across the country. “We’ve really been active since 2015, and we have never had an incident, never had an injury with anybody on a trailer.”

    The first mobile range fire Sheriff’s Department officials could find any record of was in 2016, when a contractor working on a trailer parked at the department’s Tactics and Survival Training Center started using a grinder — a type of power tool that cuts metal — inside the structure.

    Sparks from the grinder started a fire, but when The Times asked for more details this month officials did not specify whether anyone was injured or how much damage the fire caused.

    Three years later, in March 2019, Propster and a few deputies at the Marina del Rey station decided to set up a training scenario to prepare for the possibility of an active shooter on a boat.

    Propster, who’d previously worked in SWAT, said he suggested starting off the scenario with a flashbang trainer, a nonexplosive device that resembles another common tool in the law enforcement arsenal: a flashbang, or stun grenade.

    A traditional flashbang is a type of explosive that’s typically not lethal and is used to disorient suspects with a bright flash and a loud bang. A flashbang trainer is a reusable version of the device that makes a loud noise but doesn’t contain any explosives.

    But before setting off a loud noise in public and possibly causing panic, Propster wanted to try out the device in a more controlled setting to check how loud it really was. Since the range trailer had soundproofing, he said, he and the other deputies decided to test it out there.

    The first time, Propster said, the device went off without a hitch. One of the other deputies suggested trying it a second time, without ear protection.

    They heard the loud boom they expected. But then they saw a fizzle “somewhat like an old dynamite fuse,” Propster told internal affairs investigators at the time, according to a recording of the interview that he shared with The Times.

    “A flame about the size of a large candle popped up,” he continued. “It was probably an inch high.”

    One of the other deputies stomped out the flame with his foot, Propster told investigators. As soon as he did, two more flames popped up nearby — and he shouted for another deputy to bring a fire extinguisher.

    “He doused it — but two seconds later, flames went running up the wall,” Propster told The Times. “We ran toward the door, and the flame began to swirl and burn everything and chase us out. It was like a movie.”

    The three deputies in the trailer ran to the door and burst outside, narrowly escaping as the trailer went up in flames. Unspent ammunition started to pop and explode. When firefighters arrived, Propster said, they struggled to extinguish the blaze.

    “It stayed hot for two days,” he said. “It reignited twice.”

    Ultimately, Propster said, he and the other deputies involved were all punished with five days of unpaid leave. Department officials confirmed that employees had been disciplined in connection with the Marina del Rey incident but did not offer specifics.

    Even though Propster knew he’d started the fire — albeit accidentally — he came away from the incident worried about the department’s continued use of range trailers.

    “If you have one fire, it’s a one-off,” he said. “Two, OK, what’s causing this?”

    That same year, a trailer parked near the Castaic jail complex caught fire. As with the 2016 blaze, officials said the cause was a contractor with a power tool. Again, the department said the incident was investigated but did not offer additional details.

    This year’s fire also started in a trailer near the Castaic complex. Officials said the range trailer — originally purchased in 1992, making it one of the department’s oldest — had been serviced and cleaned by an outside contractor in July. The department’s Facilities Services Bureau did its normal trailer maintenance there in September.

    When the blaze began earlier this month, there were two deputies inside: a 17-year veteran assigned to North County Correctional Facility and a 20-year veteran assigned to Sylmar Court. One was taking a department-mandated recertification test, and the other — the range master — was supervising.

    Though both deputies were severely burned, they are recovering and expected to survive. Representatives for InVeris Training Solutions, the company officials said built the trailer, did not respond to a request for comment.

    The Sheriff’s Department has not yet said how the fire started, but department spokeswoman Nicole Nishida said investigators have preliminarily determined it was accidental.

    “All the prior fires were determined to be caused by peripheral circumstances and not due to the operational functionality of the mobile ranges,” Nishida added. “The Marina del Rey incident was due to inappropriate use of the mobile range and the other two fires were caused by contractors doing maintenance to the interior.”

    Several nearby sheriff’s departments — including those in Ventura, Riverside and San Bernardino counties — told The Times they do not use range trailers. But for those that do, the recent fire has been a cause for concern.

    The San Diego County Sheriff’s Department said it has one range trailer but isn’t currently using it because there are no firearms qualifications underway at the moment. The department hasn’t had any problems with the trailer in the past, according to Lt. David LaDieu. But officials are “aware of the situation in Los Angeles and will monitor” it, he said.

    Since the incident in Castaic, the Orange County Sheriff’s Department has stopped using its two mobile pistol ranges, even though officials there also said they hadn’t seen any signs of a problem.

    “We felt it was imperative to take every precaution by shutting both down and ensuring they are inspected for any potential hazards,” Sgt. Mike Woodroof told The Times in an email. “We currently do not have a date when we expect our MPR’s [Mobile Pistol Ranges] to be operational again, but we will not rush as the safety of all that utilize them are our top priority.”

    But taking the mobile ranges offline could create another problem for departments — especially those in large counties — when it comes to ensuring deputies complete their firearms qualifications. In Los Angeles, those qualifications typically take place four times a year, and it’s not yet clear how that will work for now, or whether the department will ultimately resume its use of the mobile trailers.

    “In the meantime,” Nishida said, “we are looking into alternative options for firearm qualifications for personnel throughout the county.“

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    Keri Blakinger

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  • Flight attendants claim United took them off Dodgers’ charter flights for not being ‘white, young, thin’

    Flight attendants claim United took them off Dodgers’ charter flights for not being ‘white, young, thin’

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    Two United Airlines flight attendants claim in a lawsuit that they were passed over for the plum assignment of working on charter flights for the Dodgers because the players prefer a “certain look” of “white, young, thin women who are predominately blond and blue-eyed.”

    In a lawsuit filed Wednesday in Los Angeles County Superior Court, Dawn Todd and Darby Quezada alleged harassment and/or discrimination based on race, national origin, religion and age in regard to the staffing of United’s charter flights for the Dodgers and their treatment by coworkers on those flights. Todd, 50, is Black, and Quezada, 44, is of Mexican, Black and Jewish descent.

    The Dodgers are not named as defendants in the lawsuit. A team spokesperson told The Times that the Dodgers do not comment on any pending litigation.

    United responded to questions from The Times with a statement.

    “United fosters an environment of inclusion and does not tolerate discrimination of any kind,” the company wrote in an email. “We believe this lawsuit is without merit and intend to defend ourselves vigorously.”

    According to the lawsuit, Todd and Quezada both have worked for United for more than 15 years and had spent more than a decade trying to join the airline’s program that staffs the Dodgers’ flights. Such assignments can bring attendants up to three times the compensation of typical assignments because of longer flight times and other perks.

    “Plaintiffs had the necessary experience and qualifications,” the lawsuit states, “but their requests were dismissed and rejected because Plaintiffs were not white.”

    Two other United flight attendants sued the airline in 2020 for allegedly staffing teams’ flights with “young, white, female, and predominately blond/blue-eyed” flight attendants. The case was settled out of court in March 2021.

    That led the way for Todd and Quesada to become members of the Dodgers charter flight program, according to the current lawsuit, but only “after extensive interviews.”

    According to the lawsuit, “things changed again in 2022 when several white United flight attendants were added to the ‘dedicated crew.’ But, unlike Todd and Quezada, these white United flight attendants did not have to interview for these coveted positions. …

    “Instead, these white flight attendants were blatantly selected by United’s management … because of how they looked: they are white, young, thin women who are predominately blond and blue-eyed. When Todd and Quezada asked United why certain flight attendants were added … without having to interview like they did, Todd and Quezada were told that these white flight attendants fit a ‘certain look’ that the Dodgers players liked.”

    The lawsuit states that Todd and Quezada started receiving fewer assignments to Dodgers flights ended up being demoted within the program, and Quezada eventually was removed “without any justification.”

    Todd and Quezada are seeking a jury trial and an unspecified amount in damages.

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    Chuck Schilken

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  • ‘A lot of butts’: Matthew Stafford’s wife rips rapper Blueface for turning SoFi suite into strip club

    ‘A lot of butts’: Matthew Stafford’s wife rips rapper Blueface for turning SoFi suite into strip club

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    Kelly Stafford doesn’t want her young daughters to see “a lot of butts” while watching their father play football for the Rams at SoFi Stadium.

    But that’s what the wife of quarterback Matthew Stafford said happened Sunday during a game against the Pittsburgh Steelers, because of the antics of L.A. rapper Blueface and several female companions.

    On Tuesday’s edition of her weekly podcast, “The Morning After,” Kelly Stafford talks about a very adult scene that played out in one of the suites at the game, which she attended with her daughters and nephews. In what has been described as a strip-club atmosphere, Blueface could be seen throwing dollar bills at several women in thongs who were dancing while bent over with their exposed rear ends in the air.

    “This is our game-day experience.” Stafford said.

    “What I am so mad about is this is supposed to be a family experience, coming to a football game. There were children in the suites next to them. … If you have that kind of stuff happening at games, adults are not gonna want to bring their kids.”

    Rams quarterback Matthew Stafford celebrates with wife Kelly and their four daughters after winning the Super Bowl at SoFi Stadium in February 2022.

    (Frederic J. Brown / AFP via Getty Images)

    A SoFi Stadium spokesperson told The Times on Thursday that the stadium and the Rams do not condone the lewd behavior that took place inside Blueface’s suite and did not give permission for such activity to take place. When stadium officials were made aware of the situation, security was sent to the rapper’s suite, according to the spokesperson. Blueface and his companions were allowed to remain at the game and no further inappropriate activity occurred, the spokesperson said.

    Blueface posted a video of the NSFW scene that took place in his suite on his Instagram Stories during the game, and Stafford said on Tuesday’s podcast that footage made it back to her and her young companions.

    “My nephews, who are older, have Instagram. They were at the game, and they were like, ‘Oh, my gosh. Look what’s going on here.’ They found it,” Stafford said. “And my daughters are sitting right next to them. They were like, ‘Mommy, there’s a lot of butts here.’ I go, ‘Butts? What are you talking about?’ And then I got sent it and I was like, ‘Oh!’

    “So my daughters saw that. Not OK! And not OK that my nephews saw it either.”

    She added: “It’s just a little disappointing. It makes me not want to take my kids to the game, ‘cause I’m like, ‘What’s gonna happen next?’”

    The Times reached out to Republic Records for a comment from Blueface and did not receive an immediate response. But the rapper does not seem to be bothered by any backlash for his antics.

    He reposted two X (formerly Twitter) users who made negative comments about the footage of him and the dancers — one read, “First and Last Rams game attended for Blueface today,” and the other said, “Rapper BlueFace brought a bunch of females to the #Rams game today and then started throwing a lot of money all over them. With kids sitting right there [flushed-face emoji].”

    Blueface had a lot going on at the game, as he also proposed to rapper Jaidyn Alexis, who was not one of the dancers and is the mother of two of his children. She said yes, and he posted a video from the happy occasion on Instagram.

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    Chuck Schilken

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  • Goodbye my hound.

    Goodbye my hound.

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    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    Goodbye my hound.. This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times

    This morning I had to have my dog Skelum put down after he suffered a stroke. He had been with me 15 years, helped me through many hard times, saw me get married and has helped me play with and protect my four children.
    Goodbye my faithful hound, my best friend. I’ll always love you.
    I’ll see you in the next place.

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  • Kevin McCarthy’s Brief Speakership Meets Its End

    Kevin McCarthy’s Brief Speakership Meets Its End

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    Kevin McCarthy began his 269th day as House speaker by recounting all the times he proved his doubters wrong. In January, after a series of humiliating defeats, the California Republican hung on to become speaker of the House. In the months since, he reminisced, he has narrowly averted the twin crises of a national-debt default and, this past weekend, a government shutdown. “I just don’t give up,” McCarthy told reporters after making one more plea to his party to keep him in his post.

    Today, McCarthy’s streak of defying his skeptics came to an end as a group of his GOP critics joined Democrats to vote him out of the speakership after fewer than nine months in office. The unprecedented move could paralyze the House for days or even weeks, as Congress faces a November 17 deadline for funding the federal government.

    Whether McCarthy is done for good as speaker remains unclear. The vote to remove him will trigger a new election, and McCarthy was coy with reporters earlier in the day about whether he’d try to reclaim the gavel. Assuming he doesn’t, his tenure atop the House—the briefest in nearly 150 years—was as historic as it was short-lived: He won the office after fighting through more ballots than any speaker in a century, and he was the first to be removed in the middle of a term by a vote of the House.

    Few of McCarthy’s 54 predecessors had assumed the speakership with lower expectations. His years rising through the GOP leadership had left him with a reputation as a glad-handing lightweight with few convictions. And his majority seemed ungovernable from the start. He had just a five-vote margin over the Democrats, and was surrounded by hard-liners who demanded confrontation over compromise. McCarthy traded away much of his power as speaker during the marathon series of votes that ended, after 15 rounds, with his election. As part of the horse trade, McCarthy handed his Republican foes the means of his own destruction: the ability for a single member to call, at any time, a vote on whether to remove the speaker.

    “From day one, he knew and everyone knew that he was living on borrowed time,” Representative Gerry Connolly of Virginia told me recently.

    McCarthy’s most ardent Republican critic, Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida, had made the speaker’s ouster his singular mission even before McCarthy made a surprise reversal on Saturday to avert a government shutdown. Gaetz ultimately persuaded seven Republicans to join him in voting to remove McCarthy via a procedural maneuver known as a motion to vacate the chair.

    Democrats faced their own conundrum: Was the speaker they knew a safer bet than a replacement they didn’t? Whichever Republican succeeds McCarthy is likely to be just as conservative and just as beholden to the hard-line faction that deposed him—if not more so. Yet Democrats ultimately decided that McCarthy was not worth rescuing; all 208 in attendance today voted to remove him.

    The speaker had lurched to the right far more often than he governed from the center; he had joined the bulk of the GOP in forgiving former President Donald Trump for his role in fomenting the Capitol insurrection on January 6, 2021, and just a month ago buckled to conservative demands to launch an impeachment inquiry into President Joe Biden. “It is now the responsibility of the Republican members to end the House Republican Civil War,” the House minority leader, Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York, declared after a lengthy Democratic Party conference this morning, urging members to support McCarthy’s removal as speaker.

    In the end, McCarthy almost survived only because Democrats struggled to get their members to the Capitol in time for the crucial votes. McCarthy, however, had suffered too many Republican defections for it to matter. The process began with a vote on a motion to table Gaetz’s motion to vacate the chair. Eleven Republicans voted with the entire Democratic caucus to clear the way for McCarthy’s ouster, more than twice as many members as the speaker could afford to lose within his own party. “The office of speaker of the House of the United States House of Representatives is hereby declared vacant,” Representative Steve Womack of Arkansas, presiding over the vote, said after the 216–210 roll call concluded.

    No obvious successor has emerged. McCarthy’s top lieutenant, Majority Leader Steve Scalise, is popular with conservatives but is now undergoing treatment for blood cancer. Majority Whip Tom Emmer or GOP Conference Chair Elise Stefanik could also emerge as alternatives, but neither has been openly campaigning for the job.

    Ever the optimist in public, McCarthy seemed to sense before the votes that the run of good fortune and political survival that had taken him to the nation’s third-highest office would not last much longer. He had struck a defiant tone, defending to the end his decision to keep the government open even if it cost him his job. “If you throw out a speaker” for averting a government shutdown, he warned reporters and, implicitly, his Republican colleagues, “then I think we’re in a really bad place.”

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    Russell Berman

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  • Why Republicans Can’t Keep the Government Open

    Why Republicans Can’t Keep the Government Open

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    Yesterday was not a good day for House Republicans or for their struggling leader, Speaker Kevin McCarthy. In the morning, McCarthy was forced to scrap a procedural vote on a GOP proposal to avert a government shutdown that will commence at the end of this month if Congress doesn’t act. In the afternoon, a handful of conservatives tanked McCarthy’s bid to advance legislation funding the Pentagon.

    The failure of the proposal to prevent a shutdown was the more ominous defeat, both for Republicans and for the country. Yet even if McCarthy manages to pass a version of this, it will almost certainly be an exercise in futility. For starters, it would fund the government for a mere 30 additional days. And its basic provisions—cutting spending by 8 percent for all but the Defense and Veterans Affairs Departments, restarting construction of the southern border wall, cutting off pathways for asylum seekers—will likely be stripped out by Senate Democrats.

    Despite the GOP’s evident dysfunction, Representative Kelly Armstrong of North Dakota was in a chipper mood when he called me from the Capitol. The McCarthy ally was scurrying between meetings in an effort to help resolve the latest crisis threatening the speaker. “We’re a long way from landing the plane, but there are really productive conversations going on,” Armstrong told me. If the plane represents, in Armstrong’s metaphor, a functioning federal government, then House Republicans are still hovering at about 30,000 feet, with the runway coming rapidly into view.

    The Democrats who run the Senate aren’t involved in the “productive conversations” Armstrong was referencing. If they were, McCarthy might already have lost his job. Before he can negotiate with the Democrats, the speaker must broker a peace among the warring factions of his own party, who cannot even agree on an opening offer. Groups representing the conservative Freedom Caucus and the more pragmatic Main Street Caucus announced a deal on Sunday to support the 30-day extension, with spending cuts and border restrictions attached. But almost immediately, hard-liners rejected the proposal as insufficiently austere. Led by Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida, several of these Republicans are threatening to oust McCarthy if he caves to Democrats on spending, and a few of them are openly itching for a government shutdown.

    Any five Republicans can torpedo proposals that don’t have Democratic support—as five GOP lawmakers did yesterday in blocking the defense bill—and any five could topple McCarthy by voting along with Democrats for a procedural tool known as a motion to vacate the chair. This has effectively made him a hostage of his caucus, with precious little room to maneuver.

    Even the relatively optimistic Armstrong acknowledged the difficulty of McCarthy’s position. “It’s a pretty untenable argument to say you don’t have enough Republican votes to pass anything and you can’t negotiate with Democrats on anything,” Armstrong told me.

    McCarthy has tried many times to shake off threats to his speakership, alternately daring members like Gaetz to make a bid to oust him and pointing out that with such a narrow majority, any other Republican replacement would find themselves in the same unenviable position. I asked Armstrong whether McCarthy should simply ignore the hard-liners in his conference and strike a deal with Democrats to keep the government open, come what may. “I’m not sure he should yet,” he said.

    House Republicans have received hardly any backing from their brethren in the Senate, who have shown no appetite for a shutdown fight and have been more willing to uphold the budget deal that McCarthy struck with President Joe Biden in the spring. By bowing to conservative demands for deeper spending cuts, the speaker is reneging on the same agreement, which allowed Congress to raise the debt ceiling and avoid a catastrophic default. “I’m not a fan of government shutdowns,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell told reporters yesterday. “I’ve seen a few of them over the years. They have never produced a policy change, and they’ve always been a loser for Republicans.”

    For now, McCarthy allies such as Armstrong are adamant that this spending battle must result in a change in administration policy. They have zeroed in on the border, seeing an opportunity to force Biden’s hand and take advantage of an issue on which even some Democrats, such as New York City Mayor Eric Adams, have been critical of the president. “If we can’t use this fight to deal with the single most pressing national-security issue and humanitarian issue of our time, then shame on us,” Armstrong said.

    Yet House Republicans have found themselves isolated, and bickering over legislation that—like most of their proposals this year—stands no chance of becoming law. A bipartisan majority in the Senate is likely to simply return a temporary spending bill to the House without the conservative priorities, perhaps with additional funding to aid Ukraine in its war with Russia. What then? I asked Armstrong. “I would shut it down,” he replied.

    Democrats in the House, meanwhile, have watched the unfolding GOP drama with a mix of schadenfreude and growing horror. The Republican infighting could help Democrats win back a House majority next year. But a shutdown would not reflect well on either party, and voters could end up blaming Biden as well as the GOP for the fallout. Hundreds of thousands of federal workers would be furloughed, and millions of Americans might have to wait longer for Social Security checks and other needed benefits. “The rest of the world looks at us like we’re incompetent and dysfunctional,” Representative Gerry Connolly, a Democrat whose Northern Virginia district includes thousands of federal workers, told me. “How do you explain to our European allies that we can’t fund our government?”

    Connolly is in his eighth term and, like America’s allies, has seen this brinkmanship play out several times before. He told me that whereas earlier in the month he thought Congress had a 50–50 chance of keeping the government open, he now puts the odds of a shutdown at 90 percent. “Sometimes you feel like we’re going to avert this cliff, and then there are times that you go, ‘No, we’re going off this cliff,’” Connolly said. “This one feels like we’re going off the cliff.”

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    Russell Berman

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  • The Lifeguard Shortage Never Ends

    The Lifeguard Shortage Never Ends

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    The United States, you may have heard, is in a lifeguard shortage. The city of Houston is offering new lifeguards a $500 bonus. Jackson, Mississippi, is raising lifeguard pay by more than 40 percent. Colorado is “stepping up” with $250,000 for hiring lifeguard reinforcements; in the meantime, senior citizens are filling in. According to the American Lifeguard Association, about half of the nation’s public pools will have to close or reduce their hours this summer because of a lack of staff.

    The current shortage can be largely blamed on pandemic-era closures and work restrictions, according to news reports. But if that accounts for this year’s shortage as well as those reported in 2020, 2021, and 2022, it cannot explain the national lifeguard shortages of 2018, 2016, or 2012. Or, for that matter, a reported lifeguard shortage in 1984. Or 1951. Or 1926.

    These crises—and the newspaper stories that describe them—are as much a summer tradition as boardwalks and ice cream. Local or national news articles on the subject have appeared in May or June of every single year of the 21st century. Hundreds more specimens of this perennial have been published since the 1930s. Each lays out the same basic claims: The swimming season might be compromised; drownings could increase. But few acknowledge that such claims were also made the year before, and in all the years before that. Indeed, the specter of a long, unguarded summer has haunted us for five generations now, about as long as there have been formally trained lifeguards in America.

    The reasons given for the shortages have varied with the times. Now, of course, we have COVID. In the 1980s, authorities blamed Gen X demographics: “It’s happening because there simply aren’t as many 16-year-olds,” one told The New York Times. In the 1950s, they blamed the IRS: “Many lifeguards quit before earning $600 so their fathers can claim them as income tax dependents,” explained the Minneapolis Star Tribune. In the 1940s, experts said that the draft had roped in so many of the nation’s young men that, per The Baltimore Sun, some beaches and pools were “seriously considering employing women.” And in the 1930s, the shortage was attributed to the absorption of potential lifeguards into the Works Progress Administration.

    But overall, the purported causes of shortages are remarkably repetitive and, in many cases, remarkably ahistoric.

    The stringent requirements of lifeguarding—taking and paying for a multiday course to pass a tough physical exam—are a recurring scapegoat. So is low pay. In 1941, pool managers complained that young men who hadn’t been drafted could make much more working in defense industries than as a lifeguard. In 2007, a New Jersey lifeguard captain lamented to the Times that “iPods and cellphones are expensive … If kids are looking for the highest-paying job, it isn’t likely to be lifeguarding.” In that same article, a Connecticut parks official blamed the growing emphasis on career-building (and the concurrent rise of internships). The YMCA’s water-safety specialist also cited internships, in 2021. Any time unemployment is low, someone accuses it of contributing to the lifeguard shortage.

    By far the most consistent explanations over the years can best be described as “kids these days.” See 1987: “The kids around here have too much money.” And 2015: “There is another big turnoff: having a phone on the lifeguard stand is a firing offense.” And 2019: “Some [teens] are even frightened of the lifesaving responsibility the job carries.” And 2022: “People just don’t want to do this kind of job.” And 2023: “Since COVID, people don’t want to work.” Wyatt Werneth, the national spokesperson for the American Lifeguard Association, told me this week that, after the pandemic arrived, people who might otherwise be lifeguard candidates began opting for jobs that could be done at home, such as “the influencing and social media and stuff like that.”

    And then, of course, there’s the biggest problem of all: No one looks up to lifeguards anymore. From The New York Times in 1984: “Lifeguards were once authority figures, just like teachers once were. But the glory of the authoritarian age is gone.” In 1985, the Times wistfully recalled the lifeguard-loving cinema of the ’50s and ’60s (Beach Blanket Bingo and its ilk) and the reverence it once inspired. Robert A. Kerwin, the water-safety coordinator of the New Jersey State Division of Parks and Forestry, told the paper, “The day of the macho lifeguard sitting in the chair flexing his muscles is finished. For one thing, 25 percent of our guards are girls.” (For what it’s worth, Newspapers.com lists plenty of articles about lifeguard shortages from the ’50s and the ’60s too.)

    The Times once declared, “The lifeguard is an endangered species.” But its population recovered briefly in the 1990s, thanks to David Hasselhoff. “When I became a lifeguard,” Werneth said, “we had Baywatch, and everybody wanted to be a lifeguard. They wanted that lifestyle where you had helicopters and you had fast boats and beautiful people, and you’re saving lives.” But Baywatch: Hawaii ceased production in 2001, and after that, Werneth told me, “things started declining.” Lifeguard employment took a dip and then a swan dive starting in 2020. “I can almost call it a ground zero,” Bernard Fisher, the director of the American Lifeguard Association, said of the shortage in a 2022 Fox News article.

    Despite the tenor of that analogy (Fisher also compared the lack of lifeguards to the lack of baby formula), drowning rates haven’t really spiked. In fact, they’re now a third of what they were in 1970, and have been dropping steadily for a century or more. (There was a very slight uptick in 2020 and 2021, the most recent years for which data are available.) In other words, the many lifeguard crises of the past—or perhaps the single, never-ending one—have not correlated with any widespread drowning crises in America. That does not mean that lifeguard shortages are fake, but hard data on their scope remain obscure. Werneth told me that the American Lifeguard Association receives “very sporadic” reports from pools, parks, and beaches, and has just a rough sense of the level of need in different regions.

    But if the lifeguard is once again an endangered species, it’s still beloved: more like a giant panda than a Gerlach’s cockroach. As a culture, we do still think of lifeguards as sexy, heroic, and essential (if not authoritarian). Baywatch may be off the air, but it’s always coming back.

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    Rachel Gutman-Wei

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  • Do Overdoses Look Different Now?

    Do Overdoses Look Different Now?

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    Most likely, the person’s skin color will change. An ashy tone might creep in, or they could turn a shade of blue. If too much fluid pools in their mouth or lungs and mixes with air, foam will appear at their lips. There might be a sound, too—that of light snoring. These are some of the main symptoms of an overdose. Although the drug causing the reaction might be different, the symptoms look the same. “An overdose is an overdose,” Soma Snakeoil, a co-founder of the Sidewalk Project, a harm-reduction organization, told me.

    But although overdose symptoms have not shifted, the ability to treat it has, most notably because of the availability of naloxone, the medication that can quickly reverse an overdose and that was approved in late March to be sold over the counter, as Narcan. This move happened at least in part because in the past few decades, the entire context of an overdose in the United States has changed. The U.S. has entered its fourth wave of the opioid crisis, and the death toll is different now: Overdoses have been steadily increasing for many years, but this wave, also known as the “era of overdoses,” has seen the highest number of fatal overdoses yet. “I think what makes this current crisis so unique is the volume” of overdoses, John Pamplin II, an epidemiologist at Columbia’s school of public health, told me. And that is happening because the drugs have changed too. “It’s not necessarily that more people are using drugs,” Emilie Bruzelius, an epidemiology researcher at Columbia’s school of public health, told me. “The opioids that people are using now are incredibly strong, and they’re more likely to cause an overdose.”

    The result is that any person using drugs has a higher chance of overdosing than ever before. “There’s no population segment that is insulated,” Bruzelius said. “It’s really affecting everybody now.”

    The origins of the opioid crisis can be traced back to 1999. As doctors prescribed opioids more and more—OxyContin prescriptions for non-cancer-related pain alone increased from about 670,000 in 1997 to 6.2 million in 2002—related deaths rose swiftly. In that same period, the number of deaths increased almost 30 percent, to nearly 9,000. This first wave largely affected white people: By 2010, the opioid mortality rate was more than two times higher for white people than Black people.

    That year, a second wave began, in which overdose deaths involving heroin grew most dramatically. By 2015, heroin overdose deaths surpassed the number of deaths attributable to opioid pills. This time, the total opioid mortality rate grew for both Black and white populations; death rates increased by an average of at least 30 percent a year beginning in 2010, and accelerated even faster after 2013. In this same period, illicitly manufactured fentanyl—a synthetic opioid approved for pain relief—was being slipped into heroin, counterfeit pills, cocaine, and other drugs. Many of the people taking these drugs did not realize that they were taking fentanyl at all, leading to a third wave of overdoses. Mortality skyrocketed. In 2017, synthetic opioids were responsible for more than 28,000 deaths, while opioid-pill and heroin overdose deaths had leveled off at about 15,000. The demographics of the crisis continued to shift too, and in 2020, the fastest increases in death rates was experienced by Black and Indigenous Americans, surpassing the death rate of white Americans, Pamplin told me.

    The new, fourth wave is characterized by more mixing of different drugs. “People are overdosing from cocaine and fentanyl or methamphetamines and fentanyl or methamphetamines and fentanyl and heroin,” Bruzelius told me. Recently, xylazine—a non-opiate sedative also known as “tranq”—has infiltrated the fentanyl supply, resulting in what the DEA has deemed the deadliest threat yet.

    This is the context in which the FDA approved Narcan to be sold over the counter. Narcan packages naloxone as a nasal spray, and the FDA argued that its approval could “help improve access to naloxone, increase the number of locations where it’s available, and help reduce overdose deaths throughout the country.” By binding to opioid receptors, naloxone blocks the effects of opiates in the system. This reverses the impact of an overdose, restoring normal breathing.

    But drug policies in America tend to swing, pendulum-like, from one extreme to the other, David Courtwright, a historian at the University of North Florida, told me: A response focused on care for drug users might give way to a more punitive policy. Already, some critics of Narcan’s availability have pushed to restrict its use on the grounds that an effective overdose treatment could encourage drug use—even though there’s “just no kind of scientific or empirical backing” for those arguments, Bruzelius said. Here, the simplest logic holds: If overdoses are affecting every community in America, better to have an accessible treatment everywhere.

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    Zoya Qureshi

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  • ThaarTechnologies Introduces a New #ThaarJustice to Enforce Law, Justice and Human Rights

    ThaarTechnologies Introduces a New #ThaarJustice to Enforce Law, Justice and Human Rights

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    Press Release



    updated: May 10, 2017

    #ThaarJustice is a non-profit campaign aimed at raising awareness among people from all countries in the area of human rights, law and justice. It aims to help everyone who is subjected to injustice of any kind through social media participation. Per #ThaarJustice, published before 1/7/2017 (and if you follow @thaar on Twitter and @faristaie on Facebook), comments will be republished through all the social networking sites dedicated to this campaign to get more influence in the world public opinion.

    Writing a simple sentence in the #thaarjustice will greatly benefit the support of justice, as it will be shared with us and their friends. It is an easy way to educate and raise awareness about injustice in the world, which will reduce crime, including terrorism, as the exchange of these messages on a large scale will force governments, including Iraq and its judicial systems to apply the principles and laws of justice in their countries and will force the countries to implement the law properly.

    Over the last 30 days, London, St. Petersburg, Paris, Germany and many other cities around the world have been exposed to terrorism. This is the result of injustice and lawlessness in many countries. This calls for a serious and firm stand by respected journalists to push governments and judicial authorities around the world to act in accordance with the law and to apply law, justice and humanitarian regulations properly and in a complementary manner.

    Thaar Al-Taiey, Owner

    Our goal is to involve society and encourage everyone to think about the important ideals of justice,” Thaar Al-Taiey said. If we succeed in activating #thaarjustice, we will publish a new website that seamlessly integrates social media tools into rich and effective social media pages and links them with international human rights organizations, UN organizations and human rights organizations to our community in a single location to promote digital communications to the community in new and innovative ways, and we hope that this will attract partners who may never have heard of “#thaarjustice” or who may not know what we are doing to our communities and allow us to communicate our message better to our current supporters.

    Thaar said the idea of the campaign came after several countries were exposed to terrorist operations and after the outbreak of crime and non-accountability in many countries. The spread of crime and acts of terrorism in the world are all the result of injustice and the failure to apply law and justice correctly and the failure to apply the rules and regulations of human rights.

    Over the last 30 days, London, St. Petersburg, Paris, Germany and many other cities around the world have been exposed to terrorism. This is the result of injustice and lawlessness in many countries. This calls for a serious and firm stand by respected journalists to push governments and judicial authorities around the world to act in accordance with the law and to apply law, justice and humanitarian regulations properly and in a complementary manner. This will help greatly in preventing the spread of crime Including terrorism in many countries of the world. We may not in the twenty-first century tolerate such a violation of human rights and justice.

    The injustice and lack of applying the law by the Iraqi courts or in any other country are fundamental to the spread of crime, including the terror crimes in all countries of the world. Standing with the right applying of the law will reflect positively on all countries of the world. This is the real responsibility of the respected media by standing with truth, justice, human rights and humanity.

    Thaar added that those who have been subjected to injustice do not leave the matter; “There is no right to be lost if the successor demands.” The oppressed must try once and twice and insist on their demands until they get their rights and publish them in newspapers and international satellite channels and social media.

    About #Thaar_Majeed_Hassan

    #Thaar_Majeed_Hassan holds a Master degree (MSc) in Computer Engineering (MSSE), Bachelor of Science degree (BSc) in Electrical Engineering (BSEE) and ITIL Certificate. He has more than 22 years of experience in the Automated System fields, and he is the author of a number of technical papers and books. He owns TW@thaar, FB@faristaie, inst@thaar_altaiey and YT@thaar taiey accounts to enforce the law, justice and human rights. Al_Taiey also holds several Geneva justice consultant certifications.

    Email: Info@thaartechnologies.com

    Source: ThaarTechnologies

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