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  • The Pro-life Movement’s Not-So-Secret Plan for Trump

    The Pro-life Movement’s Not-So-Secret Plan for Trump

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    Donald Trump has made no secret of the fact that he regards his party’s position on reproductive rights as a political liability. He blamed the “abortion issue” for his party’s disappointing showing in the 2022 midterms, and he recently blasted Florida Governor Ron DeSantis’s support for a six-week abortion ban. Trump seems eager to be the Republican who can turn this loser of a political issue into a winner.

    And we’ve just gotten a peek at how he plans to do it. Last week, The New York Times reported that Trump has expressed support for the idea of a national ban on abortions after 16 weeks of pregnancy except in the case of rape or incest, or to save the mother’s life.

    Anti-abortion activists, of course, don’t think such a restriction goes far enough. Some of Trump’s most important allies—including evangelical leaders and policy advisers—emphatically support a total ban, a position that Trump knows is poisonous. Trump doesn’t want to say anything official about a 16-week ban, the report said, until he’s clinched the nomination, to avoid turning off any hard-core primary voters who favor a total ban.

    After that, embracing a 16-week limit could benefit him in the general election. It would put some distance between himself and the hard-liners in his orbit, while helping him appeal to more moderate voters. And just as important, by making the conversation about gestational limits, Trump and his allies would distract voters from the far more expansive goals of dedicated abortion opponents.

    To unpack the 16-week proposal a little: The number is biologically arbitrary, for it bears no relation to fetal viability, as some state limits do. Sixteen is, apparently, just a pleasing number. “Know what I like about 16?” he reportedly said. “It’s even. It’s four months.” Trump and his allies see this as a compromise position, because it’s stricter than Roe v. Wade’s roughly 24-week viability standard, but it still provides a larger window than the six-week limit in Georgia and South Carolina, or the outright bans that conservatives have fought for in 14 states, including Alabama, Texas, and Indiana.

    In November, a proposal for a 16-week federal limit could, in theory, be a politically advantageous position for Trump. Almost all available polling suggests that most Americans support legal access to abortion—with some limits. Several countries in Europe already apply a 12- or 15-week limit on terminations, although in practice U.S. state bans are much more restrictive.

    Now, at least, Trump will have a response when President Joe Biden attacks him and other Republicans for being too extreme on abortion. “The rule of politics is: When you’re talking generically about abortion rights, the Democrats are doing well, and when you’re talking about the details of abortion—number of weeks, parental consent—Republicans are winning,” Mike Murphy, a longtime Republican strategist (who says he’s not a fan of Trump), told me. Republicans, he said, will be able to put Democrats on the defensive by forcing them to justify abortion after 16 weeks—which would likely involve needing to make more complex arguments about how tests that reveal serious fetal abnormalities or maternal health risks typically take place as late as 20 weeks.

    Still, a ban is a ban. Although voters say in polls that they support some kind of abortion limit, at the ballot box, they haven’t. Last year, Glenn Youngkin, who flipped Virginia’s governorship from blue to red in 2021, persuaded several Republican candidates to coalesce around a 15-week abortion ban ahead of state elections in November. The position was meant to signal reasonableness and help turn the state legislature back to Republicans. But the strategy failed miserably: Democrats maintained their state-Senate majority and also flipped control of the House of Delegates.

    “Voters are seeing through the efforts to veil a position as moderate that’s actually an abortion ban,” Yasmin Radjy, the executive director of the progressive organization Swing Left, told me. And Trump’s 16-week position, she believes, would be “a huge miscalculation of where voters are.”

    At this point, any Trump endorsement of a national abortion limit is nothing more than strategic messaging—a ploy to win over moderate voters in the general election. Such a measure would require 60 votes in the Senate, which makes it virtually impossible to enact—even if Republicans win back majorities in the House and the Senate. It’s just not happening. Which is why the 16-week proposal is also a diversion.

    The question people should be asking is whether Trump will give free rein to the anti-abortion advisers in his orbit, Mary Ziegler, a law professor at the UC Davis School of Law, told me. The big thing those advisers are pushing for is the reinterpretation and enforcement of the Comstock Act. As I wrote in December, activists believe they can use this largely dormant 150-year-old anti-obscenity law to ban abortion nationally because it prohibits the shipping of any object that could be used for terminating pregnancies. The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, a 920-page playbook written by a collective of pro-Trump conservatives, urges the next Republican president to seek the criminal prosecution of those who send or receive abortion supplies under the Comstock Act. The 2025 plan also proposes that the FDA should withdraw its approval of the abortion drugs mifepristone and misoprostol.

    “Federal bans can’t pass,” one anti-abortion attorney, who requested anonymity in order to comment freely on a matter dear to his political allies, told me—but there’d be no need to try with Comstock on the books. The administration could kick Planned Parenthood out of Medicaid by saying that the women’s-health-care provider violates the act, he suggested. It could launch criminal investigations into abortion funds and abortion-pill distribution networks. Of course, if Trump is interested in doing any of that, he can’t mention it on the campaign trail, the attorney said: “It’s obviously a political loser, so just keep your mouth shut. Say you oppose a federal [legislative] ban, and see if that works” to get elected.

    Some of the authors of Project 2025—Gene Hamilton, Roger Severino, and Stephen Miller—have worked for Trump in the past, and would likely serve as close advisers in a second administration. The idea seems to be that Trump is so uninterested in the technical details of abortion-related matters that he’ll rely on this trusty circle of advisers to shape policy. We saw a similar approach during Trump’s first term, when the president’s senior aides would find ways not to do the extreme, dangerous things Trump wanted and hoped he wouldn’t notice. This time around, if Trump is reelected, his advisers seem likely to circumvent the president in order to accomplish their own extreme goals.

    “I hope they’re not talking to him about Comstock,” the attorney said. “I don’t want Trump to know Comstock exists.”

    When I reached Severino, who currently works for the Heritage Foundation and wrote the Project 2025 section on abortion policy, he declined to make any specific predictions about the strategy. But his answer hinted at his movement’s aspirations. “All I can say is that [Trump] had the most pro-life administration in history and adopted the most pro-life policy in history,” he said. “That’s our best indicator as to the type of policies that he would implement the second time around.”

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    Elaine Godfrey

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  • How to Make Sense of This Fall’s Messy COVID Data

    How to Make Sense of This Fall’s Messy COVID Data

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    It is a truth universally acknowledged among health experts that official COVID-19 data are a mess right now. Since the Omicron surge last winter, case counts from public-health agencies have become less reliable. PCR tests have become harder to access and at-home tests are typically not counted.

    Official case numbers now represent “the tip of the iceberg” of actual infections, Denis Nash, an epidemiologist at the City University of New York, told me. Although case rates may seem low now, true infections may be up to 20 times higher. And even those case numbers are no longer available on a daily basis in many places, as the CDC and most state agencies have switched to updating their data once a week instead of every day.

    How, then, is anyone supposed to actually keep track of the COVID-19 risk in their area—especially when cases are expected to increase this fall and winter? Using newer data sources, such as wastewater surveillance and population surveys, experts have already noticed potential signals of a fall surge: Official case counts are trending down across the U.S., but Northeast cities such as Boston are seeing more coronavirus in their wastewater, and the CDC reports that this region is a hotspot for further-mutated versions of the Omicron variant. Even if you’re not an expert, you can still get a clearer picture of how COVID-19 is hitting your community in the weeks ahead. You’ll simply need to understand how to interpret these alternate data sources.

    The problem with case data goes right to the source. Investment in COVID-19 tracking at the state and local levels has been in free fall, says Sam Scarpino, a surveillance expert at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Pandemic Prevention Initiative. “More recently, we’ve started to see lots of states sunsetting their reporting,” Scarpino told me. Since the Pandemic Prevention Initiative and the Pandemic Tracking Collective started publishing a state-by-state scorecard of breakthrough-case reporting in December 2021, the number of states with a failing grade has doubled. Scarpino considers this trend a “harbinger of what’s coming” as departments continue to shift resources away from COVID-19 reporting.

    Hospitalization data don’t suffer from the same reporting problems, because the federal government collects information directly from thousands of facilities across the country. But “hospitalizations often lag behind cases by a matter of weeks,” says Caroline Hugh, an epidemiologist and volunteer with the People’s CDC, an organization providing COVID-19 data and guidance while advocating for improved safety measures. Hospitalizations also don’t necessarily reflect transmission rates, which still matter if you want to stay safe. Some studies suggest, for example, that long COVID might now be more likely than hospitalization after an infection.

    For a better sense of how much the coronavirus is circulating, many experts are turning to wastewater surveillance. Samples from our sewage can provide an advanced warning of increased COVID-19 spread because everyone in a public-sewer system contributes data; the biases that hinder PCR test results don’t apply. As a result, Hugh and her colleagues at the People’s CDC consider wastewater trends to be more “consistent” than constantly fluctuating case numbers.

    When Omicron first began to wreak havoc in December 2021, “the wastewater data started to rise very steeply, almost two weeks before we saw the same rise” in case counts, Newsha Ghaeli, the president and a co-founder of the wastewater-surveillance company Biobot Analytics, told me. Biobot is now working with hundreds of sewage-sampling sites in all 50 states, Ghaeli said. The company’s national and regional dashboard incorporates data from every location in its network, but for more local data, you might need to go to a separate dashboard run by the CDC or by your state health department. Some states have wastewater surveillance in every county, while others have just a handful of sites. If your location is not represented, Ghaeli said, “the wastewater data from communities nearby is still very applicable.” And even if your county does have tracking, checking up on neighboring communities might be good practice. “A surge in a state next door … could very quickly turn into a surge locally,” Ghaeli explained.

    Ghaeli recommends watching how coronavirus levels in wastewater shift over time, rather than homing in on individual data points. Look at both “directionality” and “magnitude”: Are viral levels increasing or decreasing, and how do these levels compare with earlier points in the pandemic? A 10 percent uptick when levels are low is less concerning than a 10 percent uptick when the virus is already spreading widely.

    Researchers are still working to understand how wastewater data correlate with actual infections, because every community has unique waste patterns. For example, big cities differ from rural areas, and in some places, environmental factors such as rainfall or nearby agriculture may interfere with coronavirus tracking. Still, long-term-trend data are generally thought to be a good tool that can help sound the alarm on new surges.

    Wastewater data can help you figure out how much COVID-19 is spreading in a community and can even track all the variants circulating locally, but they can’t tell you who’s getting sick. To answer the latter question, epidemiologists turn to what Nash calls “active surveillance”: Rather than relying on the COVID-19 test results that happen to get reported to a public-health agency, actively seek out and ask people whether they recently got sick or tested positive.

    Nash and his team at CUNY have conducted population surveys in New York City and at the national level. The team’s most recent survey (which hasn’t yet been peer-reviewed), conducted from late June to early July, included questions about at-home test results and COVID-like symptoms. From a nationally representative survey of about 3,000 people, Nash and his team found that more than 17 percent of U.S. adults had COVID-19 during the two-week period—about 24 times higher than the CDC’s case counts at that time.

    Studies like these “capture people who might not be counted by the health system,” Nash told me. His team found that Black and Hispanic Americans and those with low incomes were more likely to get sick during the survey period, compared with the national estimate. The CDC and Census Bureau take a similar approach through the ongoing Household Pulse Survey.

    These surveys are “a goldmine of data,” though they need to be “carefully designed,” Maria Pyra, an epidemiologist and volunteer with the People’s CDC, told me. By showing the gap between true infections and officially reported cases, surveys like Nash’s can allow researchers to approximate how much COVID-19 is really spreading.

    Survey results may be delayed by weeks or months, however, and are typically published in preprints or news reports rather than on a health agency’s dashboard. They might also be biased by who chooses to respond or how questions are worded. Scarpino suggested a more timely option: data collected from cellphone locations or social media. The Delphi Group at Carnegie Mellon University, for example, provides data on how many people are Googling coldlike symptoms or seeking COVID-related doctor visits. While such trends aren’t a perfect proxy for case rates, they can be a helpful warning that transmission patterns are changing.

    Readers seeking to monitor COVID-19 this fall should “look as local as you can,” Scarpino recommended. That means examining county- or zip-code-level data, depending on what’s available for you. Nash suggested checking multiple data sources and attempting to “triangulate” between them. For example, if case data suggest that transmission is down, do wastewater data say the same thing? And how do the data match with local behavior? If a popular community event or holiday happened recently, low case numbers might need to be taken with a grain of salt.

    “We’re heading into a period where it’s going to be increasingly harder to know what’s going on with the virus,” Nash told me. Case numbers will continue to be undercounted, and dashboards may be updated less frequently. Pundits on Twitter are turning to Yankee Candle reviews for signs of surges. Helpful sources still exist, but piecing together the disparate data can be exhausting—after all, data reporting and interpretation should be a job for our public-health agencies, not for concerned individuals.

    Rather than accept this fragmented data status quo, experts would like to see improved public-health systems for COVID-19 and other diseases, such as monkeypox and polio. “If we get better at collecting and making available local, relevant infectious-disease data for decision making, we’re going to lead healthier, happier lives,” Scarpino said.

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    Betsy Ladyzhets

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