Reports of a bare room with a grated drain in the center, called “the Hole,” used as a disciplinary tactic in one facility. Emotional stories of being left in a cell in solitary confinement for hours on end in another.
Those are just some of the stories Disability Rights North Carolina’s 13-month monitoring project uncovered inside the state’s juvenile detention centers.
The watchdog group found that the care and treatment of young people navigating this system varies significantly from facility to facility, where the vast majority of residents locked inside in 2024 were between the ages of 13 and 17.
There were 14 facilities open when Disability Rights started its monitoring. The Madison County Juvenile Detention Center closed down in 2024 as a result of Disability Rights’ monitoring, according to the federally designated “protection and advocacy” organization. The group says most of the remaining facilities are in violation of state policies.
“The humanity with which a young person is treated, and the opportunities they are given, should not depend on the facility to which they are assigned,” Cari Carson, Education Team Supervising Attorney, wrote in a Thursday press release.
What disability advocates found wasn’t all troublesome, however. Facilities including the Alexander, Rockingham and Perquimans juvenile detention sites “had a robust positive behavior incentive system” where youth being held there could earn “an array of privileges.”
State officials haven’t said much about Disability Rights’ new report. Matthew Debnam, a state Department of Public Safety communications officer, said the agency is reviewing the findings.
A teen who says he spent nearly 50 days in his room at a North Carolina juvenile detention center, except for showers and phone calls, photographed in January 2024. Kaitlin McKeown kmckeown@newsobserver.com
Debnam also included a letter the agency released late last year in response to a previous Disability Rights publication on youth detention centers that outlines the lack of resources inside these facilities that lead to some of the issues the advocacy group is seeing.
That includes staffing challenges, overcrowding and a lack of resources to maintain security equipment.
Disability Rights is recommending changes to juvenile detention centers including eliminating the use of solitary confinement in state and county-operated facilities and ensuring federal laws related to education are being practiced accordingly
Time out of ‘cells’
The amount of time a confined young person spends outside their locked rooms, which the report calls cells, affects their rehabilitation, according to the report. In North Carolina’s juvenile detention centers, that time varies significantly.
In a few locations, young people spend most of their time outside of cells. In others, it’s the opposite, according to interviews conducted by Disability Rights.
“In only three facilities were youth out of their cells for almost all or all day, every day, allowing them full access to programming that is essential to their well-being and rehabilitation,” Disability Rights’s monitoring project found. “Predictably, in these facilities, young people reported a greater sense of well-being and safety.”
Solitary confinement is defined in the report as “keeping an incarcerated person locked in their cell for more than 22 hours a day.” The effects of this type of confinement includes insomnia, PTSD, depression and suicidal thoughts.
The risks of being kept in a room alone for long periods of time are greater for younger people, according to a report cited by Disability Rights.
William Lassiter, Deputy Secretary for Juvenile Justice with the NC Department of Public Safety, speaks during a meeting of the House Judiciary Committee in Raleigh in June 2021. Ethan Hyman ehyman@newsobserver.com
Young people being held at facilities including the Cabarrus, Cumberland and Dillion juvenile detention centers reported being locked in their cells anywhere from 22 to 24 hours a day. Some said in interviews that on weekends, they got to spend some time away from their cells.
The Pitt facility, near Greenville, “often used solitary confinement” during Disability Rights’s first monitoring visit, according to the report, but was used “to a lesser extent on a subsequent visit – with some youth on the subsequent visit being out of their cells for up to 5 hours a day.”
‘Harmful’ disciplinary actions
Disability Rights found what it calls “egregious” discipline in some of the facilities it monitored. That includes the Durham County Youth Home.
Some young people being held at the facility reported there was a room where administrators would put youth locked in the facility as discipline. Photos included in Disability Rights’s report show it is bare with a grated drain in the center.
It’s called “the Hole.”
“Youth reported lengths of stay in the Hole anywhere from 2 days to 2 weeks,” Disability Rights’s report found. “Alarmingly, the Hole was also used for suicide watch purposes.”
Durham County Youth Home representatives denied the watchdog group’s claims about the room. In a written response to Disability Rights, they said the facility “does not and will not place residents in any form of solitary confinement or ‘hole’.”
“DCYH does not have any rooms that are designated, labeled, or referred to as ‘the hole.’ We have Special Observation rooms that are designed for and used as mental health observation rooms. These Special Observation rooms are not used as a response to behavior problems,” the statement continues.
But the name, according to Disability Rights, was used by multiple interviewees while they were being held at the facility.
Disability Rights received a report from the New Hanover detention facility of someone being placed in a prone — or face-down — restraint to “manage a youth’s behavior.” Disability Rights also received other reports of staff using excessive physical force for the same reason.
Education inside NC youth detention centers
Students inside the state’s juvenile detention system are required by state law to have 220 instructional days, which averages out to a little over 4 hours a day during the week minimum to meet that standard.
The Alexander juvenile detention center is the only facility Disability Rights monitored that met the state’s minimum educational time requirement, “per several — but not all — youth’s reports.”
People being held in some facilities reported that classes were cancelled often. And in other facilities with limited out of cell time, education also seemed to be limited, per observations made during facility visits by Disability Rights.
Some students held in these facilities with disabilities reported that they did receive special instruction, while others did not — despite being in an individualized education program, according to the report.
Recommendations from Disability Rights
Disability Rights recommends many changes to how juvenile detention facilities operate when it comes to time out of cell, education and disciplinary actions.
The watchdog group says every facility should follow the state policy requiring at least 4.6 hours of school every day during the regular school year and a summer term. It’s also calling on the state to offer a path to a high school diploma “to all youth who desire it.”
For people with disabilities being held in these juvenile detention facilities, the report recommends that administrators have access to the state’s special education data platform to quickly find out whether a youth is in an individualized education program.
Disability Rights issued 13 recommendations related to getting residents out of their small rooms in facilities across the state. That includes required programming to maximize time out of the cell and meals be provided in a general area, rather than someone’s cell.
Nathan Collins is an investigative reporter at The News & Observer. He started his career in public radio where he earned statewide recognition for his accountability reporting in Dallas, Texas. Collins is a Pulitzer Prize finalist and a former professional musician.
A photograph of a juvenile detention room provided by the North Carolina Division of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
NC Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention division
A lawsuit filed by a handful of teens could reshape life for hundreds locked in North Carolina’s largest juvenile detention center.
A federal judge last week granted teens who filed the lawsuit last year the right to seek changes on behalf of all current and future youth detained at the Cabarrus Regional Juvenile Detention Center in the ongoing legal battle.
The civil case doesn’t seek any money. It aims to prohibit the state from putting children and teens awaiting trial in what lawyers and others say is clearly solitary confinement: being locked in small rooms for about 23 hours a day.
Such conditions at Cabarrus and other state-run youth detention sites leave those locked inside little to no access to school, therapy or recreation, the lawsuit states. That violates their constitutional rights to due process and protection from cruel and unusual punishment, the civil complaint argues.
State attorneys deny that state officials are keeping youth in their rooms and not providing them access to education.
Recent court filings in the 2024 lawsuit also include descriptions of “shocking physical conditions,” such as visible mold and walls covered with graffiti and excrement, the reports said.
The judge’s Oct. 22 decision means that if a judge or jury orders the state to make changes, they would apply to what happens now and in the future at the facility. .
The judge’s ruling fell short of the teens’ and their attorneys’ request to include all youth held at the state’s nine facilities before they have a trial for their charges.
A teen who says he spent nearly 50 days in his room at a North Carolina juvenile detention center, except for showers and phone calls, photographed in January 2024. Kaitlin McKeown kmckeown@newsobserver.com
Concerns surfaced in 2023
The Cabarrus detention center, a two-building facility in Concord, opened in 200 for kids waiting for their cases to go before a judge.
Since early 2023, officials from the Charlotte-based Council for Children’s Rights, which filed the lawsuit along with attorneys in private practice, voiced concern to state officials about “alarming” conditions, the lack of educational services and too much time spent locked in rooms at the Cabarrus facility.
“Defense attorneys for children detained and jailed in the Cabarrus Juvenile Jail have repeatedly put on the record in these children’s court cases that the children are not being allowed out of their cells, are not receiving educational services, and are not receiving therapeutic services,” the lawsuit states.
In December 2023, The News & Observer first revealed concerns about youth in temporary detention facilities being held in solitary confinement-like conditions — in rooms with only a bed, toilet, sink and small window for about 23 hours a day in facilities across the state.
In 2023 interviews, William Lassiter, deputy secretary of North Carolina’s Division of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, said the state turned to isolating youth in their rooms more frequently after a severe staffing shortage and other challenges created safety concerns for youth and staff.
North Carolina banned the use of solitary confinement years ago, Lassiter said at the time.
He didn’t consider the practice drawing criticism to be solitary confinement, he said, since it wasn’t used as a punishment and youth weren’t being held in a special isolated unit.
State juvenile justice officials declined to comment on the expanded lawsuit.
William Lassiter, deputy secretary for juvenile justice with the NC Department of Public Safety, speaks during a meeting of the House Judiciary Committee in Raleigh in June 2021. Ethan Hyman ehyman@newsobserver.com
Denied statewide class action status
Initially, the lawsuit sought class-action status to include all youth in the nine state facilities, meaning any changes ordered would affect all youth in state custody awaiting trial.
But in her Oct. 22 order granting class-action status, Chief District Judge Catherine C. Eagles described evidence of all detention facilities implementing written policies in the same way as “thin.”
Pulling in juveniles from all facilities across the state into the lawsuit would be challenging and less likely to result in “meaningful injunctive relief,” Eagles’ order states.
So the judge limited it to the Cabarrus facility, a 62-bed juvenile detention facility that housed three of the youth who brought the lawsuit.
Inspection reports
New filings in the lawsuit include inspection reports from Disability Rights North Carolina, this state’s protection and advocacy agency, showing that youth remained in their cells even in facilities that weren’t experiencing severe staffing shortages.
Officials from Disability Rights in July 2024 observed young people in Pitt Regional Detention Center in Greenville held in windowless rooms for all but one to three hours a day, says an inspection report filed as evidence in the case. But the facility had 30 of its 32 staff positions filled, a court filing states.
“All narrow windows to the outside had been obscured or spray-painted black such that young people are unable to see outside, and young people’s windows to the day room areas were kept covered with opaque black flaps,” the report said.
Youth detained at New Hanover Regional Detention Center reported being allowed out of their small rooms for only 1.5 to six hours on weekdays. The Perquimans Juvenile Detention Center in Hertford reported variations in time out of rooms, from two to six hours on weekdays.
The 18-bed Pitt regional facility had visible mold and walls covered in graffiti, dried excrement, according to the court filing.
In their filings, attorneys representing the state objected to the Disability Rights reports being presented as evidence in the case, saying they are ”hearsay and unreliable.”
“They consist of unsworn summaries of statements made by unidentified juveniles and staff, compiled by unidentified DRNC monitors,” the lawsuit says.
Virginia Bridges covers criminal justice in the Triangle and across North Carolina for The News & Observer. Her work is produced with financial support from the nonprofit The Just Trust. The N&O maintains full editorial control of its journalism.
Virginia Bridges covers what is and isn’t working in North Carolina’s criminal justice system for The News & Observer’s and The Charlotte Observer’s investigation team. She has worked for newspapers for more than 20 years. The N.C. State Bar Association awarded her the Media & Law Award for Best Series in 2018, 2020 and 2025.
WASHINGTON — Use of solitary confinement in immigration detention is soaring under the Trump administration, according to a report published Wednesday by Physicians for Human Rights using federal data and records obtained through Freedom of Information Act requests.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement placed at least 10,588 people in solitary confinement from April 2024 to May 2025, the report found. Contributors also included experts from Harvard University’s Peeler Immigration Lab and Harvard Law School.
The use of solitary confinement during the first four months of the current Trump administration increased each month, on average, at twice the rate found between 2018 and 2023, researchers found, and more than six times the rate during the last several months of 2024.
“Every month from February through May, which are the full calendar months of the new administration, the number of people placed in solitary in ICE [custody] increased by 6.5%,” said Dr. Katherine Peeler, medical advisor for Physicians for Human Rights, and assistant professor of pediatrics at Harvard Medical School. “That was really dismaying.”
Solitary confinement, in which detainees are held alone for at least 22 hours a day, is used in ICE detention facilities as a form of punishment or to protect certain at-risk immigrants.
In a statement Thursday, assistant Homeland Security secretary Tricia McLaughlin said ICE prioritizes the safety and security of people in its custody.
Detainees are placed into disciplinary segregation “only after they are found guilty by a disciplinary hearing panel,” she said.
Any detainee scheduled for removal, release, or transfer is also placed into administrative segregation for 24 hours, she added. According to ICE’s National Detention Standards, “such segregation may be ordered for security reasons or for the orderly operation of the facility.”
The United Nations has called solitary confinement longer than 15 consecutive days a form of torture.
ICE defines vulnerable detainees as those with serious medical or mental health conditions, disabilities, and those who are elderly, pregnant or nursing, at risk of harm due to sexual orientation or gender identity, or victims of abuse.
Among those categorized as vulnerable, the report states that solitary confinement lasted twice as long, on average, during the first three months of 2025 compared with the first fiscal quarter of 2022, when the agency started reporting those statistics.
This year, vulnerable detainees spent an average of 38 consecutive days in isolation, compared with 14 days in late 2021, according to the report.
The report notes that use of solitary confinement in immigration detention has risen “at an alarming rate” over the last decade, and that billions of dollars authorized earlier this year by Congress to expand detention will likely exacerbate the issue. It calls on the federal government to end the practice against immigrants who are detained for civil deportation proceedings, and for states and members of Congress to exercise oversight.
Nearly 59,000 immigrants were held in ICE custody as of Sept. 7, according to TRAC, a nonpartisan data research organization.
The researchers at Physicians for Human Rights analyzed individual cases in New England and found “systemic use of solitary confinement for arbitrary and retaliatory purposes,” such as requesting showers, sharing food or reporting sexual assault.
In California, detainees were placed in solitary confinement 2,546 times from September 2018 to September 2023, said Arevik Avedian, a lecturer and director of empirical research services at Harvard Law School.
Last year, ICE changed the way it reports that data. Instead of placements, in which the same person could be counted multiple times for different stints in solitary confinement, ICE now reports the number of individuals.
In California, ICE reported that 596 people were placed in solitary confinement from April 2024 to May 2025, she said.
During the period of 2018-2023, two California facilities ranked in the top five with the highest number of solitary confinement placements, she said — the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in San Bernardino County, and the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego.
This year, the data reflect ICE’s investment in Republican-led states. According to the report, facilities with the most solitary confinement stints included Moshannon Valley Processing Center in Pennsylvania, Montgomery Processing Center in Texas, Buffalo Service Processing Center in New York, South Texas ICE Processing Center, and Eloy Detention Center in Arizona tied with Central Louisiana ICE Processing Center.
A previous report by the same authors found that ICE had used solitary confinement more than 14,000 times between 2018 and 2023, including one Otay Mesa detainee who was held for 759 days.
“For me, hell was not the moment Israel attacked; hell was the moment they wouldn’t open the door [of the cell] for us,” Motahareh Goonei recalls in an exclusive interview with the BBC.
A political activist, Goonei was in solitary confinement in Iran’s notorious Evin Prison when it was hit in a targeted attack by Israel on 23 June.
Satellite imagery, witness accounts and verified footage obtained by BBC News Persian reveal new details of the attack in the closing hours of the Israel-Iran war and of those who died.
The high-security complex, perched on the northern edge of Tehran, has held thousands of political prisoners over the past half-century. On that day in June, the prison became the site of the deadliest Israeli strike on Iranian soil in terms of civilian casualties.
Iranian authorities say 80 people were killed – among them prison staff, inmates, medical workers, visitors and residents of nearby neighbourhoods.
In a report published on 14 August, Human Rights Watch said that Israeli air strikes on the prison were unlawfully indiscriminate and amounted to an apparent war crime.
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said the reason for the attack was that the facility was being “used for intelligence operations against Israel”.
‘No way out’
Describing the moment explosions ripped through the compound, Goonei said: “When I heard the third blast, I was certain there was no way out. I just pounded on the door with all my strength, but it wouldn’t open. I thought ‘this is the end of your life – say goodbye’.”
Motahareh Goonei has been temporarily released from prison on bail [Supplied]
Freed from her cell by another prisoner, Goonei stumbled into thick, choking smoke. She says that guards initially tried to block inmates from escaping, and some prison interrogators even threatened them.
Yet in scenes she described as “horrific but humanising”, prisoners rushed to help injured guards, calming a panicked female officer and bandaging the wounds of a crying interrogator.
Other inmates from another ward rushed to help doctors and nurses trapped in the prison clinic.
Saeedeh Makarem, a doctor who was badly injured in the strike, later wrote on Instagram: “The very prisoners I once treated saved my life.”
Another woman held in Evin, speaking on condition of anonymity due to fears for her safety, has described the moment of the attack to the BBC.
“At first there were several explosions in quick succession, and the noise went on for about two minutes.
“We stayed on our beds at first because the windows had shattered, then we got dressed and all helped to bring the older women downstairs. No-one from the prison helped us – they shut the door on us and said we couldn’t go out.’
Scale of the attack
BBC analysis indicates Israel attacked Evin with at least six projectiles, damaging at least 28 buildings inside the complex.
The IDF says it had conducted a “targeted strike” on “a symbol of oppression against the Iranian people” and claimed that measures were taken to minimise harm to civilians.
But a relative of a political prisoner who arrived to visit just minutes after the blasts said “those coming out of the prison were saying there were bodies everywhere. Some prisoners had come out, none of them trying to escape — just stunned.”
Iranian authorities say 75 inmates fled during the chaos. Some were later recaptured or returned voluntarily.
Identifying victims
Iranian officials say that of the 80 people killed in the attack, 42 were prison staff and five were inmates. Only the names of the staff have been released.
BBC News Persian has independently verified the identities and the circumstances surrounding the deaths of three of the victims through interviews with their relatives. They are:
Masoud Behbahani, a dual Iranian-American citizen, who was being held on financial charges. His family were given conflicting accounts of his death from the Iranian Prisons Organisation.
Arvin Mohammadi, 37, killed in the administrative building while posting bail for his father’s temporary release from prison during the war
Mehrangiz Imanpour, 61, a prominent artist and painter, killed by shrapnel
Among the other victims killed in the attack were a local mother of a one-year-old child, a philanthropist visiting to arrange a prisoner’s release, five social workers, 13 young military conscripts, and the five-year-old child of one of the social workers.
After the attack on Evin Prison, the fate of transgender prisoners remains unknown. Some media reports claimed that 100 transgender inmates had been killed, but BBC Persian’s investigation reveals that this is not true.
Reza Shafakhah, a lawyer in Iran who has been following the situation of transgender prisoners, told the BBC: “There are serious concerns about their situation. No-one knows where these prisoners are now.”
Left to right: Arvin Mohammadi, Mehrangiz Imenpoir and Masoud Behbahani were among those killed [BBC / Supplied]
Why target Evin?
Israel alleged the prison was being used for “intelligence operations [against it], including counter-espionage”. It has not responded to questions from the BBC about the exact targets or weapons used, or whether it anticipated civilian deaths.
A month after the attack, Amnesty International published a report into the incident.
“Directing attacks at civilian objects is strictly prohibited under international humanitarian law. Carrying out such attacks knowingly and deliberately constitutes a war crime,” said Erika Guevara Rosas, Senior Director for Research, Advocacy, Policy and Campaigns at Amnesty.
The UN human rights office stated Evin was “not a military objective” and the attack violated international humanitarian law.
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement used solitary confinement at its detention facilities more than 14,000 times between 2018 and 2023, including one California immigrant detainee who was held for 759 days, according to a report published Tuesday.
The report found that solitary placements at ICE facilities lasted on average about a month. Nearly half exceeded 15 days.
Solitary confinement is used in ICE detention facilities as a form of punishment as well as to protect certain at-risk immigrants.
Human rights groups say the practice is harmful and should be scaled back dramatically at all U.S. prisons and detention facilities. The United Nations has called solitary confinement longer than 15 consecutive days a form of torture.
ICE in recent years has come under fire from state officials and human rights groups for its reliance on the practice, and a lack of proper oversight and monitoring.
The 71-page report — one of the most expansive looks to date into ICE’s use of solitary confinement — was conducted by Physicians for Human Rights, Harvard Law School and Harvard Medical School. It was based on internal ICE records at 125 detention facilities obtained through litigation under the Freedom of Information Act.
Researchers said ICE’s use of solitary confinement and the time periods involved were both on track to grow in 2023, though its data was only collected through Sept. 13.
“The harms are just so well established — they’re incontrovertible,” said Sabrineh Ardalan, director of the Harvard Immigration and Refugee Clinic. “That’s why the failure to make any significant change is shocking.”
ICE spokesperson Mike Alvarez said the agency places detainees in isolation only after careful consideration of alternatives.
“Administrative segregation placements for a special vulnerability should be used only as a last resort,” Alvarez said. “Segregation is never used as a method of retaliation.”
About 700 solitary placements lasted at least 90 days, and 42 lasted more than a year, according to the report.
The longest completed instance of solitary confinement was that of a Mexican woman held at Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego for 759 consecutive days until Dec. 2, 2019. Her placement was coded as “detainee requested” and the reasoning was listed as “other,” though the record also showed a disciplinary infraction for fighting, said Arevik Avedian, director of empirical research services at Harvard Law School.
Two other cases were longer, but they were not included in the report because they were still ongoing at the Northwest ICE Processing Center in Tacoma, Wash., as of Sept. 13 — for 817 and 811 days, respectively.
ICE standards generally limit disciplinary isolation to 30 days per violation. But administrative segregation, regarded as non-punitive and intended for the detainee’s safety, can be indefinite.
ICE didn’t list the isolated immigrants’ mental health status in every record. But in the nearly 8,800 records that did include mental health information, about 40% documented mental health conditions.
For people identified as transgender, the average length of solitary confinement was two months, researchers said.
Alvarez said ICE doesn’t place detainees in solitary confinement solely because of mental illness unless directed or recommended to do so by medical staff. Detainees are often placed there because they request protective custody, as a result of a disciplinary hearing or to quarantine if no medical housing is available.
Detainees with mental health issues are under the care of medical professionals, he said, and are removed from solitary confinement if they determine it has resulted in a deterioration of their health and an appropriate alternative is available.
About 38,500 immigrants were being held by ICE as of Jan. 28, according to TRAC, a nonpartisan research organization at Syracuse University. Two-thirds of those detained have no criminal record and many others have only minor offenses, such as traffic violations.
ICE has said it is moving to reduce its use of solitary confinement over the past decade.
The agency issued a 2013 directive limiting its use, particularly for people with vulnerabilities, such as disabilities or mental illness.
A 2015 memo emphasized protections for transgender people, specifying that solitary confinement “should be used only as a last resort.”
A 2022 directive strengthened protections and reporting requirements for people with mental health conditions in solitary confinement.
Detainees held in solitary confinement are isolated in small cells away from the general population for up to 24 hours a day and have minimal contact with other people. Prolonged solitary confinement is known to cause adverse health effects, including risk of suicide and brain damage.
In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a 2022 bill that would have regulated and significantly reduced solitary confinement in jails, prisons and ICE facilities.
Watchdog reports have repeatedly identified failures in ICE’s approach to and oversight of solitary confinement.
In 2021, the California Department of Justice issued a review of ICE detention in the state, with comprehensive looks at three privately operated facilities. Cal DOJ found little distinction between the conditions for detainees in administrative isolation as for those held for disciplinary reasons. The agency also found that detainees with mental illnesses were held in solitary confinement despite the isolation worsening their conditions.
“Most detainees in segregation are in their cells for 22 hours a day and when they are allowed outside they are generally recreating in individual cages,” the California report stated.
The same year, a report by the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Inspector General found that ICE failed to consistently comply with reporting requirements for solitary confinement. Investigators analyzed records from fiscal years 2015 to 2019 and found ICE hadn’t maintained evidence showing it considered alternatives to isolation in 72% of solitary confinement placements.
Citing that report, Democratic senators, including the late Dianne Feinstein and Sen. Alex Padilla of California, pressed ICE leaders about the agency’s “excessive and seemingly indiscriminate use of solitary confinement,” calling it a long-standing problem.
A 2022 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that information about detainee vulnerabilities and explanations of what led to their placement in solitary confinement were inconsistent. The GAO analyzed solitary confinement placements from 2017 through 2021 and found that about 40% were for disciplinary reasons and 60% were for administrative reasons, such as protective custody.
ICE says facility staff are required to offer people in administrative segregation the same privileges as those in general housing, including recreation, visitation, access to the law library and phones. They could also spend additional time out of isolation socializing or doing voluntary work assignments such as cleaning. Privileges for those in disciplinary segregation vary based on the amount of supervision required.
But two dozen formerly detained people interviewed by the report authors described having limited or no access to phone calls, recreation, medical care and medications.
Karim Golding, 39, of Jamaica was detained by ICE from 2016 to 2021. At the Etowah County Detention Center in Alabama, which ICE stopped using in 2022 because of its “long history of serious deficiencies,” Golding said he spent nearly two months in solitary confinement after testing positive for COVID-19. He now lives in New York.
Golding said that during the height of the pandemic, as the facility allowed busloads of new detainees in without following proper distancing or isolation guidelines, he urged the staff to provide tests. He and other detainees submitted dozens of sick calls requesting tests.
When the staff finally complied, he and several others were placed in solitary after testing positive for the coronavirus. He said he believes the move was retaliatory.
Golding remembers sometimes spending 40 hours at a time in his dingy 8×10-foot cell with holes in the concrete walls and no access to a shower. The isolation was lonely, he recalled.
“I went to sleep one night and woke up suffocating in the cell,” he said. “I started to cry because there was no panic button inside these cells. There was no officer, anything for help.”
Two other detainees reached by The Times said they were held in solitary confinement at facilities in Texas and Louisiana for several days while on a hunger strike.
As a candidate, President Biden pledged to end the use of solitary confinement in federal prisons. He signed an executive order in 2022 promising to ensure incarcerated people are “free from prolonged segregation.”
Authors of Tuesday’s report called on Biden to phase out the use of solitary confinement in immigration detention.
“There is still time,” Ardalan said. “This is one legacy he could leave from his administration.”
The New York City Council has voted in favor of banning most uses of solitary confinement in city jails, which could put a near-total end to a controversial practice that has been used for centuries.
Solitary confinement, also called punitive segregation, is a form of punishment in which an prisoner is detained to a single cell for most of the day — though there have been several instances in which detainees are held for long periods of indefinite isolation.
With a vote of 39 to 7 on Wednesday, the City Council passed a measure to ban the use of solitary confinement beyond a four-hour “de-escalation” period during emergencies, such as when a detainee has caused harm to someone else or is at risk of doing so. The measure also calls for detainees to spend at least 14 hours outside of their cells each day.
The bill follows scrutiny over deaths reported at the Rikers Island jail complex and in various facilities across the city, some of which were linked to prolonged use of solitary confinement, NBC News reported.
Nationally, the use of solitary confinement has divided communities, with detractors arguing that it is torture and backers upholding it as a legitimate form of punishment for detainees who break prison rules.
The New York measure can only take effect if signed within the next 30 days by Mayor Eric Adams, who appears to have reservations. However, two-thirds of the city’s legislative body supported the bill and signed on as co-sponsors, indicating that it has the power to override a veto, NBC News reported. This week, Adams told reporters that he doesn’t believe in solitary confinement but also doesn’t like the bill’s current form.
Despite a vote from the Board of Correction, which oversees New York City’s jail system, to end solitary confinement in 2021, politicians and activists have insisted that the practice continues, NBC News reported.
During a City Council hearing last year, city jail officials said that 117 of 6,000 detainees were held separately, maintaining that it’s an important tool to ensure safety when dealing with violent inmates, The New York Times reported. Adams echoed those concerns, saying the measure could make jails less safe.
“This assault on public safety is just wrong,” Adams said on Wednesday after the vote, according to The Times. “There is a philosophical difference in this city, and the numerical minority is controlling the narrative.”
More than a decade ago, a United Nations official said that solitary confinement should be banned in the U.S., explaining that “it can amount to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment when used as a punishment, during pretrial detention, indefinitely or for a prolonged period, for persons with mental disabilities or juveniles.”
Studies show that people of color, specifically Black and Latino people, are more likely to be perceived as a threat and subjected to solitary confinement.
According to the American Civil Liberties Union, the punishment has been found to cause serious psychological damage, increased mental health issues and other forms of harm among incarcerated people, especially disabled inmates. Nearly 50% of suicides by incarcerated people have occurred in solitary confinement.
According to a report from the Columbia University Center for Justice, the New York City Department of Corrections’ most recent forms of solitary confinement have placed people in structurally restrictive housing and repeatedly locked up inmates for much longer than the six-hour limit.
“No matter what terminology you use, there is isolation that the U.N. has called torture, and that is what we want to end,” New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, who helped introduce the measure last year, told reporters ahead of the City Council’s vote, according to NBC News.
“We want to make sure that the psychological effects that are proven are not something that is done in the city, and hopefully, across the country,” Williams said.
Opponents of solitary confinement have advocated for alternatives such as incentive- and program-based forms of separation for inmates rather than isolation. Separation has been found to be more effective and safer for not only the incarcerated people but also for jail staff and communities.
According to Solitary Watch, 45 states in the U.S. have introduced bills to regulate, limit or ban solitary confinement, and 25 states have introduced bills to limit solitary to 15 days or less. Three bills have passed. Action has also been taken on a federal level to address solitary confinement, with bills in both the Senate and the U.S. House introduced this year to ban its use in federal prisons.
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This story was produced in partnership with the Inside/Out Journalism Project by Type Investigations, which works with incarcerated reporters to produce ambitious, feature-length investigations, with support from the Wayne Barrett Project.
Nathan Gray often found himself pacing his cramped cell, barraged night and day by the sound of other men’s screams. The cell was chilly, with a paper-thin mattress, a small shelf for his belongings and a combined sink and toilet. In this small space, he ate his meals, read Frantz Fanon and Angela Davis and slept when he could. When depression overwhelmed him, he had no one to talk to. He didn’t tell his family about the conditions he was forced to deal with; he didn’t want to worry them.
Gray and his neighbors were permitted to leave their cells for only a handful of reasons each week: to take three showers, for example, or make five 15-minute phone calls, or use an email kiosk to send messages to friends and family on the outside. Sometimes, they were allowed to hang out in one of the holding cells in the unit, known as “cages,” or in outdoor enclosed spaces.
Gray’s description of the living conditions in his unit sounds like those experienced by people held in solitary confinement across the U.S.: severe restrictions on movement, moratoriums on physical contact and nearly 24-hour spans spent in cells about the size of bathrooms.
But Gray, who is known as “Freedom” to friends and family, was not in solitary confinement, according to the New Jersey Department of Corrections. Instead, he lived in one of New Jersey State Prison’s Restorative Housing Units, or RHUs, where people are sent as punishment for breaking prison rules.
Gray, who was released from prison at the end of May, spent more than 370 days in RHUs across two facilities, mostly in New Jersey State Prison.
The Department of Corrections created RHUs in response to the 2019 passage of the Isolated Confinement Restriction Act, a law intended to reform the use of solitary confinement in New Jersey correctional facilities. At the time, ICRA was the most progressive solitary confinement reform law in the nation.
The law put strict limits on NJDOC’s use of solitary confinement — which is referred to as “isolated confinement,” and is defined as holding a person “in a cell or similarly confined holding or living space, alone or with other inmates” for 20 or more hours per day “with severely restricted activity, movement, and social interaction.” The limits included capping the practice at 20 consecutive days or 30 days in a 60-day period. The law also restricted the placement of vulnerable groups, like LGBTQ people, in isolated confinement. Isolated confinement can still be used as a punishment in some cases, but people placed there are afforded some protections, like frequent health exams.
RHUs are meant to be a “less restrictive” alternative to isolated confinement. Prisoners held in RHUs should have access to recreation, education and out-of-cell activities that allow for social interaction, per departmental regulations. And most importantly, unlike in isolated confinement, people held in RHUs must be offered the opportunity to spend at least four hours each day outside of their cells.People found guilty of violating prison rules can be placed in these units for up to one year per disciplinary incident.
When Gray heard that New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy (D) had signed ICRA, he was surprised and happy, he said, because he knew “firsthand how damaging solitary confinement can be.” Limiting the amount of time someone can be held in solitary confinement — which was typically called “administrative segregation,” or “ad-seg,” before ICRA — was particularly important to him. “One’s mental health can deteriorate at [a] rapid pace being in solitary confinement,” he said.
But after the department introduced the RHUs about a year later, Gray was dismayed at how little conditions in his new unit differed from what he had endured in solitary confinement. “When I was placed in R.H.U., it was just like being placed in ad-seg,” he said.
Gray is far from the only person incarcerated in New Jersey who says their experience in an RHU varied little, if at all, from time spent in administrative segregation before ICRA was implemented. An 18-month investigation by Type Investigations and HuffPost ― which involved interviews with more than a dozen individuals, including incarcerated people, advocates, and lawyers, and a review of hundreds of pages of public records ― found that conditions in some of these Restorative Housing Units may qualify as isolated confinement under the department’s own definition and defy state regulations, and appear at times to violate the law.
NJDOC did not respond to specific questions about conditions in the RHUs. In an emailed statement, an NJDOC spokesperson said the department “continuously evaluates compliance with ICRA as with all statutory requirements,” and that it “assesses policies and procedures for ensuring incarcerated persons are afforded the required out-of-cell time, opportunities for receiving essential programs and services, and safeguarding staff and incarcerated persons.”
But several incarcerated people who have lived in RHUs told us that they were not regularly offered at least four hours of daily out-of-cell time.
Our sources, who have spent time in RHUs in four prisons, also said people in these units often spent their out-of-cell time in confined spaces they compared to dog kennels, and received little to no mental health care.
Alexander Shalom, a senior supervising attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey who was closely involved with drafting the law, expressed “profound disappointment” when he heard about these allegations.
“We tried to write a bill that was tight enough not to give [NJDOC] room to implement it in a way that didn’t get to our vision of a more just prison system,” Shalom said. “But it seems that they’ve found ways to violate the law or honor it in the breach.”
Cannaday Chapman for HuffPost
A ‘Historic Step Forward’
Advocates were elated when Murphy signed the Isolated Confinement Restriction Act. The version of ICRA signed into law “was something that we hadn’t even dreamed of being able to do, and we really had to force the governor to sign it, which led us to believe that this was a huge win,” Rev. J. Amos Caley, an organizer with New Jersey Prison Justice Watch, recalled.
“This was something that was groundbreaking,” Nafeesah Goldsmith, a survivor of solitary confinement and a former chair of NJ-PJW, told Type Investigations and HuffPost. The ACLU-NJ, a member of the NJ-PJW coalition, described the law as a “historic step forward” that “cemented [the state’s] place as a national leader in criminal justice reform.”
Caley, Goldsmith and other activists had worked for years to get a law on the books that would limit the use of solitary confinement. They’d come close to victory before, pushing a version of the law through the state legislature in 2016. But nearly two months after the passage of the original Isolated Confinement Restriction Act, then-Gov. Chris Christie (R) vetoed the bill. “This bill seeks to resolve a problem that does not exist in New Jersey,” he wrote in his veto statement, “because the Department of Corrections … does not utilize isolated confinement.”
It was a stark denial of a reality that very much existed in New Jersey and all across the country. In fact, NJDOC reported to a national survey that the department was holding 1,370 people, nearly 7% of the state’s incarcerated population, in solitary confinement ― meaning they were being held in their cells for 22 hours or more per day for at least 15 days in a row ― in the autumn of 2015. And 108 of those people had been in solitary for more than six years.
Nationwide, the survey reported, more than 67,000 people — nearly 5% of the country’s incarcerated population — were in solitary confinement. More than 2,900 of them had been in solitary for over six years.
Around that time, the United Nations voted to classify solitary confinement as torture when it lasts for more than 15 consecutive days.
“I am often asked how I survived years in solitary confinement. My response is always, ‘Who said I survived?’”
– Testimony from Ron Pierce, who was previously incarcerated in East Jersey State Prison
Activists did not give up after Christie’s veto. They continued to call attention to the issue, and revived the legislation. Their efforts culminated in a June 2019 state Senate committee hearing where survivors of solitary confinement spoke about their experiences. They described intense isolation in filthy conditions. People endured these conditions for years and continued to feel the effects long after they left prison.
Antonne Henshaw, now a community organizer, spent three decades in prison. He told the state senators about the seven years he spent in solitary. After his release, he said at the hearing, his sister had a bedroom ready for him at her house. But he was so accustomed to life in solitary confinement that he chose to sleep on the closet floor. “I closed the door,” he remembered. “But I did something that was worse. I locked it because I didn’t feel safe.”
Ron Pierce, who was previously incarcerated in East Jersey State Prison, said he still cannot comfortably walk into an unfamiliar room without assessing potential dangers. “I am often asked how I survived years in solitary confinement,” he testified. “My response is always, ‘Who said I survived?’ No one completely survives.”
One state senator said that the survivors’ stories nearly brought him to tears. Their testimony had an impact: The Isolated Confinement Restriction Act passed both houses and was signed into law a month after the hearing.
Two years later, in July 2021, the state appeared to have reduced its solitary population drastically. NJDOC reported in response to another annual survey that it was holding only 49 individuals, or 0.4% percent of all incarcerated people in the state, in solitary confinement.
But these numbers create a misleading impression. After passing the reform law, it appears the state has simply replicated the conditions of solitary confinement in at least some of the RHUs. Advocates told us that in some prisons, they’ve been informed that the main difference between ad-seg and RHUs is a new sign on the door of the same unit. And those RHUs are not classified as solitary by the department, meaning that people held there do not receive the protections, like the 20-day limit on isolated confinement, that ICRA provides.
“The rebranding of ‘ad-seg’ to ‘RHU’ was, as you can imagine, window dressing,” Caley said.
‘A Long Continuum Of Nothing’
Anticipating that prisons might simply continue the practice under a new name, advocates ensured that the law included a clear-cut definition of isolated confinement: holding a person in a cell or a similarly confined space for at least 20 hours a day.
“If the person is in their cell for 20 or more hours a day, it doesn’t matter whatever it’s called,” Shalom, the ACLU-NJ attorney, said in an interview. “It can be called an ice cream parlor. It’s still isolated confinement.”
People in close custody units that NJDOC does not consider isolated confinement, like RHUs, must be offered at least four hours a day outside their cells, or elsethe prison is violating state regulations.
But several incarcerated people who spent time in RHUs told Type and HuffPost that they were not regularly offered four hours of out-of-cell time each day.
Gray said that people in his unit at New Jersey State Prison spent more than 20 hours in their cells “most days.” He was later transferred to an RHU at South Woods State Prison, ahead of his release from prison in May. The conditions there, he said, were even worse than what he experienced at NJSP.
“You don’t get recreation,” Gray said in a telephone interview from the unit. “You stay in the cell all day, every day.”
Speaking to Type Investigations and HuffPost last fall, Demi Minor said that people in an RHU where she was held at Garden State Youth Correctional Facility were allowed to leave their cells only twice a week for four hours each time.
Mark Caldwell, another NJSP resident, has been held in several RHUs. Caldwell, who goes by “Face,” wrote in an email last year that the RHU where he was confined was offering almost no out-of-cell time. He’d been told that out-of-cell time was every three days, he said, but in the three or four weeks he’d been on the unit, he had gotten out-of-cell time on just a single occasion, for four hours. He was offered the opportunity to leave his cell one other time, he said.
Dr. Terry Kupers, a psychiatrist who studies the effects of solitary confinement, said these sources’ accounts were describing solitary. The units sounded “rather harsh” even by the standards of solitary, he added.
NJDOC requires that RHU prisoners must be handcuffed, strip-searched, and escorted by two officers any time they leave their cell, according to a source with knowledge of state prison operating procedures who is not being named because they are not authorized to speak publicly about NJDOC protocol. Due to these stringent protocols, the source believes, some staffers may not want to bother with the hassle of complying with the law. The source also thought that some incarcerated people may turn down out-of-cell time when it’s offered because they don’t want to endure a strip search — especially if they are only being moved to a different cage.
According to several incarcerated people, many prisoners must spend out-of-cell time in another cramped and confined area known as a “rec cage,” sometimes by themselves. But ICRA defines isolated confinement not just as a certain amount of time spent in a cell, but as time spent in a cell “or similarly confined holding or living space.”
“You can’t be in your cell for 20 hours a day and then go into a cage for rec,” said Tess Borden, a former attorney for the ACLU of New Jersey. “It has to be meaningful activity that’s not restrictive.”
One man incarcerated in New Jersey State Prison, who is not being identified because of safety concerns, wrote that one of the RHUs had five enclosures used for indoor recreation. One was a larger space with a television and two tables; the other four, he wrote, were the size of “an area you would put a dog or animal in.” He thought these “dog cages” were meant to be holding cells, but he said they were used for recreation.
“All the guards call our recreational areas ‘cages,’” Gray wrote to us. “They never say, ‘Mr. Gray, do you want to go to the recreation area?’ They’ll say: ‘Gray, do you want cage rec?’”
In an emailed statement, a spokesperson for NJDOC said the department “makes every attempt to ensure that incarcerated persons are afforded the opportunity to receive out-of-cell time as required under the Isolated Confinement Restriction Act,” but that “it is not uncommon for many incarcerated persons to refuse the opportunity afforded to them to attend programs and services that would offer additional out-of-cell time.”
“What we’re hearing is that certain prisons are doing more creative things of getting around ICRA and others are completely thumbing their noses at it,” Caley, the organizer, said in an interview.
People held in RHUs are also supposed to have some limited access to outdoor recreation. When RHU prisoners do manage to get outside, some are still isolated in cages, according to Gray. He said the outdoor recreation area at one of his units was split into two sides: a courtyard where multiple prisoners could gather at a time, and a set of enclosed spaces he described as “basically dog kennels.” Each of these cages, he wrote, was about the size of “a standard bathroom” and typically held one person.
This description of outdoor recreation in RHUs is strikingly similar to survivors’ recollections of ad-seg. Lydia Thornton, an organizer who spent nine and a half months in administrative segregation at New Jersey State Prison a decade ago,saidthe outdoor recreation area was “fully fenced, including the top.” “You go outside and you walk around in a circle in this dog run for two hours,” she said.
Gray found ways to endure the long days confined to his cell. Reading was a lifeline, he says. Through books, he became a student of prison abolition and the literature of the Black Panther Party. Last year, he estimated he had 90 books in his cell. Other prisoners affectionately dubbed him “the librarian.”
He also wrote poetry and essays about incarceration. His last full year of schooling was sixth grade, but he’d come to love the art of writing.
Cannaday Chapman for HuffPost
Two attorneys and five advocates said it sounded like NJDOC may be evading the law or at least circumventing its intentions.
“It’s deeply frustrating to see how this has all played out,” Shalom said. “We got legislation passed we never thought we’d get passed and that was a coup, but on the other hand the implementation has been such a disappointment.”
The NJDOC spokesperson said staff must restrict out-of-cell time to keep others safe.
“Unfortunately, the maladaptive behavior of some of the population continues while housed in the R.H.U., including assaultive behavior, which results in staff needing to respond to the area to quiet the disturbance and retain safety and security of the unit,” the spokesperson wrote. “This disruptive behavior and subsequent staff response can potentially impact the out-of-cell time for other incarcerated persons housed in the unit until the situation is resolved.”
New Jersey state Sen. Nellie Pou (D), who co-sponsored ICRA, called the reports of continued isolated confinement “concerning,” but said that her office would need to review the details and make their own assessment to decide if they warranted a response.
“Overall, we want to see our correctional facilities bend more toward rehabilitation, and in that vein see inmates as individuals who must be treated fairly and with basic dignity,” Pou wrote in a statement.
Advocates acknowledge that the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic also complicated the implementation of the reform, which took effect in August 2020. By that May, incarcerated people in New Jersey were dying of the virus at a higher rate than in any other state’s prison system. The pandemic resulted in the widespread use of isolation for medical quarantine, advocates told us, complicating both ICRA compliance and efforts by advocacy groups to monitor it.
But years after the peak of the pandemic, incarcerated people and advocates say the practice of solitary confinement is still common.Part of the challenge, advocates noted, is that prisons have long relied on solitary confinement to maintain order.
“If one were trying to give every benefit of the doubt, you could say running a prison is hard,” Shalom said. “Being told by legislators how to do it makes no sense. They have no expertise and they’ve taken a tool away from the prison without providing another one … But it’s a tool that never should have been given to them in the first place.”
As a result, the RHUs are “consistently full,” making it even more complicated to ensure everyone is getting time out of their cells, according to New Jersey Corrections ombudsperson Terry Schuster, who leads the state’s independent prison oversight body. His office is expected to release a report on out-of-cell time this year.
Schuster noted in a written statement that NJDOC must reduce the population in order to improve conditions.
“The R.H.U. becomes more manageable when there are fewer people on the unit,” he told Type and HuffPost. “It’s easier to follow a schedule of programming and recreation time, or to get people seen by medical and mental health providers, when doing so involves moving fewer people from one place to another.”
That means prisons must find “other tools to manage behavior and create safety,” he said. “The Department must continually ask: What incentives are in place to follow institutional rules? What are the treatment and programming needs underlying problem behavior? And how can staff running the facilities build more trust and goodwill with the incarcerated population?”
The Department of Corrections is adamant that RHUs are not, as incarcerated people and advocates report, ad-seg by a different name. In another response to public comments on the regulations, the department wrote that “the R.H.U.s are not a renaming of administrative segregation.” But RHUs share a key attribute with ad-seg: They give prisons a way to confine incarcerated people in punishing conditions for lengthy periods.
State regulations dictate that prisoners can receive a maximum of 365 daysin an RHU as punishment for a disciplinary incident. But nothing prevents prison officials from giving people who are already held in these units more RHU time for subsequent rules violations. That could amount to years spent in conditions similar to those of the old ad-seg units ― the exact situation that ICRA was meant to remedy.
Prison officials also have wide leeway to limit or revoke prisoners’ recreation time for disciplinary reasons, which can lead to even more time confined in a cell. Departmental regulations say that RHU residents should be given “meaningful opportunities” to participate in social activities, educational programs and other recreation, but these opportunities can easily be taken away. Someone can lose recreation access for up to 180 days for a single disciplinary charge.
According to one source incarcerated in New Jersey State Prison, getting a loss of recreation privileges sanction while in an RHU means losing access to outdoor recreation as well as most indoor out-of-cell time.
“You can still sometimes manage to get out to the inside rec cage,” this person wrote. But he leaves for three showers a week, he explained, and “that’s it.” If someone has lost their recreation privileges, they’re “not going anywhere else” outside of their cell.
Loss of recreation privileges appears to be a common punishment for people held in RHUs, according to a Type Investigations and HuffPost analysis of disciplinary data obtained through public records requests. Between the end of November 2021 and mid-February 2022, 75% of RHU sanctions at New Jersey State Prison and South Woods State Prison were accompanied by a loss of recreation privileges. The two prisons doled out 331 loss of recreation privileges sanctions, each at least 15 days long, to people who received concurrent RHU time. More than 150 sanctions lasted for 30 days or more. In three instances at New Jersey State Prison, incarcerated people lost 180 days of recreation privileges.
NJDOC did not address questions about how these sanctions operate.
Between July 2021 and July 2022, Gray was sanctioned to a total of more than a year of RHU time, according to records obtained by Type Investigations and HuffPost. He was often sent to the RHU as punishment for telling prison officials that if they tried to put a roommate in his tiny cell, a common practice known as “double bunking,” he would hurt the other person. Throughout his time in prison, he said, he’d seen violence break out when two men were forced into one cell, and he feared for his safety and mental health.
The extended stints in the RHU took their toll. “It’s just a LONG continuum of nothing,” Gray wrote in an email. “You’re just left here to vegetate if you have no means to support yourself.”
Hundreds of people in New Jersey’s prison system have had similar experiences. People incarcerated in New Jersey State Prison and South Woods State Prison were sent to RHUs at least 444 times between the end of November 2021 and mid-February 2022, for an average of nearly 120 days per sanction, Type Investigations and HuffPost determined from the disciplinary data. Prison rule violations that resulted in these RHU sanctions ranged from assault to not obeying an order from a staff member.
Even if these sanctions are technically within the letter of the law, the frequency of their use suggests a clear defiance of ICRA’s intent.
“The world we hoped for was one where when correctional facilities needed to figure out a way to change the behavior of incarcerated people, they wouldn’t look to torture,” Shalom said. “They’d find other ways, like positive behavioral incentives or the removal of privileges. But not the removal of human interaction. That’s not a privilege. It’s an absolute human necessity.”
‘Not OK To Call That Mental Health Treatment’
Solitary confinement can be devastating for a person’s mental state, and can cause long-term trauma. Yet prisoners say they are given little to no mental health support while in the RHUs.
Face Caldwell wrote in an email last year that he’d been trying to speak to a mental health professional in confidence since he was placed in an RHU, but he was only afforded rare and short visits in front of his cell door. Mental health staff are usually accompanied by guards, and prisoners who want to talk to them are forced to share their problems on an open tier for everyone to hear, he explained.
These public mental health checks cause “everybody from prisoners to officers to joke about whatever you’re expressing,” Caldwell said. “They go on to tell the next prisoner and officer and it becomes a lingering joke amongst everybody.”
A source who is familiar with RHU operating procedures said that the mental health checks can be as brief as a practitioner opening up the food port in a cell door, asking if the person is OK, and then closing the port and moving on to the next cell.
Kupers, the psychiatrist, said this is a common but violating practice in prisons. “It’s OK to make rounds on solitary units and look for people in serious trouble,” he said, noting that mental health checks in solitary units should happen almost daily. “But it’s not OK to call that mental health treatment, because that requires a private and confidential setting.”
“I’ve seen people retreat into madness continuously.”
– Freedom Gray
The situation can quickly turn abusive when prisoners are forced to share their issues in open-unit settings.
“In prison, there’s a huge amount of stigma about having a mental illness,” Kupers explained. “For someone to speak about things where they’re overheard, the prisoner risks huge stigma and possible victimization by other prisoners and also by the officers.”
When prisoners suffering from mental illness are left alone and without proper care, their condition can worsen quickly. “I’ve seen people retreat into madness continuously,” Gray said. “I’ve seen people rub feces on themselves or throw it on other prisoners.”
NJDOC policy requires health care staff to examine prisoners before they’re admitted to close custody units like RHUs. A clinician can recommend that someone sanctioned to RHU time should not be placed there for medical reasons. But according to incarcerated sources, mental health exams before RHU placements are cursory and do not prevent prisoners from being sent to the units.
Caldwell said a psychologist performs a perfunctory interview. “They ask you a carbon copy [set] of questions. ‘Do you feel like hurting yourself,’ ‘Do you feel like hurting anybody else,’ the regular 4 or 5 questions and [then] they take you to lockup,” he wrote. “There is no real examination to determine whether you should be put in R.H.U. or not.”
Kupers, upon hearing Caldwell’s description of hisexperience in the psych evaluation, called the screening inadequate and superficial.
The NJDOC spokesperson said the department provides “robust mental health services to ensure that incarcerated persons receive necessary care,” and noted that in those exams, “clinicians performing the evaluation can and do make recommendations regarding alternative sanctions if mental health concerns exist.”
Incarcerated sources’ descriptions of the mental health care in RHUs indicate that the Department of Corrections appears to be violating the law. One of the protections ICRA afforded to people placed in isolated confinement is a daily mental and physical health exam. The law says these exams should take place in a “confidential setting outside of the cell whenever possible.”
That means that anyone in an RHU — indeed, in any unit — who is held in isolated confinement, as defined by the law, for even one day must receive these exams, or the prison is breaking the law, said Shalom, the ACLU-NJ attorney.
In its statement, NJDOC did not address Type and HuffPost’s question about whether prisons are complying with this provision.
Solitary confinement can begin to affect brain activity within days, sometimes even in people without preexisting mental illnesses. Though the neurological effects of solitary haven’t been studied in depth, some of the research suggests that the effects of isolation on the brain may be irreversible. One 2019 study of prisoners over a period of nearly two decades found that prisoners who spent any amount of time in solitary were nearly 80% more likely todie by suicide during their first year out of prison than formerly incarcerated people who weren’t held in solitary.
Kupers noted there is a “long list of symptoms” reported by people in solitary, including high anxiety, panic, inexplicable anger, issues with concentration and memory, sleep problems and despair.
For Gray, it was the perpetual noise and lack of sleep in the RHU that wore him down.
“A constant noise that yells in your face, and no matter how hard I try to block it out it has become a part of my psyche,” he wrote while he was still incarcerated. “For many in R.H.U. we must ‘half sleep.’”
Cannaday Chapman for HuffPost
‘The Canary In The Coal Mine’
Though it was once considered a landmark victory for solitary reform, advocates now see ICRA as something of a cautionary tale as other states have consideredor passed similar bills.
Jessica Sandoval, national director of Unlock the Box, an advocacy campaign that aims to end solitary confinement, calls New Jersey “the canary in the coal mine.” The failure of ICRA to enact meaningful change, she told Type and HuffPost, should serve as an important lesson to other states that have passed or are looking to pass laws to restrict the use of solitary confinement.
In New York, for instance, those lessons are becoming increasingly clear. Nearly two years after ICRA was signed into law, then-Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D) signed the Humane Alternatives to Long-Term Solitary Confinement Act, known as HALT. The law went further than ICRA in key ways: It capped solitary at 15 consecutive days, and defined the practice as more than 17 hours of confinement a day. It also created residential rehabilitation units, or RRUs ― “therapeutic and trauma-informed” units analogous to New Jersey’s RHUs.
The strength of the legislation doesn’t seem to have made a difference. New York’s Department of Corrections and Community Supervision has been accused of flouting the law on a large scale, including in its treatment of people in RRUs, news organizations and a report by an independent state monitor have found.DOCCS called the allegations “patently false.”
In April, the New York Civil Liberties Union and other organizations filed a lawsuit against the Department of Corrections and Community Supervision for violating HALT.
It’s not just New York and New Jersey where this is a problem. In 2018, Massachusetts passed a set of solitary reforms, including a requirement that prisons release people being held in solitary for disciplinary purposes if they’ve been there for more than six months, unless the prison felt they posed an unacceptable risk to safety or order. But last year, prisoners filed a class action lawsuit alleging that the state was violating the law. The complaint mentions one plaintiff who was sanctioned to 10 years in a unit used for disciplinary confinement.
“If we expect that legislation is going to be a sufficient method of curbing institutional abuse, then we’re naive.”
– Rev. J. Amos Caley, organizer with New Jersey Prison Justice Watch
Advocates emphasize that these setbacks do not mean the laws weren’t worth passing. But there are some clear takeaways for future efforts. Shalom noted that any reform bill must be carefully worded to close off potential loopholes.
“We don’t care how hard you’re trying,” he said. “The only question is: has the person been deprived of human contact?”
Even the most ironclad law, however, is not foolproof. Ultimately, “nothing will change until the culture of corrections changes,” Caley said. The source who’s familiar with prison operations said that many correctional officers resent the extra work created by out-of-cell time mandates, and prefer a system where “you could just throw somebody in the hole and be done with them.”
“If we expect that legislation is going to be a sufficient method of curbing institutional abuse, then we’re naive,” Caley said. “The lack of imagination the institutions have is not something we’re going to fix through legislation.”
Still, he said legislation is a valuable part of building a movement. Through the legislative process, coalitions can make sure that “the stakeholders that are responsible for making laws are aware of you, have to account for you, and even are afraid of you,” he said. He also sees introducing legislation as a catalyst for community organizing and education.
For now, NJ-PJW, the prison justice coalition, is rebuilding its campaign against isolated confinement outside of the legislative realm. The group is growing a network of incarcerated and recently released people who are invested in the reform or abolition of solitary confinement. NJ-PJW plans to distribute a survey inside prisons to gather data on the use of isolated confinement.
Advocates say ICRA just proves that passing a law is only the first step toward meaningful change.
“Legislation is only as powerful as the movement that drives it,” Caley said.
Paco Alvarez and Ethan Corey contributed research.
When Donald Trump appeared last week in a Washington, D.C., courtroom for his arraignment on federal election charges, the presiding judge gave the former president a few simple instructions for staying out of jail while he awaited trial.
Trump could not talk to potential witnesses about the case except through lawyers, Magistrate Judge Moxila Upadhyaya told him, and he could not commit a crime on the local, state, or federal level. Both are standard directives to defendants. But then Upadhyaya added a warning that seemed tailored a bit more specifically to the blustery politician standing before her: “I want to remind you,” the judge said, “it is a crime to intimidate a witness or retaliate against anyone for providing information about your case to the prosecution, or otherwise obstruct justice.”
When Upadhyaya asked Trump if he understood, he nodded. Fewer than 24 hours later, Trump appeared to flout that very warning—in its spirit if not its letter—by threatening his would-be foes in an all-caps post on Truth Social: “IF YOU GO AFTER ME, I’M COMING AFTER YOU!” Over the following week, he attacked a potential witness in the case, former Vice President Mike Pence (“delusional”); Special Counsel Jack Smith (“deranged”); and the federal judge assigned to oversee his case, Tanya Chutkan, an appointee of former President Barack Obama (Smith’s “number one draft pick,” in Trump’s words).
Trump’s screeds highlight a challenge that will now fall to Chutkan to confront: constraining a defendant who’s both a former president and a leading candidate to take the White House—and who seems bent on making a mockery of his legal process.
“She’s in a tight spot,” Barbara McQuade, a former U.S. attorney in Michigan, says of Chutkan. Conceivably, the judge could find Trump in contempt of court and toss him in jail for violating the terms of his pretrial release. But even though in theory Trump should be treated like any other defendant, former prosecutors told me that he was exceedingly unlikely to go to prison over his pretrial statements. And Trump probably knows it. (Whether Trump will go to prison if he is convicted is another hotly debated matter.)
“I’m sure she would be very reluctant to do that, in light of the fact that he’s running for president,” McQuade told me. “So I think as a result, he has a very long leash, and I think he will simply dare her to revoke [his freedom] by saying the most outrageous things he can.”
At a pretrial hearing today, Chutkan issued her first warnings to Trump’s lawyers about their client, according to reporting by Steven Portnoy of ABC News and Kyle Cheney of Politico. “Mr. Trump, like every American, has a First Amendment right to free speech,” she said. “But that right is not absolute.” She said Trump’s presidential candidacy would not factor into her decisions, and she rebuffed suggestions by a Trump lawyer, John Lauro, that the former president had a right to respond to his political opponents in the heat of a campaign. “He’s a criminal defendant,” she reminded him. “He’s going to have restrictions like every single other defendant.”
Chutkan said she would be scrutinizing Trump’s words carefully, and she concluded with what she called “a general word of caution”: “Even arguably ambiguous statements from parties or their counsel,” the judge said, “can threaten the process.” She added: “I will take whatever measures are necessary to safeguard the integrity of these proceedings.”
Chutkan had called the hearing to determine whether to bar Trump and his lawyers from publicly disclosing evidence provided to them by prosecutors—a standard part of the pretrial process. The evidence includes millions of pages of documents and transcribed witness interviews from a year-long investigation, and the government argued that Trump or his lawyers could undermine the process by making them public before the trial. Despite her warnings to Trump’s team, she sided with the defense’s request to narrow the restrictions on what they could disclose, and she did not add other constraints on what he could say about the case.
Yet the effect of Chutkan’s courtroom comments was to put Trump on notice. If he continues to flout judicial warnings, she could place a more formal gag order on him, the ex-prosecutors said. And if he ignores that directive, she would likely issue additional warnings before considering a criminal-contempt citation. A further escalation, McQuade said, would be to hold a hearing and order Trump to show cause for why he should not be held in contempt. “Maybe she gives him a warning, and she gives him another chance and another chance, but eventually, her biggest hammer” is to send him to jail.
Judges have sanctioned high-profile defendants in other cases recently. In 2019, the Trump ally Roger Stone was barred from posting on major social-media platforms after Judge Amy Berman Jackson ruled that he had violated a gag order she had issued. (Stone did honor this directive.) The Trump foe Michael Avenatti, who represented Stormy Daniels in her case against Trump and briefly considered challenging him for the presidency, was jailed shortly before his trial on extortion charges after prosecutors accused him of disregarding financial terms of his bail. “He was just scooped up and thrown into solitary,” one of his former lawyers, E. Danya Perry, told me. She said that Avenatti was thrown into the same jail cell that had held El Chapo, the Mexican drug lord. (Avenatti later claimed that his treatment was payback ordered by then–Attorney General Bill Barr; the prison warden said he was placed in solitary confinement because of “serious concerns” about his safety, and Barr has called Avenatti’s accusation “ridiculous.”)
Neither Stone nor Avenatti, however, is as high-profile as Trump, arguably the most famous federal defendant in American history. And Perry doubts that Chutkan would imprison him before a trial. Trump has ignored warnings from judges overseeing the various civil cases brought against him over the years and has never faced tangible consequences. “He has done it so many times and he has managed to skate so many times that he certainly is emboldened,” Perry said.
Indeed, Trump has also suggested he would ignore a gag order from Chutkan. “I will talk about it. I will. They’re not taking away my First Amendment rights,” Trump told a campaign rally in New Hampshire on Wednesday.
Trump’s political motives for vilifying his prosecutors and once again portraying himself as the victim of a witch hunt are obvious: He’s trying to rile up his Republican base. Trump also seems to be executing something of a legal strategy in his public statements about the trial. He’s called Washington, D.C., “a filthy and crime-ridden embarrassment,” possibly reasoning that these remarks will force the court to agree to his request to shift the trial to a venue with a friendlier population of potential jurors, such as West Virginia.
That’s less likely to work, according to the former prosecutors I interviewed. “I’d be shocked to see that be successful,” Noah Bookbinder, a former federal prosecutor who heads the anti-corruption advocacy group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, told me. “It’s sort of like the old joke about the child who kills his mother and father and then asks for mercy because he’s an orphan. I just don’t see a court going for that.”
Trump’s attacks also present a problem for Smith, the special counsel. On one hand, prosecutors have a clear interest in ensuring that their witnesses do not feel intimidated; on the other, Smith could feel that trying to silence Trump would play into the former president’s victim narrative. Justice Department prosecutors alerted Chutkan to Trump’s “I’m coming after you” post in a court filing, and during today’s hearing they voiced concerns that if not restricted, Trump could disclose evidence to benefit his campaign. (A Trump spokesperson said the former president’s warning was “the definition of political speech,” and that it referred to “special interest groups and Super PACs” opposing his candidacy.) But Smith’s team did not ask Chutkan to fully gag Trump or even admonish him. “You see the prosecutors being very, very restrained,” Bookbinder said. “With a lot of defendants who were bad-mouthing the prosecutor and witnesses, they would have immediately gone in and asked for an order for the defendant to stop doing that.”
Bookbinder described the citation of Trump’s post as “a brushback pitch” by the government, a signal that they are watching the former president’s public statements closely. But like Chutkan, Smith might be reluctant to push the matter very far. Fighting with Trump over a gag order could distract from where the government wants to focus the case—on Trump’s alleged crimes—and it could indulge his desire to drag out the trial, Bookbinder noted. But the special counsel has to weigh those concerns against the possibility that an out-of-control defendant could jeopardize the safety of prosecutors and witnesses. “My strong suspicion is that Jack Smith doesn’t want to go there,” Bookbinder said. “I think at some point he may have little choice.”