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  • Fight still ahead for Texas’ Ken Paxton after historic impeachment deepens GOP divisions

    Fight still ahead for Texas’ Ken Paxton after historic impeachment deepens GOP divisions

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    AUSTIN, Texas (AP) — The historic impeachment of Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton was just the first round of a Republican brawl over whether to banish one of their own in America’s biggest red state after years of criminal accusations.

    Paxton and his allies, from former President Donald Trump to hard-right grassroots organizations across Texas, now wait to fight back in what Paxton hopes will be a friendlier arena: a trial in the state Senate.

    It was still unclear Sunday when this will take place. The Republican-led Senate met to pass bills in the final days of the legislative session. But the chamber’s presiding officer, Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, did not immediately address the Paxton impeachment.

    Late Sunday, the House of Representatives investigating panel that initiated Paxton’s impeachment issued a dozen new subpoenas for testimony and records from Paxton associates, businesses, banks and financial trusts. It was unclear how quickly those records and testimony could be collected ahead of a Senate trial.

    Paxton has said he has “full confidence” as he awaits a Senate trial. His conservative allies there include his wife, state Sen. Angela Paxton, who has not said whether she will recuse herself from the proceedings to determine whether her husband will be permanently removed from office.

    For now, Texas’ three-term attorney general is immediately suspended after the state House of Representatives on Saturday impeached Paxton on 20 articles that included bribery and abuse of public trust.

    The decisive 121-23 vote amounted to a clear rebuke from the GOP-controlled chamber after nearly a decade of Republican lawmakers taking a mostly muted stance on Paxton’s alleged misdeeds, which include felony securities fraud charges from 2015 and an ongoing FBI investigation into corruption accusations.

    He is just the third sitting official in Texas’ nearly 200-year history to have been impeached.

    “No one person should be above the law, least not the top law officer of the state of Texas,” said Republican state Rep. David Spiller, who was part of a House investigative committee that this week revealed it had quietly been looking into Paxton for months.

    Republican Texas Gov. Greg Abbott has remained silent about Paxton all week , including after Saturday’s impeachment. Abbott, who was the state’s attorney general prior to Paxton’s taking the job in 2015, has the power to appoint a temporary replacement pending the outcome in the Senate trial.

    Final removal of Paxton would require a two-thirds vote in the Senate, where Republican members are generally aligned with the party’s hard right. Patrick, the presiding officer, has served as state chairman for Trump’s campaigns in Texas.

    A group of Senate Republicans issued identical statements late Saturday and Sunday saying they “welcome and encourage communication from our constituents.” But the group also said they now consider themselves jurors and will not discuss the Paxton case.

    Before the vote Saturday, Trump and U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz came to Paxton’s defense, with the senator calling the impeachment process “a travesty” and saying the attorney general’s legal troubles should be left to the courts.

    “Free Ken Paxton,” Trump wrote on his social media platform Truth Social, warning that if House Republicans proceeded with the impeachment, “I will fight you.”

    Paxton, 60, decried the outcome in the House moments after scores of his fellow partisans voted for impeachment. His office pointed to internal reports that found no wrongdoing.

    “The ugly spectacle in the Texas House today confirmed the outrageous impeachment plot against me was never meant to be fair or just,” Paxton said. “It was a politically motivated sham from the beginning.”

    Lawmakers allied with Paxton tried to discredit the investigation by noting that hired investigators, not panel members, interviewed witnesses. They also said several of the investigators had voted in Democratic primaries, tainting the impeachment, and that Republican legislators had too little time to review evidence.

    “I perceive it could be political weaponization,” Rep. Tony Tinderholt, one of the House’s most conservative members, said before the vote. Republican Rep. John Smithee compared the proceeding to “a Saturday mob out for an afternoon lynching.”

    Rice University political science professor Mark P. Jones said the swift move to impeach kept Paxton from rallying significant support and allowed quietly frustrated Republicans to come together.

    “If you ask most Republicans privately, they feel Paxton is an embarrassment. But most were too afraid of the base to oppose him,” Jones said. By voting as a large bloc, he added, the lawmakers gained political cover.

    To Paxton’s longstanding detractors, however, the rebuke was years overdue.

    In 2014, he admitted to violating Texas securities law, and a year later was indicted on securities fraud charges in his hometown near Dallas, accused of defrauding investors in a tech startup. He pleaded not guilty to two felony counts carrying a potential sentence of five to 99 years.

    He opened a legal defense fund and accepted $100,000 from an executive whose company was under investigation by Paxton’s office for Medicaid fraud. An additional $50,000 was donated by an Arizona retiree whose son Paxton later hired to a high-ranking job but soon was fired after displaying child pornography in a meeting. In 2020, Paxton intervened in a Colorado mountain community where a Texas donor and college classmate faced removal from his lakeside home under coronavirus orders.

    But what ultimately unleashed the impeachment push was Paxton’s relationship with Austin real estate developer Nate Paul.

    In 2020, eight top aides told the FBI they were concerned Paxton was misusing his office to help Paul over the developer’s unproven claims about an elaborate conspiracy to steal $200 million of his properties. The FBI searched Paul’s home in 2019, but he has not been charged and denies wrongdoing. Paxton also told staff members he had an affair with a woman who, it later emerged, worked for Paul.

    The impeachment accuses Paxton of attempting to interfere in foreclosure lawsuits and issuing legal opinions to benefit Paul. The bribery charges included in the impeachment allege Paul employed the woman with whom Paxton had an affair in exchange for legal help and that he paid for expensive renovations to the attorney general’s home. A senior lawyer for Paxton’s office, Chris Hilton, said Friday that the attorney general paid for all repairs and renovations.

    Other charges, including lying to investigators, date back to Paxton’s still-pending securities fraud indictment.

    Four aides who reported Paxton to the FBI later sued under Texas’ whistleblower law, and in February he agreed to settle the case for $3.3 million. The House committee said the probe was sparked by Paxton seeking legislative approval for the payout.

    “But for Paxton’s own request for a taxpayer-funded settlement over his wrongful conduct, Paxton would not be facing impeachment,” the panel said.

    ___

    Bleiberg reported from Dallas.

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  • Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton impeached by state House

    Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton impeached by state House

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    Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton impeached by state House – CBS News


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    Ken Paxton, the embattled attorney general of Texas, was decisively impeached Saturday by the state House. The 20 articles of impeachment against Paxton included accusations of bribery, obstruction of justice and abuse of the public trust.

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  • Key artifact helps illuminate historic moment in JFK assassination

    Key artifact helps illuminate historic moment in JFK assassination

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    Dallas, Texas — Just 12 hours after President John F. Kennedy was assassinated on Nov. 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas, reporters from all over the world crammed into Dallas police headquarters to try and interview the suspect, Lee Harvey Oswald.

    “I got jostled,” said reporter Bill Mercer, who was with CBS affiliate KRLD at the time. “I’m small, so I got pushed behind the door one time, I’m pummeled.”

    Mercer had just received a tip from an officer that Oswald had formally been charged with murdering the president, something that Oswald didn’t even know, until Mercer broke the news to him on camera.

    “You have been charged, sir,” Mercer told Oswald on camera. “You have been charged.”

    “And he looked at me, ‘What?’” the now 97-year-old Mercer recounted to CBS News this week. “And I said, ‘You have been charged with the murder of the president.’”

    Oswald was shot and killed by Jack Ruby in the basement of Dallas police headquarters on Nov. 24, 1963, two days after Kennedy’s assassination.

    Nearly 60 years later, Camera No. 3 from that interview finally belongs to the Sixth Floor Museum at Dealey Plaza in Dallas, which chronicles the Kennedy assassination.

    In January, Mercer was reunited with this piece of history in a visit to the museum.

    “This is particularly special because we have the footage, we have the artifact, and we have the man who was reporting that news,” Nicola Longford, Sixth Floor Museum CEO, said.

    Longford explained that, decades later, physical artifacts are still popping up from that moment in time.

    “We need to have physical items that animate people’s imaginations and try to step back into a historic moment,” Longford said.

    Camera No. 3, which is almost too heavy to lift, will go on display to the public later this year to mark 60 years since Kennedy’s death. For Mercer, it’s a piece of history that he will never forget.

    “Well, it’s great because, what if we hadn’t had the camera?” reflects Mercer. “It would just be a nothing piece of audio, maybe.”

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  • Ken Paxton, Texas attorney general, impeached by state House of Representatives

    Ken Paxton, Texas attorney general, impeached by state House of Representatives

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    Austin, Texas — The GOP-led Texas House of Representatives on Saturday voted decisively to impeach Attorney General Ken Paxton, who had 20 articles of impeachment brought up against him earlier this week. 

    The final vote was 121 voting to impeach, with 23 voting against impeachment and two voting present. Paxton will now be immediately removed from his job pending a Senate trial. 

    The 20 articles of impeachment against Paxton included accusations of bribery, obstruction of justice and abuse of the public trust. Paxton has been under FBI investigation for years over accusations that he used his office to help a donor and was separately indicted on securities fraud charges in 2015. 

    Paxton released a statement immediately after the vote calling it an “ugly spectacle” and said it was a “politically motivated sham since the beginning.” 

    “[House Speaker Dade] Phelan’s coalition of Democrats and liberal Republicans is now in lockstep with the Biden Administration, the abortion industry, anti-gun zealots, and woke corporations to sabotage my work as Attorney General, including our ongoing litigation to stop illegal immigration, uphold the rule of law and protect the constitutional right of every Texan,” Paxton said.

    Paxton’s wife, Angela Paxton, is a state senator and could preside over the trial. 

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  • Texas House To Vote On Impeachment Of GOP Attorney General Ken Paxton

    Texas House To Vote On Impeachment Of GOP Attorney General Ken Paxton

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    Texas’ Republican-led House began debate Saturday afternoon over whether to impeach the state’s Republican attorney general, Ken Paxton, after a long series of scandals and possible crimes.

    Lawmakers introduced 20 articles of impeachment against the three-term attorney general, whose antics have roiled the Texas GOP. A vote is expected later Saturday.

    An affirmative vote would mean that Paxton would be suspended as the state’s top law enforcement officer pending the outcome of a trial in the Texas Senate, with Gov. Greg Abbott (R) given the option of appointing an interim attorney general.

    The timing of a trial would be uncertain, however, given that the current Texas legislative session ends Monday.

    A Republican-led investigatory committee earlier this week spelled out the various ways Paxton is accused of abusing the power of his office through bribery, retaliation and a culture of fear.

    The committee recommended Wednesday that Paxton be impeached at a hearing that sparked an indignant response from the attorney general, who accused Texas House Speaker Dade Phelan of being a “liberal” who was drunk on the job.

    Phelan’s office told local outlet KDFW that the attorney general was just trying to “save face.”

    Meanwhile, the Texas Republican Party Chair, Matt Rinaldi, came down on Paxton’s side in the impeachment and accused Phelan of trying “to stop the conservative direction of our state” by working with Democrats.

    Paxton has been a staunch ally of former President Donald Trump and styled himself a conservative culture warrior. He has proven popular with Texas voters. Trump himself threatened state lawmakers if the vote goes against his ally, writing on social media, “I will fight you if it does.”

    Paxton is accused of using his office to help a political donor, the Austin-based real estate developer Nate Paul, navigate legal entanglements in exchange for an elaborate home remodel for Paxton and a job for a woman with whom Paxton allegedly had an affair.

    In 2020, a group of Paxton’s top aides came forward to accuse the attorney general of abusing his power. Weeks later, several of them were fired. The whistleblowers promptly sued Paxton, and that case reached a $3.3 million settlement agreement back in February. There is tension over how the money will be paid out, however; Phelan and other lawmakers are against using taxpayer funds to cover Paxton’s misconduct.

    Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton speaks at then-President Donald Trump’s rally on Jan. 6, 2021, just before rioters stormed the Capitol.

    Jacquelyn Martin via Associated Press

    That’s not even the extent of Paxton’s legal woes. In 2015, he was charged with felony securities fraud in a case that is still playing out eight years later because of continued procedural delays.

    Last spring, he was slapped with a professional misconduct lawsuit from the State Bar of Texas over his efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election with supposed evidence of voter fraud. Paxton retaliated by forbidding his staffers from speaking at any events organized by the state bar, according to the Texas Tribune.

    In September, he ran out of his house and hopped into a truck driven by his wife to avoid being served a subpoena to testify in a lawsuit relating to one of Texas’ severe anti-abortion laws.

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  • Texas House to vote Saturday on impeaching Attorney General Ken Paxton

    Texas House to vote Saturday on impeaching Attorney General Ken Paxton

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    Texas AG Ken Paxton makes rare appearance ahead of impeachment vote in the Texas House


    Texas AG Ken Paxton makes rare appearance ahead of impeachment vote in the Texas House

    04:19

    Austin, Texas — The GOP-led Texas House of Representatives on Saturday will take up a resolution to impeach Attorney General Ken Paxton, according to a memo from the committee that on Thursday filed 20 articles of impeachment against him.

    Debate on the impeachment resolution will begin at 2 p.m. ET, according to the House Investigating Committee. The committee has proposed four hours of debate, evenly divided between proponents and supporters of impeachment, plus 40 minutes for opening arguments by committee members and 20 minutes for closing statements. 

    Impeaching Paxton requires a simple majority of House members. Republicans hold an 85-64 majority in the House — a commanding majority, but a decrease from the more than 40-seat edge the party had as recently as 2017. 

    The House Investigating Committee on Thursday recommended 20 articles of impeachment against Paxton, which included accusations of bribery, obstruction of justice and abuse of the public trust. Paxton has been under FBI investigation for years over accusations that he used his office to help a donor and was separately indicted on securities fraud charges in 2015, according to CBS News Texas

    Paxton spoke to reporters Friday but did not directly address any of the allegations against him. Instead, he  accused state House Republicans of being “determined to ignore the law.” He also accused them of being “poised to do exactly what Joe Biden has been hoping to accomplish since his first day in office: Sabotage my work, our work, as attorney general in Texas.”

    Texas Attorney General Impeachment Explainer
    FILE – Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton speaks in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. After years of legal and ethical scandals swirling around Texas Republican Attorney General Paxton, the state’s GOP-controlled House of Representatives has moved toward an impeachment vote that could quickly throw him from office.

    Jacquelyn Martin / AP


    According to the memo by Republican Rep. Andrew Murr, the chair of the Investigating Committee, the investigation into Paxton began in March after he asked the House to fund a $3.3 million whistleblower lawsuit settlement. 

    Paxton is a staunch ally of former President Donald Trump and he filed a lawsuit in Dec. 2020 seeking to overturn presidential election results in key battleground states, which was later tossed by the Supreme Court.

    Paxton on Thursday tweeted a statement that accused the Investigating Committee of asking the Texas House to “use their unsubstantiated report to overturn the results of a free and fair election.” Chris Hilton, the attorney general’s chief litigator, said Thursday that the state House could not move forward with impeachment for allegations that occurred before the last election. In Friday’s memo, the House Investigating Committee said this  so-called “forgiveness doctrine” “does not apply to impeachment.” 

    Paxton won a third term in November, defeating Democrat Rochelle Garza by nearly 10 points. 

    If the House votes to impeach Paxton, he will face a trial in the Texas state Senate. According to the memo, the House will appoint their own members as “impeachment managers” to conduct the trial in the Senate.

    The 2023 Texas legislative session will end on May 29 — a date known as “sine die,” or when all legislation must be sent to the governor’s desk. Although normally only the governor can bring lawmakers back in a special session, the Texas Constitution says the Senate may continue an impeachment trial beyond the end of session. 

    Republicans hold a 19-12 majority in the Senate, and a two-thirds majority is needed to remove him from office. But according to the Texas state Constitution, if Paxton is impeached, he would be immediately suspended, pending the trial in the Senate. 

    The Senate has only expelled lawmakers twice, Gov. James Ferguson in 1917 and District Judge O.P. Carrillo in 1975. Former state Rep. Sherri Greenberg, assistant dean at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at University of Texas-Austin, on Friday called the impeachment “earth-shattering.” 

    “This has really set off a tidal wave,” Greenberg said. “It’s rare, we’ve only seen a couple of times in Texas history, the impeachment of a public official.” 

    The recommendation to bring articles of impeachment against Paxton came just weeks after the House of Representatives took the extraordinary step of voting unanimously to expel Republican Rep. Byran Slaton, who had resigned one day earlier. The House Investigating Committee, the same committee that conducted the probe into Paxton, had found that he had inappropriate sexual conduct with a 19-year-old intern.

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  • 7-Year-Old Athena Strand’s Death Inspires Texas Bill On Missing Child Alerts

    7-Year-Old Athena Strand’s Death Inspires Texas Bill On Missing Child Alerts

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    Lawmakers in Texas voted Wednesday to approve a bill for a localized version of the Amber Alert system that would enable police to notify people within a 100-mile radius as soon as a child goes missing.

    The so-called Athena Alert bill is named after Athena Strand, the 7-year-old girl who was allegedly abducted and killed by a FedEx driver delivering a package to her house in rural Wise County on Nov. 30. Her body was found Dec. 2, less than 10 miles from her father and stepmother’s home. Tanner Horner has pleaded not guilty to capital murder and aggravated kidnapping charges and is being held on a $1.5 million bond.

    The legislation now goes to Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, who must sign it before it becomes law. His office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    GOP state Rep. Lynn Stucky, who authored House Bill 3556, told the Texas House Committee on Homeland Security & Public Safety that Wise County’s sheriff would have been able to issue a localized alert almost immediately had the Athena Alert been in place at the time.

    “I am grateful to my colleagues in the Senate for sending my bill, HB 3556, to @GovAbbott’s desk,” Stucky tweeted Friday, using the governor’s Twitter handle. “Special thank you to Athena’s mom, Maitlyn Gandy, for coming to Austin to testify in support.”

    “If this alert had been in place when my daughter disappeared, I have no doubt that the Wise County Sheriff’s Office would have activated it,” Gandy, the mother, was quoted as saying in a press release issued by her attorneys.

    “Unfortunately, their hands were tied because my daughter’s disappearance didn’t immediately meet the strict criteria for a statewide AMBER alert. It was a helpless feeling that I wouldn’t wish on any parent. My hope is that every state will follow Texas’ lead and amend the law so that no other parent has to wait when their child is missing.”

    Wise County Sheriff Lane Akin told HuffPost that his office “deeply appreciates” Stucky’s efforts with the Athena Alert bill.

    “With its passage, law enforcement will be able to make a local judgement call and send out an alert that may help bring a child home to hisher parents,” Akin said. “Hopefully, we will never need to make that judgement call, but if it does happen again and if so decided, we have an additional tool to help us recover a missing child.”

    On the day of Athena’s disappearance, her stepmother spent “about an hour” looking for the girl before reporting her missing to police at around 6:40 p.m., authorities said, but an Amber Alert wasn’t issued until the following afternoon.

    At the time, Akin said that Athena’s stepmother had told police that she and the girl had had an argument. Authorities didn’t suspect foul play and believed she might have run away, the sheriff told CBS last year.

    At first we thought it was just another missing child, a missing child who would be found in a matter of minutes,” Akin told HuffPost on Friday. “But, that was not the case. We were not able to post an Amber Alert because, at that time, the case specifics did not meet the criteria set by the Texas Department of Public Safety.”

    The state’s Amber Alert criteria include “a preliminary investigation [that has] verified the abduction and eliminated alternative explanations for the child’s disappearance,” and a determination by law enforcement that the child is in “immediate danger of sexual assault, death or serious bodily injury,” among other factors.

    Athena’s father, Jacob Strand, was not at home when Athena disappeared and Gandy, her mother, lived in Oklahoma. Athena was visiting her father and due to return to Gandy’s after the Christmas break, the mother said.

    Authorities said that Horner, 31, confessed to strangling Athena after hitting her with his truck and told them where to find her body.

    Athena’s family filed a wrongful death suit against Horner, FedEx, and the subcontractor who hired Horner, BuzzFeed News reported.

    Subscribe to our true crime newsletter, Suspicious Circumstances, to get the biggest unsolved mysteries, white collar scandals, and captivating cases delivered straight to your inbox every week. Sign up here.

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  • Texas AG Ken Paxton, Who Tried His Hardest to Overturn the 2020 Election, Says His Potential Impeachment Is an “Attempt to…Disenfranchise the Voters”

    Texas AG Ken Paxton, Who Tried His Hardest to Overturn the 2020 Election, Says His Potential Impeachment Is an “Attempt to…Disenfranchise the Voters”

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    In a surprising turn of events—given Republicans’ longtime commitment to protecting their own no matter what—a GOP-led committee in the Texas House voted Thursday to recommend that the state’s attorney general, Ken Paxton, be impeached. That vote was preceded by testimony from committee investigators who, one day prior, detailed the many ways Paxton had allegedly committed felonies in service to friend and donor Nate Paul, a Texas real estate developer in a legal battle with an Austin nonprofit group. And what did Paxton get in return, besides the satisfaction of allegedly abusing his office to help out a pal? According to the committee, a “floor-to-ceiling renovation” of his Austin home, as well as a construction manager job for a woman he was said to be having an affair with; investigators say Paxton fired several staffers after they reported his actions to authorities.

    For all of this, the bipartisan Committee on General Investigating recommended 20 articles of impeachment against the attorney general, which included allegations of abuse of public trust, unfitness for office, and bribery. A spokesman for the panel said the Texas House is expected to vote soon on whether to impeach Paxton. And perhaps not surprisingly, Paxton is not taking any of this well.

    In a statement issued on Thursday, he insisted that the committee’s investigation was “based on hearsay and gossip, parroting long-disproved claims.” He added: “It’s a sad day for Texas as we witness the corrupt political establishment unite in this illegitimate attempt to overthrow the will of the people and disenfranchise the voters of our state.” Which is a pretty funny claim to make in light of the fact that Paxton played a not-insignificant role in Donald Trump’s attempt to overturn the 2020 election; his effort included filing a lawsuit contesting the results of the election in Pennsylvania, Georgia, Michigan, and Wisconsin and speaking at the January 6, 2021, “Stop the Steal” rally, where he told those assembled not to “quit fighting.”

    Meanwhile, the allegations that led to Thursday’s impeachment recommendation are far from the only legal issues Paxton has faced since becoming Texas’s AG. Per Vox:

    In 2015, Paxton was accused by Byron Cook, a former Republican state legislator, and Florida businessman Joel Hochberg of encouraging them to invest $100,000 or more in a technology company called Servergy Inc., without notifying them that he would earn a commission if they did so. This is alleged to have happened in 2011, while Paxton was a member of the Texas House. The indictment in that case alleges that Paxton “intentionally fail[ed] to disclose” that he had been given compensation in the form of 100,000 shares of Servergy stock, charging him with two counts of securities fraud. He was also charged with a failure to register with the state securities board. Paxton has denied the allegations in the case, which is still making its way through the courts eight years later.

    Paxton has also been the subject of an ethics complaint concerning his effort to overturn the 2020 election. Last year he used his wife as a decoy in an attempt to avoid being served a subpoena related to an abortion lawsuit.

    As a reminder, Senator Tommy Tuberville doesn’t know the three branches of government and Don Jr., well, y’know

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  • ‘More Cowardly Than Cautious’: Faculty Decry College Leaders’ Silence on DEI Attacks

    ‘More Cowardly Than Cautious’: Faculty Decry College Leaders’ Silence on DEI Attacks

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    When George Floyd was murdered by a Minneapolis police officer, in May 2020, dozens of college leaders issued carefully crafted statements decrying racism and pledging to double down on efforts to make sure everyone on their campuses felt valued and included. The statements were followed by focus groups and task forces and promises to work for systemic change.

    Three years later, those commitments are being tested as lawmakers in 20 states try to chip away at or, in some cases, take a sledgehammer to diversity, equity, and inclusion programs. This time, most of those leaders have stayed silent. Required diversity statements are being quietly dropped, a few DEI offices rebranded as offices of belonging or community engagement. As the clock ticks on legislative sessions that will expire soon, it’s hard to know how many college leaders who support diversity efforts are trying to influence lawmakers behind the scenes and how many are holding their breath, afraid to risk a political backlash by speaking out.

    In either case, faculty, staff, and students who have been fighting to preserve diversity programs are getting increasingly frustrated by the silence.

    Nowhere has that tension been more apparent than in Florida, where anti-DEI legislation has been signed into law, and Texas, where legislation that’s working its way toward final approval would ban such offices in public colleges and eliminate DEI training and statements used for hiring and promotion.

    In February the University of Texas system issued its only public reaction to the proposed law. The statement, by Kevin P. Eltife, chairman of the Board of Regents, said he welcomed the lawmakers’ scrutiny and all new DEI efforts would be paused. He added that the system was asking all of its campuses to report on their DEI activities so the board could review them.

    “To be clear, we welcome, celebrate, and strive for diversity on our campuses in our student and our faculty population,” his statement said. “I also think it’s fair to say that in recent times certain DEI efforts have strayed from the original intent to now imposing requirements and actions that, rightfully so, has raised the concerns of our policymakers about those efforts on campuses across our entire state.”

    When DEI activities were suspended, “I was deeply disappointed,” said Karma R. Chávez, a professor of Mexican American and Latina/o studies at UT’s flagship campus, in Austin, and a leader in the university’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors. “Caving before you’re asked to cave is a bad strategy.” Chávez added that “as a faculty member of color who teaches in ethnic and gender studies, every colleague I’ve spoken to has expressed dismay that they don’t feel the upper administration has their backs.”

    College presidents may feel they’re in a no-win situation, where silence is interpreted as complicity and speaking out risks firing or funding cuts, said Michael S. Harris, a professor of education policy and leadership at Southern Methodist University.

    Even if they’ve kept their lips sealed publicly, UT administrators have probably been communicating privately with lawmakers, “to either mitigate some of the problems the bills have caused or to stop them altogether,” he said. Still, “it’s problematic that university leaders haven’t pushed back” against two separate bills that would ban diversity offices and would eliminate or restrict tenure for newly hired professors, depending on which versions of the bills survive, Harris said. In order for either to become law, House and Senate members would first have to agree on which versions of the bills they can live with, or come up with a compromise. The legislative session ends on Monday, but a special session could be called.

    “It really feels like there’s been a calculation that if we say something, it’ll be worse, so we won’t say anything,” Harris said. “That may be smart in the sense of getting the least-damaging legislation, but gosh, if I were a student or faculty out there protesting, I’d want someone backing me up.”

    ‘Hyper-Scrutiny’

    As of Thursday, 35 bills that would dismantle campus DEI efforts had been introduced in 20 states. Three of those bills had been signed into law, and four have received final legislative approval. Twelve others were considered but failed to pass before the end of the session, leaving 16 that could be considered in the coming weeks.

    Some campus leaders, of course, have spoken out, especially at private colleges and in states where diversity efforts aren’t under attack. Christina H. Paxson, president of Brown University, wrote in an opinion essay in The New York Times that state laws that limit the teaching of certain subjects are as dangerous and misguided as the blacklisting campaigns of McCarthyism or efforts to outlaw the teaching of evolution.

    One reason other college leaders may have kept quiet is that DEI elicits strong reactions among alumni, politicians, and their own students and faculty members during these highly polarized times. A Chronicle survey and interviews of college presidents found that many censor themselves even on topics they consider central to their mission and values, including DEI, racial justice, and gender and sexual identity.

    Sameeha Rizvi, a senior who’s been active in student government and multicultural programs on the Austin campus, understands the political pressures. “UT-Austin faces hyper-scrutiny from the Texas GOP. We’re relentlessly targeted from politicians trying to impose certain ideological agendas on our campus,” she said. “However, our administration’s silence feels like a punch in the gut to those of us who are organizing against this anti-DEI, anti-truth legislation. Whatever the university might be doing behind closed doors — I’m not seeing the impact.”

    Our administration’s silence feels like a punch in the gut to those of us who are organizing against this anti-DEI, anti-truth legislation.

    As someone who lives with Type 1 diabetes, she appreciates the support of the university’s Disability Cultural Center and the efforts of the DEI staff, especially at the height of the pandemic, to promote flexible attendance policies for students struggling with health complications.

    Izabella De La Garza, who graduated this month, said that as a Latina from San Antonio, she felt culture shock at first on the Austin campus. The Multicultural Engagement Center, a physical place that offers support services, cultural-immersion activities, and a spot for students and employees to hang out, always felt like home, she said. Now, with bills approved by both the House and the Senate that would ban diversity centers, its fate is uncertain.

    “I found so much solace and support in the MEC, and the idea of other students’ not having that is very scary,” she said. “I can’t grasp in my mind why someone would be scared of it.”

    Erin McElroy, a tenure-track assistant professor of American studies who’s been teaching on the Austin campus for two years, said the attacks on diversity and tenure in Texas had made it easier to accept a new job at a “Research 1 public university on the West Coast where tenure isn’t threatened.”

    As a feminist scholar who integrates issues of race and gender into teaching American history, McElroy had hoped that the talk of eliminating DEI was just “political posturing” by conservative politicians. But as the bills inched closer to passage, the public silence of university administrators was disappointing, McElroy said. Texas, it appeared, might soon be going the way of another Southern state that has targeted DEI.

    Taking a Stand

    In Florida, legislation that Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Republican, signed into law this month bans public colleges from spending state or federal funding on DEI unless it’s required by federal law. The colleges will also be banned from offering general-education courses that “distort significant historical events,” teach “identity politics,” or are “based on theories that systemic racism, sexism, oppression, or privilege are inherent in the institutions of the United States.”

    The AAUP issued a preliminary report on Wednesday that accused college leaders of complicity in the avalanche of attacks on higher education in Florida. “Academic administrators throughout Florida’s public university and college systems, from the highest to the lowest levels, not only have failed to contest these attacks but have too frequently been complicit in and, in some cases, explicitly supported them,” the report said. “While some individuals are leaving as a matter of conscience, those who remain face the prospect of serving as pawns in DeSantis’s corrupt patronage system.”

    Caving before you’re asked to cave is a bad strategy.

    While some may genuinely fear retaliatory budget cuts, “the approach of many of the administrators appears more cowardly than cautious,” the AAUP said.

    In January the 28 state- and community-college presidents who make up the Florida College System Council of Presidents released a statement that many read as an endorsement of the governor’s conservative agenda. It vowed “to ensure that all initiatives, instruction, and activities do not promote any ideology that suppresses intellectual and academic freedom, freedom of expression, viewpoint diversity, and the pursuit of truth in teaching and learning.”

    The statement said the presidents would not fund or support “any practice, policy, or academic requirement that compels belief in critical race theory or related concepts such as intersectionality, or the idea that systems of oppression should be the primary lens through which teaching and learning are analyzed and/or improved upon.” Documents obtained by The Chronicle suggest that much of the wording came from a top administrator in the Florida Department of Education, not the presidents.

    Elsewhere in Florida, students who support diversity efforts demanded that university leaders back them up. In March, Florida State University students shouting “FSU — take a stand!” protested outside an administration building after they were locked out.

    Alex C. Lange, an assistant professor of higher education at Colorado State University at Fort Collins, said college leaders in Florida had missed an opportunity to alert their alumni about the possible impact of the anti-DEI legislation. As a graduate of Florida Atlantic University, Lange would be concerned to learn that future students might not have the support and guidance of a staff member in a fledgling LGBT center who had made such a difference in Lange’s own college experience.

    Calling Out the Problems

    In a few cases, college leaders did in fact take a stand, and did so publicly. Ohio State University’s Board of Trustees released a statement on May 16 forcefully objecting to Ohio’s Senate Bill 83, which has been approved by the Senate and was pending in the House as of Thursday. Along with banning many diversity initiatives, it would require annual faculty performance reviews, create new graduation requirements, and mandate the specific language colleges must use in their mission statements.

    “We acknowledge the issues raised by this proposal but believe there are alternative solutions that will not undermine the shared-governance model of universities, risk weakened academic rigor, or impose extensive and expensive new reporting mandates,” the statement said.

    “We share the General Assembly’s commitment to free speech, open dialogue, and the importance of diverse views,” it continued. “The university is already taking steps to again emphasize that all viewpoints are welcome and respected on our campuses.” In an apparent spirit of compromise, the university updated its hiring practices to stop requiring diversity statements, “except when mandated by federal law, research contracts, and licensure or accreditation.”

    Ohio State faculty leaders, who have met frequently with trustees to stress the importance of shared governance, welcomed the board’s willingness to call out the problems in the bill, given that all of the members were appointed by a Republican governor. “We appreciated the fairly robust defense of some of our rights and know that there are political risks involved,” said Caroline T. Clark, chair of the University Senate and a professor of teaching and learning.

    In Utah, where the state’s top higher-education leaders spoke out against a bill that would ban diversity offices, a conservative lawmaker quickly withdrew the measure, saying he realized it was too harsh. It’s not clear whether pushback from the state’s higher-education leaders, including Dave R. Woolstenhulme, commissioner of the Utah System of Higher Education, had played any role in that decision.

    As diversity, equity, and inclusion officers’ work, and the progress they’ve made in recent years, are under attack, higher-education leaders aren’t speaking out to defend “their espoused values and mission,” Paulette Granberry Russell, president of the National Association of Diversity Officers in Higher Education, wrote in an email.

    “As the recent spate of legislative attacks has shown,” she wrote, “their efforts are having their intended chilling effect — silencing the voices of leaders who, just three years ago, were acknowledging the necessity of higher-education institutions to address racial inequities during the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd.”

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  • Texas lawmakers recommend impeaching Attorney General Ken Paxton

    Texas lawmakers recommend impeaching Attorney General Ken Paxton

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    Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton teetered on the brink of impeachment Thursday after years of scandal, criminal charges and corruption accusations that the state’s Republican majority had largely met with silence until now.

    In an unanimous decision, a Republican-led House investigative committee that spent months quietly looking into Paxton recommended impeaching the state’s top lawyer. The state House of Representatives could vote on the recommendation as soon as Friday. If the House impeaches Paxton, he would be forced to leave office immediately.

    The move sets up a remarkably sudden downfall for one of the GOP’s most prominent legal combatants, who in 2020 asked the U.S. Supreme Court to overturn President Biden’s victory. Only two officials in Texas’ nearly 200-year history have been impeached.

    Paxton has been under FBI investigation for years over accusations that he used his office to help a donor and was separately indicted on securities fraud charges in 2015, but has yet to stand trial.

    Unlike in Congress, impeachment in Texas requires immediate removal from office until a trial is held in the Senate. That means Paxton faces ouster at the hands of GOP lawmakers just seven months after easily winning a third term over challengers — among them George P. Bush — who had urged voters to reject a compromised incumbent but discovered that many didn’t know about Paxton’s litany of alleged misdeeds or dismissed the accusations as political attacks. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott could appoint an interim replacement.

    US-POLITICS-IMMIGRATION-JUSTICE-MEXICO
    Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton speaks to reporters in front of the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, DC, on April 26, 2022.

    STEFANI REYNOLDS/AFP via Getty Images


    Two of Paxton’s defense attorneys did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Paxton has suggested that the investigation that came to light to week is a politically motivated attack by a “liberal” Republican House speaker, whom he also accused of being drunk on the job.

    Chris Hilton, a senior lawyer in the attorney general’s office, told reporters before Thursday’s committee vote that what investigators said about Paxton was “false,” “misleading,” and “full of errors big and small.” He said all of the allegations were known to voters when they reelected Paxton in November.

    Impeachment requires a two-thirds vote of the state’s 150-member House chamber, where Republicans hold a commanding 85-64 majority.

    In one sense, Paxton’s political peril arrived with dizzying speed: House Republicans did not reveal they had been investigating him until Tuesday, followed the next day by an extraordinary public airing of alleged criminal acts he committed as one of Texas’ most powerful figures.

    But to Paxton’s detractors, who now include a widening share of his own party in the Texas Capitol, the rebuke was seen as years in the making.

    In 2014, he admitted to violating Texas securities law over not registering as an investment advisor while soliciting clients. A year later, Paxton was indicted on felony securities charges by a grand jury in his hometown near Dallas, where he was accused of defrauding investors in a tech startup. He has pleaded not guilty to two felony counts that carry a potential sentence of five to 99 years in prison.

    He opened a legal defense fund and accepted $100,000 from an executive whose company was under investigation by Paxton’s office for Medicaid fraud. An additional $50,000 was donated by an Arizona retiree whose son Paxton later hired to a high-ranking job but was soon fired after trying to make a point by displaying child pornography in a meeting.

    What has unleashed the most serious risk to Paxton is his relationship with another wealthy donor, Austin real estate developer Nate Paul.

    Several of Paxton’s top aides in 2020 said they became concerned the attorney general was misusing the powers of his office to help Paul over unproven claims that an elaborate conspiracy to steal $200 million of his properties was afoot. The FBI searched Paul’s home in 2019 but he has not been charged and his attorneys have denied wrongdoing. Paxton also told staff members that he had an affair with a woman who, it later emerged, worked for Paul.

    Paxton’s aides accused him of corruption and were all fired or quit after reporting him to the FBI. Four sued under Texas’ whistleblower laws, accusing Paxton of wrongful retaliation, and in February agreed to settle the case for $3.3 million. But the Texas House must approve the payout and Phelan has said he doesn’t think taxpayers should foot the bill.

    Shortly after the settlement was reached, the House investigation into Paxton began. The probe amounted to rare scrutiny of Paxton in the state Capitol, where many Republicans have long taken a muted posture about the accusations that have followed the attorney general.

    That includes Abbott, who in January swore in Paxton for a third term and said the way he approached the job was “the right way to run the attorney’s general’s office.”

    Only twice has the Texas House impeached a sitting official: Gov. James Ferguson in 1917 and state Judge O.P. Carrillo in 1975.

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  • 2 killed, 7 hurt when home under construction collapses during Texas storm

    2 killed, 7 hurt when home under construction collapses during Texas storm

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    2 killed, 7 hurt when home under construction collapses during Texas storm – CBS News


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    Authorities surveyed the damage in Montgomery County, Texas, after severe storms rolled through the region. Two people were killed, and seven others hurt, when a home under construction collapsed in the city of Conroe, north of Houston.

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  • Biden Marks Anniversary Of Uvalde Massacre By Renewing Call For Stricter Gun Control

    Biden Marks Anniversary Of Uvalde Massacre By Renewing Call For Stricter Gun Control

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    President Joe Biden on Wednesday marked one year since the massacre at a school in Uvalde, Texas, by again calling on lawmakers to pass long-awaited gun safety measures.

    On May 24, 2022, a teenage gunman killed 19 children and two teachers at Robb Elementary School. The incident remains Texas’ deadliest school shooting of all time, and reignited nationwide anger over gun violence and lax firearm regulations.

    The president delivered a speech on the somber anniversary as first lady Jill Biden looked on, with the two surrounded by 21 white candles bearing the names of the victims.

    “Standing there in Uvalde, Jill and I couldn’t help but think that too many schools, too many everyday places, have become killing fields in communities all across every part of America,” Biden said, recalling his visit to the border town a year earlier. “In each place, we hear the same message: ‘Do something. For God’s sake, please do something.’”

    Law enforcement came under severe criticism for its response to the shooting. A report by Texas lawmakers revealed that nearly 400 heavily armed officers from federal, state and local agencies were on the scene, but that they waited more than an hour before confronting and killing the gunman. Officers also prevented parents who gathered by the school from retrieving their children inside, and at times got physical with them for expressing anger at authorities’ inaction.

    Currently, a state-level criminal probe into the hesitant police response is still ongoing, and Uvalde authorities continue to withhold public records related to the shooting. Some Uvalde families have filed lawsuits against gun manufacturers and law enforcement.

    “It’s time to act. It’s time to make our voices heard — not as Democrats or as Republicans, but as friends, as neighbors, as parents, and as fellow Americans,” Biden said. “Because today, guns remain the number-one killer — the number-one killer — of children in America.”

    A month after the tragedy, Biden had signed the country’s most sweeping gun safety bill in decades, which included stricter background checks.

    But the president this week renewed his calls for lawmakers to pass legislation that permanently bans AR-style firearms and high-capacity magazines, establishes universal background checks and a national “red flag” law, requires safe storage of firearms, and ends gun manufacturers’ immunity from liability.

    “How many more parents will live their worst nightmare before we stand up to the gun lobby?” Biden said.

    The president and supporters of gun safety reforms — including Uvalde parents — have tried multiple times to advance such proposals, only for conservative legislators to block them. With the GOP-controlled House and the Democrat-controlled Senate each having a slim political majority in Washington, it’s unlikely that the U.S. Congress will pass what Biden is calling for.

    In Texas’ Republican-controlled state Legislature, lawmakers in the past year have rejected almost every proposal to improve gun safety. GOP Gov. Greg Abbott has also shut down talks of stricter gun laws — the same response he had after several other mass shootings in his state.

    “Since Uvalde, our country has experienced a staggering 650 mass shootings,” the president said. “We can’t end this epidemic until Congress pass some commonsense gun safety laws and keep weapons of war off our streets and out of the hands of dangerous people, [and] until states do the same thing.”

    He added: “I know for a long time it’s been hard to make progress. But there will come a point where our voices are so loud, our determination so clear, that we can no longer be stopped. We will act.”

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  • Uvalde school shooting 1 year later: Parents search for answers, fight for change

    Uvalde school shooting 1 year later: Parents search for answers, fight for change

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    Uvalde school shooting 1 year later: Parents search for answers, fight for change – CBS News


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    It has been one year since a school shooting in Uvalde, Texas, left 19 students and two teachers dead. Lilia Luciano spoke to some of the family members who lost loved ones.

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  • White House expands its playbook for responding to mass shootings in the year after Uvalde | CNN Politics

    White House expands its playbook for responding to mass shootings in the year after Uvalde | CNN Politics

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    CNN
     — 

    When news broke of a shooting at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, one year ago, President Joe Biden was on his way back from Tokyo following a major international summit.

    Biden watched the news unfold on Air Force One, feeling, like others, horrified and heartbroken for the families, and deciding in that moment to speak upon returning to the White House, a White House official told CNN.

    Moments after landing, a somber Biden – who had been in the Obama White House during the devastating shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School – walked into a briefing in the Oval Office and prepared an address he delivered that evening in the Roosevelt Room.

    “I had hoped, when I became president, I would not have to do this again,” Biden said as he started the speech. He later visited Uvalde.

    Over the last year, Biden has signed legislation called the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act into law and implemented two dozen executive actions to try to reduce gun violence. And on Wednesday, Biden will again deliver remarks to mark the one-year remembrance of the Uvalde shooting.

    But in that same time span, hundreds more mass shootings have gripped communities nationwide.

    Mass shootings have become so common in the United States that the White House has framed their approach as akin to the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s hurricane response. Behind the scenes, administration officials have been developing ways in which the federal government can respond in the short and long term after a mass shooting, recognizing the physical, mental and economic ramifications.

    “I think we’ve learned that the needs of these communities are really intense, and they also last long after the immediate hours and days after a mass shooting. If a hurricane devastates a community, you get that immediate White House response, but you also get FEMA deployed on the ground to provide direct services and support to survivors,” one source told CNN.

    This recognition of the long after-effects of mass shootings has prompted discussions within the White House about additional measures, including earlier this month, when Domestic Policy Council Director Susan Rice gathered the first meeting of Cabinet officials and senior staff to discuss steps forward in responding to mass shootings, according to sources familiar with the meeting.

    The reality officials were up against in that meeting came into sharp focus again less than 24 hours later, when another mass shooting unfolded – that time, in Allen, Texas.

    “I don’t think we could feel more urgency than we did on [that] Friday. I think people feel this very deeply. We now work with so many communities that have experienced shootings. It’s devastating, of course, when another gets added to the list,” the source told CNN.

    The Buffalo, New York, shooting last year at a local grocery story was an example of a tragedy that had unanticipated effects as it left a mostly Black community without a crucial grocery store for a period of time.

    “For too long, when we’ve thought about mass shootings and gun violence in general, we’ve only thought about the individuals hurt or killed. What this administration does is certainly attend to survivors and the families of those who have been hurt, but they have a realization that a mass shooting or gun violence in general ripples through the community,” John Feinblatt, president of Everytown for Gun Safety, told CNN.

    An operation kicks into gear within the walls of the White House the moment an alert pops up of a potential mass shooting.

    The White House Situation Room and the National Security Council work with the Justice Department and other law enforcement, as well as the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs, to track down information and gather the facts as they emerge. Homeland Security Advisor Liz Sherwood-Randall will then brief Biden on what’s known about the situation and the weapon used, according to a White House official, acknowledging that it can be a fluid situation.

    The Domestic Policy Council, meanwhile, assesses patterns and whether there are new lessons to be gleaned and considered in policy making. And the intergovernmental affairs team also races to reach out to the mayor’s office or other local officials to provide a point of contact at the White House.

    Biden’s advisers keep him updated along the way. But the exasperation felt by White House officials after each mass shooting has been reflected in Biden’s statements, which have started with: “Once again.”

    In an op-ed this month, Biden touted the work done by this administration, but called on Congress to do more.

    “But my power is not absolute. Congress must act, including by banning assault weapons and high-capacity magazines, requiring gun owners to securely store their firearms, requiring background checks for all gun sales, and repealing gun manufacturers’ immunity from liability,” he wrote.

    White House officials have also been sober about the political realities Democrats face with the current makeup of Congress, where Republicans in control of the House have rejected Biden’s calls for an assault weapons ban. Even when both chambers of Congress were controlled by Democrats during the first two years of Biden’s term, an assault weapon ban gained little traction, in part because of a 60-vote threshold necessary to advance bills through the Senate.

    After three children and three adults were killed in a shooting at a private Christian elementary school in Nashville in March, Biden asserted that he’s done all he can to address gun control and urged members on Capitol Hill to act.

    Many Republicans in Congress, including those in positions of leadership and in the Tennessee delegation, had either been reluctant to use the deadly violence in Nashville as a potential springboard for reform or they outright rejected calls for additional action on further regulating guns, arguing that there isn’t an appetite for tougher restrictions. Some Democrats in Congress, meanwhile, slammed House Republicans for their disinterest.

    Advocacy groups have welcomed Biden’s executive actions and the administration’s response in the wake of a shooting, but stress there’s room for more.

    “It’s part of what moves the needle. Seeing the movement at the federal level is encouraging,” said Mark Barden, co-founder and CEO of the Sandy Hook Promise Action Fund. “It’s something. It’s not everything. It’s not enough. We certainly need more.”

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  • More women sue Texas, asking court to put emergency block on state’s abortion law

    More women sue Texas, asking court to put emergency block on state’s abortion law

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    WASHINGTON (AP) — One woman had to carry her baby, missing much of her skull, for months knowing she’d bury her daughter soon after she was born. Another started mirroring the life-threatening symptoms that her baby was displaying while in the womb. An OB-GYN found herself secretly traveling out of state to abort her wanted pregnancy, marred by the diagnosis of a fatal fetal anomaly.

    All of the women were told they could not end their pregnancies in Texas, a state that has enacted some of the nation’s most restrictive abortion laws.

    Now, they’re asking a Texas court to put an emergency hold on some abortion restrictions, joining a lawsuit launched earlier this year by five other women who were denied abortions in the state, despite pregnancies they say endangered their health or lives.

    More than a dozen Texas women in total have joined the Center for Reproductive Rights’ lawsuit against the state’s law, which prohibits abortions unless a mother’s life is at risk — an exception that is not clearly defined. Texas doctors who perform abortions risk life in prison and fines of up to $100,000, leaving many women with providers who are unwilling to even discuss terminating a pregnancy.

    “Our hope is that it will allow physicians at least a little more comfort when it comes to patients in obstetrical emergencies who really need an abortion where it’s going to effect their health, fertility or life going forward,” Molly Duane, the lead attorney on the case, told The Associated Press. “Almost all of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit tell similar stories about their doctors saying, if not for this law, I’d give you an abortion right now.”

    The Texas attorney general’s office, which is defending the state in the lawsuit, did not immediately return an email seeking comment Monday.

    The lawsuit serves as a nationwide model for abortion rights advocates to challenge strict new abortion laws states that have rolled out since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade last year. Sixteen states, including Texas, do not allow abortions when a fatal fetal anomaly is detected while six do not allow exceptions for the mother’s health, according to an analysis by KFF, a health research organization.

    Duane said the Center for Reproductive Rights is looking at filing similar lawsuits in other states, noting that they’ve heard from women across the country. Roughly 25 Texas women have contacted the organization about their own experiences since the initial lawsuit was filed in March.

    The women who joined the lawsuit describe being elated about finding out they were pregnant before the experience turned catastrophic.

    Jessica Bernardo and her husband spent years trying to conceive, even consulting fertility doctors, before finally become pregnant with a daughter, Emma, last July.

    Almost immediately, Bernardo was coughing so hard and often she would sometimes throw up. Fourteen weeks into the pregnancy, test results revealed her baby likely had Down Syndrome, so she consulted a specialist who gave her devastating news: Emma’s heart was underdeveloped and she had a rare, deadly disorder called fetal anasarca, which causes fluid to build up in the body.

    “He handed me a tissue box,” recalled Bernardo, who lives in Frisco, Texas. “I thought maybe the worst thing he was going to tell us was that she’s going to have Down Syndrome. Instead, he said, ‘I can tell you right away…she wouldn’t make it.’”

    The doctor warned her to watch out for high blood pressure and coughing, symptoms of Mirror syndrome, another rare condition where a mother “mirrors” the same problems the fetus is experiencing.

    With Bernardo’s blood pressure numbers climbing, her OB-GYN conferred with the hospital’s ethics board to see if she could end the pregnancy but was advised Bernardo wasn’t sick enough. Bernardo spent $7,000 traveling to Seattle for an abortion a week later.

    Even if Emma made it through the pregnancy, doctors would have immediately needed to drain excess fluids from her body, only for her to survive a few hours or days, Bernardo said.

    “Reading about everything they would do sounded like complete torture to a newborn that would not survive,” she said. “Had I not received an abortion, my life would have very likely been on the line.”

    Other women facing similar situations have not had the financial resources to travel outside of the state.

    Samantha Casiano, a 29-year-old living in eastern Texas, found out halfway through her pregnancy last year that her daughter, Halo, had a rare diagnosis of anencephaly, where much of the skull and brain is missing. Her doctor told her she would have to continue with the pregnancy because of Texas law, even though her baby would not survive.

    With five children, including a goddaughter, at home she quickly realized she could not afford an out-of-state trip for an abortion. The next next few months of her pregnancy were spent trying to raise money for her daughter’s impending funeral, soliciting donations through online websites and launching fundraisers to sell Mexican soup. Halo was born in April, living for only four hours.

    “I was so full of heartbreak and sadness, all at the same time,” Casiano said.

    Women in the lawsuit say they could not openly discuss abortion or labor induction with their doctors, instead asking their doctors discreetly if they should travel outside of the state.

    Dr. Austin Dennard, an OB-GYN in Dallas, never talked about her own abortion with her doctors after they discovered anencephaly on the baby’s ultrasound during her third pregnancy last year. She worried her out-of-state trip to end the pregnancy could jeopardize her medical license or invite harassment against her and her husband, also an OB-GYN. Dennard was inspired to go public with her case when one of her own patients joined the original lawsuit filed in March after traveling to Colorado to abort a twin fetus diagnosed with a life-threatening genetic disorder.

    “There was an enormous amount of fear that I experienced afterward,” Dennard said. “It’s an additional way of feeling silenced. You feel you have to do it in secret and not tell anyone about it.”

    Dennard is expecting another child later this year.

    ___

    Associated Press writer Paul Weber in Austin, Texas, contributed to this report.

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  • Texas militia member who knocked police officer unconscious on Jan. 6 sentenced to nearly 5 years in prison

    Texas militia member who knocked police officer unconscious on Jan. 6 sentenced to nearly 5 years in prison

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    A Texas militia member was sentenced Friday to nearly five years in prison for attacking police officers at the U.S. Capitol, seriously injuring one of them during a mob’s attack on Jan. 6, 2021.

    U.S. District Judge Randolph Moss sentenced Donald Hazard to four years and nine months in prison followed by three months of supervised release for his role in the riot at the Capitol, according to a spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s office for the District of Columbia.

    The sentence matched what federal prosecutors had recommended for Hazard, who pleaded guilty to an assault charge in February.

    Hazard, 44, of Hurst, Texas, was a member of a militia called the Patriot Boys of North Texas. Lucas Denney, the group’s self-proclaimed president, appointed Hazard as its sergeant-at-arms. Denney also encouraged Hazard to stock up on weapons and protective gear and recruit others to join them in Washington, D.C., prosecutors said.

    Hazard was “eager for violence” on Jan. 6, wearing a tactical vest and a helmet adorned with the image of the Confederate battle flag, Justice Department prosecutor Benet Kearney wrote in a court filing.

    After marching to the Capitol, Hazard clashed with officers who were trying to hold off the mob near scaffolding on the northwest side of the building. Hazard grabbed a Capitol police officer and pulled him down a set of concrete steps, knocking him unconscious. That officer was treated for a concussion and foot injuries that required multiple surgeries, according to prosecutors.

    Hazard also fell on another Capitol police officer whose head hit the concrete. Hazard and Denney, both wielding what appeared to be canisters of pepper spray, confronted other officers on the west side of the Capitol.

    Hazard briefly entered the Capitol before police pushed him and other rioters out of the building.

    “When he reached the exterior steps, Hazard raised his arms in a gesture of victory,” Kearney wrote.

    In the days after Jan. 6, Hazard bragged on Facebook about storming the Capitol and fighting with police.

    “The only regret Hazard expressed was that he no longer had the photographs and videos he took that day,” Kearney wrote.

    Defense attorney Ubong Akpan said Hazard had no plan to attack officers.

    “His actions were more of a reaction to what he saw that day, as opposed to a plan to attack law enforcement, a group he thought he was similarly situated with,” Akpan wrote in a court filing.


    Reflecting on what’s changed two years after the U.S. Capitol riots on Jan. 6

    09:18

    Video shows that Hazard didn’t forcibly assault the officers in the scaffolding, his lawyer argued.

    “His conduct was more consistent with impeding officers and his impeding led to bodily injuries of the officers,” Akpan wrote.

    Hazard was charged with Denney, who pleaded guilty to an assault charge and was sentenced last September to four years and four months in prison.

    More than 100 police officers were injured at the Capitol on Jan. 6, as rioters disrupted Congress from certifying President Joe Biden’s 2020 electoral victory over Republican incumbent Donald Trump.

    Over 1,000 people have been charged with federal crimes related to the riot. Approximately 500 of them have been sentenced, with more than half receiving terms of imprisonment ranging from seven days to over 14 years.

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  • CNN’s Shimon Prokupecz Isn’t Done With Uvalde: “We Need to Keep Going”

    CNN’s Shimon Prokupecz Isn’t Done With Uvalde: “We Need to Keep Going”

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    On a recent visit to Uvalde, Shimon Prokupecz could feel the Texas community before he’d even fully arrived. “As we’re driving in, I could tell, you know. You’re on that long road into Uvalde and…I could start to feel it. I could start to feel the sadness,” the CNN correspondent said. “It’s normal life,” he says. A new normal, where “you can’t go a block without seeing a kid’s face” or “a cross” or “something that reminds you of what happened.” The school is now closed but remains standing, as do the memorials erected for the victims. “The murals of all of the kids, different kids [who] died that day, are just everywhere.” 

    It’s been a year since a shooter killed 19 children and two teachers at Robb Elementary School in one of the deadliest school shootings in US history. The tragedy is not only in the lives lost but those that could have been saved had police acted sooner. We now know that members of law enforcement—376 total, from multiple agencies, arrived at the scene of the shooting—could have potentially stopped the shooter within three minutes and were equipped to do so; instead, amid a breakdown in communications and leadership, and despite 911 calls from children inside of the classroom, they waited 77 minutes to act. 

    We know this, and many other things about what went wrong in Uvalde, thanks to the unrelenting work of journalists like Prokupecz. Texas officials tried from the start to contain the disastrous revelations, seemingly releasing what little information they did when conflicting timelines or leaks left them no other choice. Given the lack of transparency, media outlets took on an outsized role, trying to get answers for the community and holding law enforcement accountable over their botched response. “Throughout this last year doing this story, it just has seemed that it was me and my team and CNN going to these families and saying: Here’s the information we’ve uncovered. We want to share it with you. We’re about to do these stories, but we want to tell you first,” Prokupecz said. 

    At times that has meant CNN, rather than the authorities, being the first ones to show families footage they didn’t even know existed, like of their children on a bus to the hospital, covered in their classmates’ blood; or of body camera footage from the moment they were rescued from a classroom full of bodies. It’s a “rare and unique position that we are in, that we can give these families some of the answers that they were seeking,” he said. It’s also a “painful” one, he added, in which he’s had to ask himself, “Is this right? Is it appropriate?” (The Uvalde shooting also kicked off a debate in the journalism community about what the public should see in the aftermath of a mass shooting, and whether coverage needs to be more graphic to better reflect the horrors of gun violence.)

    Throughout the past year, local news outlets, such as the Texas Tribune, San Antonio Express-News, and Austin American-Statesman have stayed on the story, as well as major networks like CNN and ABC, the latter of which kept a team in Uvalde for a year. But given the spate of mass shootings in America, the national media tends to swoop in for a few days before turning to the next tragedy, with grim milestones, like a one-year anniversary, providing an opportunity for news outlets to take stock. CNN is spotlighting Prokupecz’s work in a special Uvalde-themed episode of The Whole Story With Anderson Cooper, airing Sunday; ABC is airing its own two-hour documentary two days earlier, It Happened Here: A Year in Uvalde. 

    “I’m one of these people at CNN who parachutes in,” Prokupecz told me. “I cover the law enforcement response—here’s what happened—and I do live shots, and I kind of leave once the story’s over.” Days before the shooting in Texas, he’d been in Buffalo, New York, covering the supermarket shooting that left 10 dead. But in Uvalde, “because the authorities here just played games from the beginning and didn’t want to release all the information,” he decided to stay, and to start covering the victims. As he told his bosses at CNN at the time, “This is the only way we’re going to be able to figure out exactly what happened here.”

    Courtesy of CNN.

    A few days after the May 24 shooting in Uvalde, as Memorial Day Weekend approached,  network news crews started packing up to leave. “Everybody was on the way out. We left too,” said Prokupecz. He remembers, once back, having conversations with his bosses and discussing his return. “He knew immediately something was off about the emergency response and we knew we had to stay in Uvalde. We used our resources to remain on the story,” said CNN CEO Chris Licht, whose first day was only a few weeks before the shooting. “Us leaving is exactly what the authorities there wanted,” Prokupecz said. “Sadly I have found, this is how Texas operates. They know the media has an expiration date.” 

    When Prokupecz returned a week later with his producer, Matthew Friedman, they were stonewalled: The Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS) was running the investigation but “wasn’t returning any of our calls,” and the DA “wouldn’t answer any of our questions.” But “things started to change,” said Prokupecz, with a confrontation between CNN and then police chief Pete Arredondo, the incident commander who has since been fired for the response he oversaw that day, in which he dodged questions about the shooting. (Arredondo has claimed he didn’t consider himself the person in charge and assumed someone else had taken control of the police response.) “We’re like, we need to keep going,” Prokupecz recalled. 

    The story really started to crack open during a trip to Uvalde later in the summer. Prokupecz and Friedman, his producer, had heard that families were going to meet with them. This time they decided not to bring a camera. “It was just going to be us two as people, as humans who want to know more about the community and want to know more about these families,” he said. It was on this trip when he met and heard stories from the families of the deceased and the survivors, including teacher Arnulfo Reyes, and when Uvalde mayor Don McLaughlin accused DPS of “a cover-up” during an interview with CNN. “That started to unravel things,” said Prokupecz, noting how unlikely the sit-down was to begin with. “This is a guy who’s very Republican, gun rights, was a Trump supporter at the time, would never speak to CNN.” But because of the work CNN was doing, “the mayor and I connected,” said Prokupecz. McLaughlin went on to give CNN first access to body camera footage bringing police inaction into sharper view, and with help from other sources who approached CNN with information, “we wound up getting pretty much the entire case file.” 

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    Charlotte Taylor

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  • Texas man pleads guilty to smuggling gun linked to deadly Mexico kidnapping

    Texas man pleads guilty to smuggling gun linked to deadly Mexico kidnapping

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    BROWNSVILLE, Texas (AP) — A Texas man pleaded guilty in federal court Wednesday to purchasing a gun for a Mexican drug cartel that was linked to the deadly kidnapping of four Americans.

    Roberto Lugardo Moreno Jr., 42, of Harlingen, Texas, appeared before a federal judge in Brownsville and entered his guilty plea to charges of straw purchasing and smuggling a firearm.

    Lugardo Moreno bought a multi-caliber AR-style pistol at a pawn shop in 2019 and lied on a form stating he was the buyer when he purchased it for a Gulf Cartel member in Mexico, according to a federal complaint.

    “All too often, firearms are trafficked into Mexico where they end up in the hands of criminals who use them to murder, rob and extort innocent people,” U.S. Attorney Alamdar Hamdani said in a statement. “This case is a textbook example of the dangers involved when criminals transport weapons into Mexico.”

    Sentencing was scheduled for August.

    A public defender appointed for Lugardo Moreno did not respond to a call and email request for comment.

    The kidnapping occurred in Matamoros, Mexico, which is located just across the border from Brownsville.

    The serial number of a firearm Lugardo Moreno purchased in October 2019 matched that of a gun recovered by authorities that was linked to the March 3 kidnappings, according to the federal complaint. Lugardo Moreno said he didn’t apply for a license to export the firearm from the U.S. to Mexico and knew it would be illegally exported, according to the complaint.

    Moreno told authorities that he received $100 for the purchase of the guns.

    Four friends who were traveling to Mexico in March so one member of the party could have cosmetic surgery were caught up in a drug cartel shootout in Matamoros. After a vehicle crashed into their van, men in tactical vests with rifles arrived in another vehicle and surrounded them.

    Shaeed Woodard and Zindell Brown appeared to have been killed immediately, and their bodies were loaded into a truck with the two survivors, Eric Williams and Latavia McGee. The bodies and the two living friends were found days later in a shack.

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  • Americans urged to cancel surgeries in Mexico border city after meningitis cases, 1 death

    Americans urged to cancel surgeries in Mexico border city after meningitis cases, 1 death

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    BROWNSVILLE, Texas (AP) — State and federal health officials are warning U.S. residents to cancel planned surgeries in a Mexico border city after five people from Texas who got procedures there came back and developed suspected cases of fungal meningitis. One of them died, officials said.

    The five people who became ill traveled to Matamoros, across the border from Brownsville, for surgical procedures that included the use of an epidural, an anesthetic injected near the spinal column, the Texas Department of State Health Services said Tuesday. Four remain hospitalized, and one of them later died.

    Those who became ill range in age from 30 to 50 years old, the department said.

    The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued a travel advisory Tuesday for U.S. residents seeking medical care in Matamoros.

    Meningitis is the swelling of the protective covering of the brain and spinal cord and should be treated urgently. Symptoms include fever, headache, a stiff neck, nausea, vomiting, confusion and sensitivity to light. Cases of meningitis can be caused by viruses, bacteria, trauma or fungi.

    Fungal meningitis, like in the Texas cases, is not transmitted person to person, health officials say. It could be accidentally introduced during a medical or surgical procedure.

    U.S. and Mexican authorities are attempting to find the source of the infection, whether the cases are linked and if there are other cases, the Texas health department said.

    The CDC urged anyone who had an epidural injection of anesthetic in that region after Jan. 1, 2023, to watch for symptoms of meningitis symptoms and consider consulting a doctor.

    Patients in the Texas cases began showing symptoms three days to six weeks after surgery in Matamoros.

    People leaving the U.S. for prescription drugs, dental procedures, surgeries and other medical treatment — also known as medical tourism — is common, experts say. Besides Mexico, other common destinations include Canada, India and Thailand.

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  • Here are the restrictions on transgender people that are moving forward in US statehouses

    Here are the restrictions on transgender people that are moving forward in US statehouses

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    Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has highlighted efforts by Republican governors and statehouses across the country to embrace proposals limiting the rights of transgender people, signing new restrictions as he moves closer to a presidential bid.

    The restrictions are spreading quickly despite criticism from medical groups and advocates who say they are further marginalizing transgender youth and threatening their health.

    Here’s what’s happening:

    FLORIDA’S RESTRICTIONS

    DeSantis on Wednesday signed bills that ban gender-affirming care for minors, restrict pronoun use in schools and force people to use the bathroom corresponding with their sex assigned at birth in some cases.

    DeSantis also signed new restrictions on drag shows that would allow the state to revoke the food and beverage licenses of businesses that admit children to adult performances. The DeSantis administration has moved to pull the liquor licenses of businesses that held drag shows, alleging children were present during lewd displays.

    The rules on gender-affirming care also ban the use of state money for the care and place new restrictions on adults seeking treatment. They take effect immediately, along with the drag show restrictions. The bathroom and pronoun restrictions take effect July 1.

    DeSantis has advocated for such restrictions, and championed a Florida law that restricts the teaching of sexual orientation and gender identity in public schools. Florida has expanded that prohibition, which critics have dubbed the “Don’t Say Gay” law, to all grades.

    WHERE BANS STAND NATIONALLY

    Hundreds of bills have been proposed this year restricting the rights of transgender people, and LGBTQ+ advocates say they’ve seen a record number of such measures in statehouses.

    At least 17 states have enacted laws restricting or banning gender-affirming care for minors: Alabama, Arkansas, Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Mississippi, Montana, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Utah, South Dakota and West Virginia. Federal judges have blocked enforcement of laws in Alabama and Arkansas, and several other states are considering bills to restrict or ban care. Proposed bans are also pending before Texas and Missouri’s governors.

    Oklahoma on Thursday agreed to not enforce its ban while opponents of the law seek a preliminary injunction against it in federal court.

    These bans have spread quickly, with only three states enacting such laws before this year.

    Before DeSantis signed the latest ban, Florida was one of two states that had restricted the care via regulations or administrative action. Texas’ governor has ordered child welfare officials to investigate reports of children receiving such care as child abuse, though a judge has blocked those investigations.

    Three transgender youth and their parents who are suing to block Florida’s earlier ban on the care for minors expanded their challenge on Wednesday to include the prohibition DeSantis signed into law.

    Every major medical organization, including the American Medical Association, has opposed the bans and supported the medical care for youth when administered appropriately. Lawsuits have been filed in several states where bans have been enacted this year.

    STATES POISED TO ACT

    A proposed ban on gender-affirming care for minors is awaiting action before Republican Gov. Mike Parson in Missouri. The state’s Republican attorney general, Andrew Bailey, this week withdrew a rule he had proposed that would have gone further by also restricting access to the care for adults.

    Bailey cited the bill pending before Parson as a reason for eliminating the rule, which had been blocked by a state judge.

    Nebraska Republicans on Tuesday folded a 12-week abortion ban into a bill that would ban gender-affirming care for minors, potentially clearing the way for a final vote on the combined measure as early as this week.

    A proposal that failed in New Hampshire’s House on Thursday would have required school officials to disclose to inquiring parents that their child is using a different name or being referred to as being a different gender. Opponents said the bill would have exposed LGBTQ+ students to the risk of abuse at home.

    Not all states are adopting restrictions, and some Democratic-led states are enacting measures aimed at protecting the rights of LGBTQ+ youth.

    Michigan Democrats plan to introduce legislation Thursday that would ban conversion therapy for minors, a discredited practice of trying to “convert” people to heterosexuality.

    The legislation is expected to move quickly with Democrats in control of all levels of state government. Democratic state Rep. Jason Hoskins, a sponsor of the bill, told The Associated Press that he hopes the legislation passes by the end of June, which is Pride Month.

    ___

    Associated Press writers Brendan Farrington in Tallahassee, Florida; Holly Ramer in Concord, New Hampshire; Margery Beck in Lincoln, Nebraska; Margaret Stafford in Kansas City, Missouri; and Joey Cappelletti in Lansing, Michigan, contributed to this report.

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