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Tag: shawn fain

  • UAW President Shawn Fain on members of his union voting Republican, support for Kamala Harris

    UAW President Shawn Fain on members of his union voting Republican, support for Kamala Harris

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    UAW President Shawn Fain on members of his union voting Republican, support for Kamala Harris – CBS News


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    Shawn Fain, president of the United Auto Workers union, joined CBS News to discuss members of his union voting for GOP candidates, the lack of a presidential endorsement so far from the Teamsters and his support for the Harris-Walz campaign.

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  • UAW president Shawn Fain on labor’s comeback: “This is what happens when workers get power”

    UAW president Shawn Fain on labor’s comeback: “This is what happens when workers get power”

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    Earlier this month, President Joe Biden paid a visit to the critical battleground state of Michigan. He came to Detroit – Motor City – to court union voters. Mr. Biden had just won the United Auto Workers’ endorsement, and he was eager to share the spotlight with UAW president Shawn Fain.

    Fain told the crowd, “You know what the hell’s going to happen if this man’s not president, because we’ve seen what happens. Labor went backwards.”

    “You all are the ones that brung me to the dance,” Mr. Biden told union workers. “And I never left it.”

    Fain wants to ramp up the fight over unions and workers’ rights, not just with auto companies, but with corporate leaders nationwide.

    Asked if he stood with Fain, President Biden said, “Absolutely, positively. Look, I don’t have anything against corporations. They’ve just got to start paying their fair share. The idea we have a thousand billionaires who are paying an average of 8.2 percent in federal tax? Come on, man!”

    fain-biden-costa.jpg
    United Auto Workers President Shawn Fain and President Joe Biden, with CBS News chief election & campaign correspondent Robert Costa. 

    CBS News


    Last September, Mr. Biden was the first sitting president to walk a union picket line, showing his support for the unprecedented six-week walk-out at all of the Big Three car makers. He told the workers, “Wall Street didn’t build this country; the middle class built this country.”

    The UAW went on to win historic contracts for 150,000 of its members, making Shawn Fain the standard-bearer for the labor movement’s comeback in 2023.

    “This is what happens when workers get power,” Fain said. “When the workers got this union back, they were able to elect their top leadership for the first time in history, and we saw massive change in a short amount of time, and we’re gonna continue to do that.”

    “You’ve shaken up the place,” said Costa.

    “Well, that’s what they elected me for.”

    uaw-pres-shawn-fain-1280.jpg
    UAW President Shawn Fain. 

    CBS News


    Fain was the first UAW president elected directly by membership, and within months he led shutdowns on assembly lines at Ford, GM, and Chrysler/Jeep parent company Stellantis. He also broke with tradition: while negotiations usually happened behind closed doors, Fain broadcast updates via Facebook to union members and the world at large. In one video he exclaimed, “All three companies wanted concessions on profit sharing. And we said, ‘Hell, no.’”

    Fain explained, “It was important to us to be, you know, open and transparent with the membership, not just in bargaining, but it’s in everything we’re doing.”

    The union’s new contracts not only make up for pay cuts workers took more than 15 years ago during the great recession; they provide a foothold for the union in Detroit’s electric vehicle future.

    Ford CEO Jim Farley recently warned the contracts will have “a business impact” on the automaker. Fain says impact is what he’s all about.

    A native of Kokomo, Indiana, the 55-year-old came up the ranks as an electrician, and still carries his grandfather’s union pay stub in his pocket. “I remember my grandfather talking about a 110-day strike at Chrysler back in 1950 to get pensions,” he said.

    “If you would have asked me when I was in high school, ‘Are you gonna be an electrician one day?’ I would have laughed and like, are you kidding me?”

    He recalled the difficulties of being on unemployment: “When my first daughter was born, we were getting WIC. It was a humbling experience. But experiences like that, they laid a groundwork for me for what was important in life and why things mattered and why wages mattered, why having good jobs mattered, why having good benefits mattered.”

    From Hollywood actors and writers, to hotel and hospital workers, even neighborhood baristas, last year’s labor protests were like a dam bursting. From 2021 to 2023 the Big Three automakers made more than $100 billion in profits (according to the Economic Policy Institute), while average auto worker pay has fallen nearly twenty percent from pre-recession levels.

    Fain said, “What gave us power at the bargaining table was the company saw how eager members were to go out on strike, and when we were calling plants to go out on strike, that plants that didn’t get called were disappointed. It was just a matter of when and how long it was gonna take, because I knew our members had the resolve to make it happen. 

    “This is our generation’s defining moment,” he said.

    According to Kate Bronfenbrenner, a professor at Cornell University’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations, “If unions don’t run the kind of campaigns that force employers to come to the table and bargain with them, because the cost of not bargaining with them is greater than the cost of bargaining with them, they aren’t going to be able to build their power and organize more workers. Workers aren’t stupid; they know that the companies weren’t going to give them that bump.”

    Bronfenbrenner notes the American public sided overwhelmingly with striking autoworkers: “They had given huge concessions in 2007. Now the companies were making money and they weren’t sharing it. They had risked their lives during COVID. And so, [Fain] did a very good job of getting the public to see those issues. This was about something that was fair, and this was just, and that we’re living in a time where corporations are taking too much.”

    Fain may come across as mild-mannered, but he also rails against the “billionaire class,” and has even worn T-shirts that say “Eat the Rich.”

    “I don’t think billionaires should exist,” he said. “No one needs that much money. I think it’s inhumane. Pick any city, walk around, you know, you see people starving, people without basic necessities. There’s no excuse for that. And it’s not because people are lazy or don’t want to work. The billionaires that keep amassing more and more wealth, so they can build rocket ships and do whatever the hell they want to do, that does nothing for humanity.”

    “Your critics say that’s class warfare,” said Costa.

    “Yeah, class warfare has been going on in this country for the last 40 years – the billionaire class has been taking everything and leaving the working class with nothing,” Fain replied.  “Whenever working class people ever step up and say, ‘This is wrong, we want it to stop,’ all of a sudden, Oh, it’s class warfare. It’s the end of the world.

    If there is a labor war being waged in America, the front lines are in the non-union factories of the South and Midwest. Volkswagen’s plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee, builds their latest electric cars – and it’s a top target of UAW organizers.

    Fain told workers in Tennessee, “When the company uses fear, we’re gonna come back with facts. And these are the facts: You know, Volkswagen made $78 billion since 2020 in profit. They paid out $24 billion in dividends to corporate executives and shareholders. The CEO of Volkswagen makes $12 million a year.”

    shawn-fain-vw-plant-a.jpg
    United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain speaks outside Volkswagen’s plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee. 

    CBS News


    The UAW has tried twice before in the past decade to organize in Chattanooga. What’s changed since then? After the UAW’s recent victories, non-union automakers (including Honda, Toyota, Hyundai and VW) offered raises, too. But the extra pay came without the union’s benefits or job protections.

    Fain explained coming into a more hostile territory: “We don’t ever rest,” he said. “Workers deserve justice.”

    “Sunday Morning” was there in December when workers tried to petition management for a meeting with organizers.

    In a statement to “Sunday Morning,” Volkswagen Group of America said: “Volkswagen is proud of our 5,500 employees who power our world-class assembly plant in Chattanooga. Our culture has been built through frequent, transparent, and two-way dialogue with our people. We respect their democratic right to determine who should represent their interests in the workplace without interference, intimidation, or misinformation.”

    But Volkswagen worker Shaun Lawler says skepticism of the UAW runs deep in the community. When asked how his family views unions, he replied, “They don’t see it as a good opportunity; they see layoffs.”

    What do they call unions? “They call them communist,” Lawler said.

    Still, after the UAW’s success last year, 13-year Volkswagen employee Vicky Holloway says the union’s time has come. “I really think we have a chance this time,” she said. “Unless your eyes are just closed and your ears, and you just don’t hear anything, then you realize that we do need a union.”

    The UAW now says a union vote in Chattanooga is approaching. It will be another defining moment for Shawn Fain – and for the American labor movement.

    “You know, organized labor led the way for the American dream,” he said. “And that’s fallen by the wayside over the last 40 years. And it is our obligation to humanity to change that.”

    And, he adds, he’s not going to give up: “Not at all. That’s the mission.”

          
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    Story produced by Ed Forgotson. Editor: Ed Givnish. 

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  • UAW president Shawn Fain on labor’s comeback

    UAW president Shawn Fain on labor’s comeback

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    UAW president Shawn Fain on labor’s comeback – CBS News


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    Last year unionized auto workers who walked out at the big three car makers won generous contracts, making up for pay cuts they’d taken during the Great Recession. It marked a comeback for the labor movement, and a notable achievement for United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain, who came up the ranks as an auto plant electrician, and still carries his grandfather’s union pay stub in his pocket. CBS News chief election & campaign correspondent Robert Costa talks with Fain about the increase in public support for unions; and about efforts to organize auto workers in Southern states that are traditionally less friendly to unions.

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  • Donald Trump and UAW President Shawn Fain exchange barbs: ‘Get rid of this dope’

    Donald Trump and UAW President Shawn Fain exchange barbs: ‘Get rid of this dope’

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    Donald Trump and UAW President Shawn Fain exchange barbs: 'Get rid of this dope'

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  • UAW accuses Honda, Hyundai and VW of union-busting

    UAW accuses Honda, Hyundai and VW of union-busting

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    UAW to organize workers at all US nonunion factories after winning new contracts in Detroit


    UAW to organize workers at all US nonunion factories after winning new contracts in Detroit

    07:38

    Honda, Hyundai and Volkswagen are illegally trying to intimidate workers organizing with the United Auto Workers at three U.S. manufacturing plants, the labor union said Monday in announcing that it has filed a complaint accusing the car makers of unfair labor practices.

    Honda workers are being targeted and surveilled by management for pro-union activity at the company’s plant in Greensburg, Indiana, while VW executives have confiscated and destroyed pro-union materials at the company’s plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee, according to the UAW. At Hyundai’s plant in Montgomery, Alabama, managers have unlawfully banned pro-union materials in non-work areas outside of normal working hours, the union claims. 

    “These companies are breaking the law in an attempt to get autoworkers to sit down and shut up instead of fighting for their fair share,” UAW President Shawn Fain, who was scheduled to livestream an update to non-union autoworkers Monday at 5 p.m. Eastern, said in a statement.

    Volkswagen said it takes such claims seriously and that it would investigate accordingly. “We are committed to providing clear, transparent and timely information that helps educate our employees and managers on their legal rights and obligations,” a spokesperson told CBS MoneyWatch in an email. 

    “We are filing an unfair labor practice charge against Honda because of management illegally telling us to remove union stickers from our hats, and for basically threatening us with write-ups,” Honda worker Josh Cupit said in a video released by More Perfect Union, a labor advocacy group.

    Honda and Hyundai did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

    The companies are among 10 foreign automakers the UAW said in November it would seek to unionize after the labor group reached contract agreements with Detroit’s Big Three automakers.  Although the trio are based overseas, the automakers — as well as BMW, Nissan, Mazda, Mercedes, Subaru, Toyota and Volvo — have manufacturing plants in the U.S. The UAW said its union drive would largely focus on factories in the South, where its recruiting efforts have so far yielded little success. 

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  • ‘Pony up’: In strategic shift, UAW says added strikes could come “at any time” | CNN Business

    ‘Pony up’: In strategic shift, UAW says added strikes could come “at any time” | CNN Business

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    CNN
     — 

    UAW President Shawn Fain said the union would not expand its strike against the Big Three automakers on Friday, but that the UAW stood ready to add more workers to the picket lines at any time as its labor action enters a new phase.

    “We are prepared at any time to call on more locals to stand up and walk out,” Fain said in a livestream update on negotiations. He later added: “We changed the rules. Now there is only one rule – pony up.”

    The announcement marks a tactical shift, Fain said. Previously the UAW had announced strike expansions on Fain’s weekly Friday updates. But now, as part of the union’s strategy to keep the automakers off balance, Fain said strike expansions could come at any day of the week, at any time.

    This past Wednesday for the first time it announced an expansion midweek, and without warning, when 8,700 UAW members went on strike suddenly at Ford’s largest factory, the Kentucky Truck Plant in Louisville.

    “We’re entering a new phase of this strike, and it demands a new approach,” Fain said. “We’re done waiting until Fridays to escalate our strike.”

    Fain said that the companies had started to wait until Fridays to make progress in their bargaining positions, and that the union is changing it strategy in order to speed up progress in negotiations.

    “A negotiation requires both sides making movement. If they’re not ready to move, we’re going to give them a push in a language they understand – dollars and cents,” he said.

    This is the first time that the union has gone on strike against GM, Ford and Stellantis at the same time. But rather than shut down any of the companies’ US operations completely, the union has targeted its strike against specific facilities, and then expanded the strike gradually in order to increase pressure at the bargaining table.

    The Kentucky Truck Plant is a key money maker for Ford, assembling heavy duty pickup trucks and full-size SUVs and producing $25 billion in annual sales, or about one-sixth of its revenue. It also produced an estimated $150 million in profits a week, according to an estimate from Colin Langan, auto analyst at Wells Fargo.

    Ford officials told reporters Thursday that the company has gone as far as it can on the additional money it can offer members.

    “We have reached our limit. We’ve actually stretched ourselves to get to this point,” said Kumar Galhotra, president of Ford Blue, which is the unit that sells most of Ford’s gasoline-powered cars to consumers. “We are still working to get this done. We’re open to moving some money around within the deal that might fit the union’s needs better, but in terms of cost of deal, we’re there. We have been very clear, we’re at the limit. Going further will hurt our ability to invest in the business as we need to invest.”

    Fain mocked that statement from Ford, saying that while Ford has recovered well since the Great Recession, its workers have seen only modest pay increases, which were outweighed by rising prices.

    “I found a pathetic irony in that statement,” he said on Friday. “You know who stretched themselves? The Ford workers who didn’t get a single raise for a decade.”

    Fain said the union is in a strong bargaining position and has already achieved a lot in negotiations, but not enough to make up for past concessions by workers.

    “We’re at the point in this process where we’re looking for one thing only – a deal,” Fain said. “We’re not giving these companies an extra hour, or an extra day. They know what needs to happen, and they know how to get it done. Taking out Kentucky Truck sent a very clear message not only to Ford, but to GM and Stellantis as well. Don’t you dare slow walk us or low ball us. We will take out whatever plants you force us to.”

    The companies are on record as offering members an immediate 10% raise to union members and additional raises totaling 10 percentage points or more during the life of the contracts, which are likely to run through the spring of 2028.

    The companies are also agreeing to some kind of return of the cost-of-living adjustment (COLA) to union pay scales to protect workers from rising prices. The union gave up the COLA in 2007, as well as traditional pension plans and health care coverage for retirees for workers hired after the concession contracts reached that year.

    In addition, a week ago, Fain announced that GM had agreed to a major union demand to place workers at new and planned EV battery plants under the national master agreement at the company.

    GM, Ford and Stellatis have all announced plans to shift from traditional gasoline-powered vehicles to electric vehicles, or EVs. That would end the need for the jobs in their current plants that build engines and transmissions.

    All three are in the process of building at least three plants each, almost all in joint ventures with Asian battery makers, that will be used to power EVs. All are expected to pay significantly less than UAW members at those engine and transmission plants are now paid.

    Going into negotiations, the companies had insisted the battery plant workers would be employees of the joint ventures, not the companies themselves, and that their pay scale would not be included in this contract.

    Details of what GM has agreed upon in relation to workers battery plant workers is not yet known, as GM has not confirmed the tentative agreement on the issue. Ford officials have said they also have been negotiating with the union on the battery plant issue and that progress had been made, without giving details.

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  • Why is the UAW on strike? These are their contract demands as they negotiate with the Big Three

    Why is the UAW on strike? These are their contract demands as they negotiate with the Big Three

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    As the United Auto Workers enters day four of its strike against Detroit’s Big Three, the stakes are getting higher for automakers Ford, General Motors and Stellantis. UAW President Shawn Fain has threatened to target more factories for work stoppages if “serious progress” toward an agreement isn’t reached by Friday at noon. 

    What do striking autoworkers want? Here is a list of contract demands the union is making at the negotiating table.

    Pay increases and cost of living adjustments

    The UAW is asking automakers for a 36% pay increase across a four-year contract. For now, however, the sides remain far apart on a wage hike.

    Stellantis — which owns Chrysler, Dodge, Jeep and Ram, along with major foreign brands including Citroën, Peugeot and Maserati) — on Saturday offered a 21% wage increase over four years, with an immediate 10% bump when a new contract is signed. The union summarily rejected the offer.  

    “It’s definitely a no-go,” Fain told CBS News’ “Face the Nation” on Sunday of Stellantis’ proposal. “We’ve made that very clear to the companies.” 

    The UAW also wants the Big Three to reinstate annual cost of living adjustments, arguing that inflation is eating away worker paychecks. For decades, the Detroit automakers offered a COLA, but stopped after GM and Chryslers went bankrupt following the 2008 financial crisis.

    Adjusting for inflation, autoworkers have seen their average wages fall 19.3% since 2008, according to Adam Hersh, senior economist at the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute. That’s because autoworker “concessions made following the 2008 auto industry crisis were never reinstated,” Hersh said in a recent blog post, “including a suspension of cost-of-living adjustments.” 

    End of wage tiers

    The UAW wants the Big Three to scrap its two-tiered wage structure. Under that system, top-tier workers — meaning anyone who joined the company in 2007 or earlier — earn an average of roughly $33 an hour. But those hired after 2007 are classified as lower tier and earn far less — up to about $17 an hour.

    Lower-tier employees also aren’t eligible for defined benefit pensions, and their health benefits are less generous. The UAW says that paying employees half as much for doing the same work amounts is unfair. 

    Defined benefit pension plans for all

    Currently, UAW workers who were hired after 2007 don’t receive defined benefit pensions. For years, the union gave up general pay raises and lost cost-of-living wage increases to help the companies control costs. 

    “The majority of our members do not get a pension nowadays. It’s crazy,” Fain complained while speaking to Ford workers last month at a plant in Louisville, Kentucky. 

    Art Wheaton, director of labor studies at Cornell University’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations in Buffalo, believes the union will ultimately lose its battle for the return of pensions.

    “I think the chances of them winning even most of what they’re looking for is between slim and none,” said Wheaton. For example, he said, “I wouldn’t hold my breath for [the return of pension plans]. Almost no one in any industry is adding those today.”

    “But you never ask for the minimum, you ask for more than what you want to reach a deal,” he said.


    UAW worker on Ford layoffs, CEO salaries and automakers’ “family” culture

    05:10

    Four-day workweek and more time off

    Along with substantial pay raises, more paid time off and pension benefits, one of the changes UAW leaders have been bargaining for is a four-day workweek, working 32 hours for 40 hours of pay, and more time off “to spend with family,” according to the UAW site.

    “Our members are working 60, 70, even 80 hours a week just to make ends meet. That’s not living. It’s barely surviving and it needs to stop,” Fain said last month on Facebook Live, explaining the demands of the union. 

    Advocating for shorter workweeks is not a new concept for auto workers. Congress amended federal labor laws in 1940, limiting the workweek to 40 hours, but nearly 15 years earlier, Ford Motors became one of the first companies to implement a 40-hour week.

    Right to strike, family protection

    The union is also asking for the right to strike over plant closings.

    “The Big Three have closed 65 plants over the last 20 years,” according to the UAW’s website. “That’s devastated our hometowns. We must have the right to defend our communities.” 

    With that in mind, the union also wants to implement a “working family protection program” that pays UAW to do community service work if the companies shut down a facility.

    Perhaps most important to the union is that it be allowed to represent workers at 10 electric vehicle battery factories, most of which are being built by joint ventures between automakers and South Korean battery makers. The union wants those plants to receive top UAW wages. In part that’s because workers who now make components for internal combustion engines will need a place to work as the industry transitions to EVs.

    Retiree health care 

    In addition to a return of traditional pension payment plans and significantly higher pay for retired workers, the union is seeking health care for all retired UAW members. Workers hired before 2007 still have those benefits. But those hired since – a majority of hourly workers – do not.

    The UAW gave up the pension plans and retiree health care for new hires and COLA for all members when GM and Chrysler were hurtling toward bankruptcy in 2009. But it will be difficult for the union to convince management to reinstate those benefits, said Patrick Anderson, CEO of Anderson Economic Group, a Michigan research firm. 

    Limited use of temporary workers 

    The union is also demanding that the automakers limit their use temporary workers, who under the tiered-wage system receive the least pay and no benefits. 

    “We are going to end the abuse of temps. Our fight at the Big Three is a fight for every worker,” the UAW states on its website.

    “Audacious” demands

    Fain himself has acknowledged that the union’s demands are “audacious.” But he contends that the automakers can afford to raise workers’ pay significantly.

    Over the past decade, the Detroit Three have emerged as robust profit-makers. They’ve collectively posted net income of $164 billion, $20 billion of it this year. The CEOs of all three major automakers earn multiple millions in annual compensation.

    “Companies have made some significant offers, but I believe it should go further — to ensure record corporate profits mean record contracts,” President Biden said Friday as he addressed the decision by UAW’s decision to strike

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  • UAW’s Shawn Fain says he’s fighting against “poverty wages” and “greedy CEOs.” Here’s what to know.

    UAW’s Shawn Fain says he’s fighting against “poverty wages” and “greedy CEOs.” Here’s what to know.

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    With the United Auto Workers’ strike against the big three automakers, union leader Shawn Fain told CBS News’ Face the Nation that he’s fighting against “poverty wages” and “greedy CEOs.” His fiery rhetoric and creative approach to the strike is underscoring his difference with prior union management, according to experts. 

    Fain was relatively unknown outside the union until September 14, when Detroit’s Big Three automakers failed to reach a new labor agreement before their contract with UAW members expired. Since the strike began, Fain has become the public face of the union’s fight to extract higher wages and benefits from the automakers. 

    He’s also earning comparisons to Senator Bernie Sanders, the independent from Vermont, with comments such as Fain’s remark to Face the Nation on Sunday that “the billionaire class keeps taking more and more and the working class keeps getting left behind.”

    “He’s creative, I will give him that,” Harry Katz, the Jack Sheinkman Professor of Collective Bargaining at Cornell University, told CBS MoneyWatch. “He seems to want to prove over and over to the members that he’s different.”

    United Auto Workers Go On Strike After Contract Talks Break Down
    Shawn Fain, president of the United Auto Workers (UAW), speaks to the crowd during a UAW rally in Detroit, Michigan, US, on Friday, Sept. 15, 2023. The United Auto Workers began an unprecedented strike at all three of the legacy Detroit carmakers, kicking off a potentially costly and protracted showdown over wages and job security. 

    Emily Elconin/Bloomberg via Getty Images


    Fain was elected as president of the UAW just six months ago in a tight runoff race that tipped in his favor by only a few hundred votes. In the lead-up to the election, Fain stressed that he wanted to run the union differently, criticizing prior management for being “way too close” to automakers and failing to fight for their workers.

    “To me, we’re at a crossroads,” Fain told Bloomberg Law in 2022 as he was running for election to be UAW president. “We have to get leaders in there who are going to take action and be proactive and not wait for things to happen then react to it.”

    Here’s what to know about Fain. 

    When did Shawn Fain join the UAW?

    Fain, 54, started with the UAW in 1994, when he worked as an electrician for Chrysler at its Kokomo Casting Plant in Kokomo, Indiana, his hometown. 

    The union was familiar to Fain as he comes from a family of UAW members, with his grandfather starting at Chrysler in 1937, the year that workers at that automaker joined the union. Two of his grandparents were UAW GM retirees, and Fain carries one of his grandfather’s pay stubs in his wallet to remind him of his family’s beginnings. 


    UAW says strike could expand, Ford cuts 600 jobs

    08:28

    His role in the union included serving his local at “every level,” according to the UAW. That included being elected five terms as a skilled trades committeeman and the plant shop chairman for Local 1166. 

    Shop chair is “among the most demanding jobs in the union in that you’re dealing with grievances and issues on the shop floor all the time,” University of California, Berkeley professor Harley Shaiken told NPR.

    In 2009, he became a UAW negotiator, and then in 2012 became an international representative. 

    What is Fain known for?

    In prior years, Fain was outspoken about some labor agreements, telling Bloomberg News that he was against ratifying a two-tier initiative in 2007 that meant new hires would be paid at a lower rate and be excluded from some traditional benefits such as a pension plan.

    “I faced a lot of blowback back then,” he noted. 

    But it was an embezzlement scandal at the UAW that opened the door to new voices like Fain in the union’s top leadership. That case involved more than a dozen UAW officials who were accused of siphoning money for their own uses, ranging from gambling to buying cocaine.

    US-AUTO-LABOR-UNIONS-STRIKE
    Fain stands among members of the UAW outside of the UAW Local 900 headquarters across the street from the Ford Assembly Plant in Wayne, Michigan, after midnight on Friday, September 15, as a deadline expired to reach a deal with employers on a new contract. 

    MATTHEW HATCHER/AFP via Getty Images


    What was Fain doing during the UAW scandal?

    During the embezzlement scandal, Fain was working as an international representative at the Stellantis training center, overseeing the skills training programs. Stellantis, which was formed in 2021 in a merger between Fiat Chrysler and European automaker Groupe PSA, owns Chrysler, Dodge, Jeep and RAM, along with major foreign brands including Citroën, Peugeot and Maserati.

    “I always felt like leadership was way too close to the company, but really the only people who could know what was really happening were the people who had to sign off on expenditures. I wasn’t in that type of role then,” he told Bloomberg News. “I’ve been working with the federal government, with teams of attorneys — everything — trying to clean up and reorganize.”

    What is Shawn Fain’s salary?

    The most recent data available on Fain’s salary with the UAW is from 2022, prior to his election as president, according to the U.S. Labor Department. Last year, Fain earned $160,130 as an administrative assistant for the union, a union filing shows. 

    Prior UAW president Raymond Curry earned $267,126 that year. 

    What does the UAW want from the automakers? 

    Fain told CBS News’ Face the Nation on Sunday that the union’s demands “are just. We’re asking for our fair share in this economy and the fruits of our labor.” 

    The strike involves three factories: a GM assembly plant in Wentzville, Missouri; a Ford assembly plant in Wayne, Michigan; and a Stellantis assembly complex in Toledo, Ohio. The plants build some of the automakers’ most popular vehicles, including the Jeep Wrangler and the Ford Bronco.

    The UAW’s goal is to pressure automakers to provide a 36% pay increase across a four-year contract; pension benefits for all employees; limited use of temporary workers; more paid time off, including a four-day workweek; and more job protections, including the right to strike over plant closings. 

    Is Fain’s strategy working? 

    His strategy of targeting three factories in the UAW’s initial move “certainly created more uncertainty,” said Cornell’s Katz. Fain likely wants to prove “he’s a tough, militant guy that’s not going to agree to concessions.”

    But it’s likely that the labor dispute will be settled due to economic circumstances, rather than due to the influence of individual labor leaders, he added. The fact is, Katz added, that the autoworkers are bargaining from a position of strength, and as thus are likely to earn many — but not all — of their demands. 


    What the UAW union is demanding and how the strike will affect the economy

    08:42

    For instance, because the labor market is tight, autoworkers’ spouses or partners are likely working, giving the employees more bargaining power and economic flexibility to handle a strike, he added. 

    The UAW “will get a strong agreement — it’s a question of how and when they reach a compromise,” Katz said. 

    Katz’s prediction: the UAW will win a 3% annual raise in base pay over a multi-year contract, as well as a reinstatement of the cost-of-living adjustment and a lump-sum payment to make up for the hit from inflation during the pandemic. Some temporary workers will be converted into permanent employees, and the wages of the bottom-tier workers will be brought up closer to the top tier. But, he added, it’s unlikely they UAW get the return of a traditional pension. 

    “I would reject [the automakers’] offers just as he is rejecting them,” Katz added. “More power to him. When company profits and sales are strong, there’s a low employment rate and a strong economy, unions do rather well.” 

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  • UAW president Shawn Fain says 21% pay hike offered by Chrysler parent Stellantis is a “no-go”

    UAW president Shawn Fain says 21% pay hike offered by Chrysler parent Stellantis is a “no-go”

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    UAW president Shawn Fain says 21% pay hike offered by Chrysler parent Stellantis is a “no-go” – CBS News


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    With autoworkers at the Big Three plants walking off the job at the same time for the first time in history, UAW president Shawn Fain tells “Face the Nation” that the 21% pay hike offered by Chrysler parent Stellantis is a “no-go.” “We’re asking for our fair share in this economy,” he said

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  • 9/17: Face The Nation

    9/17: Face The Nation

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    9/17: Face The Nation – CBS News


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    This week on “Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan,” days after the Big Three go on strike at the same time for the first time in history, we talk to United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain and Rep. Debbie Dingell of Michigan. Plus, Republican House intelligence chair Mike Turner of Ohio and Democratic Senate intelligence chair Mark Warner of Virginia.

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  • Open: This is

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    Open: This is “Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan,” Sept. 17, 2023 – CBS News


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    This week on “Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan,” days after the Big Three go on strike at the same time for the first time in history, we talk to United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain and Rep. Debbie Dingell of Michigan. Plus, Republican House intelligence chair Mike Turner of Ohio and Democratic Senate intelligence chair Mark Warner of Virginia.

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  • The Real Issue in the UAW Strike

    The Real Issue in the UAW Strike

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    The United Automobile Workers’ strike against the Big Three manufacturers that began earlier today is exacerbating the most significant political vulnerability of President Joe Biden’s drive to build a clean-energy economy.

    A trio of bills Biden passed through Congress during his first two years in the Oval Office has generated a torrent of private-sector investment into clean-energy projects. But so far most of that green investment and the jobs it will create are flowing into red-leaning communities that are generally hostile to both the Democratic Party and labor unions.

    Congressional Democrats provided all the votes for the legislation that is catalyzing the rapid growth of the new green economy. But with so many of the new energy projects benefiting red places, many people in progressive circles worry that this historic transformation will fail to generate either sufficient political rewards for the president and congressional Democrats, or as many good-paying, blue-collar jobs as Biden has repeatedly promised.

    Fear that the shift to electric vehicles will reduce the number of quality jobs in the auto industry is the backdrop for the strike the UAW launched at midnight today. In both public and private, union officials have made clear their belief that the auto industry is using the technological transition to mask a second, economic, transition. They worry that the companies are using the shift from internal-combustion engines to carbon-free electric vehicles to simultaneously shift more of their operations from high-paying union jobs mostly in northern states to lower-paying, nonunion jobs mostly in southern states.

    Moreover, the union and its allies worry that the massive federal subsidies Biden’s agenda is providing the companies for the EV transition is inadvertently underwriting that transition toward lower-wage and nonunion plants. As Shawn Fain, the UAW’s new president, put it earlier this week: “There’s a lot with the EV transition that has to happen, and there’s … hundreds of billions of our taxpayer dollars that are helping fund this, and workers cannot continue to be left behind in that equation.”

    As the strike approached, the Biden administration took conspicuous steps to respond to those concerns by announcing a suite of multibillion-dollar Department of Energy loans and grants designed to  incentivize the auto companies to convert existing, unionized plants to EV production.

    “The president’s policy position is absolutely clear: He’s pro-union,” one senior White House official, who asked not to be identified while describing internal discussions, told me. “He thinks that companies that are receiving the benefits should respect the right to organize, should not interfere with workers’ ability to exercise that right, and he wants to see these jobs be good union jobs. From a policy perspective there is no daylight between the president’s policy preferences and where the UAW is, or the other unions are.”

    The challenge for the Biden administration in delivering on that pledge is the decisions that the auto companies and other industries are making in response to the bills he signed to promote more domestic investment: the bipartisan infrastructure law, a measure to encourage more U.S. production of semiconductors, and the Inflation Reduction Act, which contains federal assistance for the domestic manufacture and deployment of low-carbon energy sources.

    The tax subsidies and federal grants and loans in those bills have triggered a towering wave of new domestic investments across a broad range of industries producing clean energy. The big auto manufacturers alone have announced nearly $90 billion in spending on manufacturing facilities to produce EVs in just the past two years, according to the Center for Automotive Research, a nonpartisan Michigan-based think tank. Suppliers to the companies, including firms producing semiconductors for automotive use, are investing billions more in the EV transition. Brookings Metro, a nonpartisan think tank, calculated that total private-sector investment in EV manufacturing under Biden has reached nearly $140 billion. This building surge dwarfs the typical amount of annual investment in the auto industry over the past quarter century, but still likely represents only a down payment on what’s ahead. “There’s a lot of innovation that is going to happen over the next 20 years, in terms of product, process, technology,” Alan Amici, the center’s president and CEO, told me.

    For Democrats, the rub is how much of this capital is flowing into red places hostile to unions and represented by House and Senate Republicans who voted against the legislation that triggered the investments. (Every House Republican this spring also voted to repeal all of the Inflation Reduction Act’s incentives for clean-energy production.) The biggest recipients of the new investments include more red states than blue ones, Brookings has determined.

    Red states are receiving so many of the new projects partly because they have lower tax rates and electricity costs. But most analysts agree that companies have also channeled so much of their new investments toward red states because most of them have “right to work” laws that make it more difficult for unions to organize.

    In the auto industry, this preference for states resistant to unions has translated into a surge of investment in the South. Brookings Metro calculated that the South has attracted 55 percent of the total private investment in electric vehicles and batteries under Biden. That’s more than double the portion of the new clean-vehicle investment that has flowed into the Midwest, whose existing auto plants are largely unionized. That torrent of new money includes plans to build EVs or their batteries by Hyundai and Rivian in Georgia, Toyota in North Carolina, Tesla in Texas, BMW in South Carolina, Mercedes-Benz in Alabama, General Motors in Tennessee, and Ford in Tennessee and Kentucky.

    The EV investments announced so far are projected to generate at least 65,000 jobs across the region, Stan Cross, the electric-transportation-policy director for the Southern Alliance for Clean Energy, told me. Far more job growth is virtually certain in the years ahead, Cross said, largely because such investment patterns are self-reinforcing: Companies that provide parts for the big manufacturers are already locating around their new southern plants, such as the $1 billion in investment announced by suppliers near Hyundai’s Georgia facility.

    This southern EV boom is reinforcing a long-term shift in the auto industry’s center of gravity that has weakened the UAW’s position. Heavily unionized, Democratic-leaning Michigan still employs many more people in the industry than any other state. But starting in the mid-1990s in plants by Mercedes in Alabama and BMW in South Carolina, the industry’s employment has steadily shifted to the South. Since the early ’90s, the South’s share of total auto-industry employment has roughly doubled from 15 to about 30 percent, while the Midwest’s share has fallen, from 60 to about 45 percent, Karl Kuykendall, a regional economist at S&P Global Market Intelligence, told me. Kuykendall said he “would not be surprised” if the pace of this regional transition accelerates as the companies move deeper into the technological transition to electric vehicles.

    Hardly any of the auto plants in the South are unionized. And wages even for manufacturing workers are much lower in the region and in other red states than in the Midwest, as Michael Podhorzer, a former political director for the AFL-CIO, has calculated. The disparity between largely union and nonunion regions across the U.S. creates an enormous challenge for the UAW. In the strike that began this morning, it is seeking a raise of about 40 percent over the next four years, and the restoration of automatic pay increases for inflation, as well as health and retirement benefits that it surrendered when the companies faced bankruptcy amid the 2008 financial crisis. But even if the union succeeds at winning a favorable contract, that could just increase the incentive for the auto industry to shift more jobs to nonunion plants across the South.

    While foreign automakers have invested heavily in the South, the fabled Big Three domestic auto manufacturers (General Motors, Ford, and Stellantis) still mostly rely on facilities across the industrial Midwest. But the announcements by Ford and GM that they plan to build battery plants in Kentucky and Tennessee may signal a shift in that strategy. As important to the UAW, Ford, GM, and Stellantis are structuring their EV-battery plants, in the North and the South, as joint ventures with foreign partners that are not subject to the national labor agreement the companies are now negotiating. The union has to negotiate separate contracts with those plants—where the companies are offering much lower wages than in their unionized facilities.

    “From all evidence, automakers appear to be utilizing the shift to electric vehicles to do everything in their power to lower job quality for the very workers they are relying on to make this transition happen,” Jason Walsh, an executive director of the BlueGreen Alliance, a coalition of labor unions and environmentalists, told me. Those concerns have prompted the UAW to demand in the contract talks that the auto companies guarantee that workers now building internal-combustion-engine vehicles will be assured jobs as the companies switch toward manufacturing more EVs.

    Early on, the Biden administration appeared somewhat obtuse to these concerns, even though Biden has sympathized more overtly with organized labor than any other Democratic president in decades. Speaking before a Silicon Valley industry group in early June, Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm turned heads among labor leaders when she said the administration was “agnostic” about where companies choose to site their clean-energy investments.

    Her department, perhaps reflecting that perspective, a few weeks later approved more than $9 billion in federal loan guarantees to Ford and a Korean partner to build their EV-battery plants in Kentucky and Tennessee, two right-to-work states. Fain, the union president, immediately issued a statement condemning the loan guarantees and declaring that the administration was “actively funding” a “race to the bottom” in wages and benefits “with billions in public money.”

    Fain’s message appears to have been received. The administration’s tone was different in late August, when the Energy Department announced that it was making available $2 billion in grants and $10 billion in loan guarantees under the Inflation Reduction Act (as well as another $3.5 billion in grants under the infrastructure bill) to subsidize the conversion of existing plants to make electric vehicles and their batteries. “We are going to focus on financing projects that are in long-standing automaking communities, that keep folks already working on the payroll, projects that advance collective bargaining agreements, that create high-paying, long-lasting jobs,” Granholm told reporters at the time.

    That message reflected Biden’s own priorities, the senior White House official told me this week: “All I would say is, the president is not ‘agnostic’” about where the clean-energy investments are flowing. “He’s the president for all of America. But all of America ought to respect the right to organize. He is trying to move the system toward good-paying jobs and more union density.”

    Labor allies agree the administration is now focusing more on the potential challenges for workers in the EV transition than it did earlier in Biden’s presidency. The late-August Energy Department announcement “is a very clear indication that the Biden administration is hearing what union workers are saying and is trying their best to be responsive to that,” Walsh said.

    The problem for the administration is that it has limited tools to shape how the auto companies make their investments. Generally, under the kind of federal loan and grant programs that Granholm made available in August, the administration can encourage companies to preserve existing plants and also to remain neutral in labor organizing campaigns when the firms open new clean-vehicle facilities. All indications point to Biden using that leverage more aggressively than he did earlier in his presidency. Over time, the senior White House official said, the administration “has strengthened its negotiating posture” to demand “stronger community benefits” from companies seeking the loans or grants.

    But the Inflation Reduction Act’s biggest incentives for building electric vehicles are generous tax credits for both producers and consumers. And those credits are available to companies that build and source a specified share of their materials for EVs domestically whether or not they use union labor. When the House passed its version of the Inflation Reduction Act in 2021, it included another $4,500 tax credit to consumers for EVs built largely with union labor, but Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia, a Democrat, insisted on the removal of that provision as one price for his vote that allowed the overall package to pass the Senate.

    That now looks like an extraordinarily consequential concession. “This is happening because Joe Manchin pulled the union requirements out of the IRA and that really opened the door to this perverse situation where, by law, the administration has constraints about how far it can push to ensure that there are going to be good quality jobs in this transition,” says Adam Hersh, a senior economist at the Economist Policy Institute, a left-leaning think tank.

    Looming over all these maneuvers is former President Donald Trump’s relentless attack on Biden’s clean-energy agenda. In speeches, Trump has repeatedly declared that Biden’s intertwined proposals to promote EVs will “kill countless union autoworker jobs forever, especially in Michigan and the Midwest.” Trump, and some of the other 2024 GOP candidates, have pledged to repeal the IRA’s clean-energy incentives as well as Biden’s proposed fuel-economy standards for cars and light trucks, which would require the companies to massively shift their sales toward EVs over the next decade. In effect, Trump is presenting the transition to EVs as another example in his broader claim that the left is seeking to uproot and transform America as his supporters know and understand it.

    While many labor leaders have endorsed Biden for a second term, Fain has pointedly withheld the UAW’s endorsement. And Fain has publicly warned that Trump’s denunciation of the EV transition could find a receptive audience among his members if the union can’t win a generous contract and strong guarantees of job security. Given the importance of the industrial Midwest to the president’s reelection hopes, Biden may have nearly as much at stake as Fain in the outcome of this strike.

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  • Autoworkers strike deadline nears as negotiators rush to avoid historic walkout | CNN Business

    Autoworkers strike deadline nears as negotiators rush to avoid historic walkout | CNN Business

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    Detroit
    CNN
     — 

    With just hours to go before labor contracts expire at America’s three unionized automakers, thousands of autoworkers could walk off the job.

    Those limited, targeted strikes could be enough to grind production to a halt at General Motors, Ford and Stellantis, which builds vehicles under the Jeep, Ram, Dodge and Chrysler brands for North America.

    But the uncertainty and confusion underscore the high stakes, with a possible historic strike at all three major automakers, disruptions to the local and national economies, and, perhaps more than anything, a hint at the future of manufacturing jobs in America.

    The union and the automakers continued to negotiate down to the wire on Thursday. GM made a new offer on Thursday afternoon, including a 20% raise, matching Ford’s offer.

    “We don’t want there to be a strike. We’re ready to work until the deadline,” Ford CEO Jim Farley told CNN. “We’d like to make history by making a historic deal, not having a historic strike,” he said.

    And President Joe Biden himself spoke to leaders of the union and the automakers, as a strike could be politically costly for him, as well.

    UAW President Shawn Fain on Wednesday evening announced plans for those targeted strikes at any company that fails to reach a labor deal with the union before contracts expire at 11:59 pm Thursday. Fain suggested the strategy, including the possibility of ramping up strikes as negotiating continues, would give the UAW more leverage. “We have the power to keep escalating and keep taking plants out,” he said.

    But Farley said on CNN Thursday that striking plants that make critical parts could affect workers at downstream assembly plants.

    “We can’t make a vehicle without an engine or transmission or stamping. So those people will, you know, basically be furloughed,” Farley said.

    Slowing or stopping the production of a few engine or transmission plants at each company could be as effective at stopping operations as a full strike at all plants, according to industry experts.

    One engine or transmission location per company might be enough to shut down nearly three-quarters of the US assembly plants, said Jeff Schuster, global head of automotive for GlobalData, an industry consultant.

    “Two plants per company, you can pretty much idle North America,” he said.

    Halting the companies’ assembly lines would likely happen in less than a week that way, Schuster said.

    One advantage for the union of a targeted strike is the potential to save resources and extend a possible walkout. Striking union members are eligible for $500 a week from the union’s strike fund.

    If all 145,000 UAW members among the three automakers were to strike at the same time, it could cost the fund more than $70 million a week, draining the $825 million fund.

    If the companies shut down operations and lay off members who are not technically on strike, those workers could be eligible to receive state unemployment benefits rather than strike benefits, which could preserve the union’s resources.

    Strikers are not eligible for unemployment benefits, but workers on temporary layoff can receive the benefits, which differ by state but would be less than the union’s $500 strike pay. There also are legal questions in different states about qualifying for unemployment.

    An official with Ford told reporters Thursday that under state law, workers in Michigan and Ohio were not eligible to receive unemployment benefits if they were laid off due to lack of parts at their plant caused by a strike. There are some other states, such as Kentucky and Tennessee, where they would be able to receive unemployment benefits, according to the officials.

    But they said none of the Ford UAW members would be eligible for so-called “sub-pay,” which they typically receive during temporary layoffs. Sub pay is far more lucrative, covering most of the gap between unemployment benefits, typically less than $300 a week, and normal company pay, which can be close to $1,300 a week.

    GM CEO Mary Barra sent a letter to employees Thursday saying the company’s latest offer now includes a 20% raise, with an immediate 10% pay hike. The lower paid temporary employees would get $20 an hour, which represents a 20% raise from the current $16.67 an hour they receive. She called the offer “historic.”

    “We are working with urgency and have proposed yet another increasingly strong offer with the goal of reaching an agreement tonight. Remember: we had a strike in 2019 and nobody won,” she said in the letter.

    Farley told CNN the offer from Ford of a 20% raise over the life of the contract is the most lucrative offer the company has made to the union in the 80 years it has been there. But he said meeting the union’s demands of close to a 40% raise, along with a four-day work week and other benefit improvements, would have been unaffordable.

    Farley blamed the union for the lack of progress in negotiations. But the union has blamed the companies for waiting until the end of August or early September to make their first counteroffers.

    The union came up with the 40% raise request based on the increase in the pay of CEOs at the three automakers over the last four years. Ford CEO pay rose 21%, from $17 million for Farley’s predecessor Jim Hackett in 2019, to $21 million for Farley last year. (Farley is the lowest compensated of the three CEOs.)

    Asked why the union workers shouldn’t get the same increases, Farley responded, “We’re really open to huge increases.” As to the 40% increases for CEOs, Farley responded, “I wasn’t CEO four years ago, but we have put on the table huge increases, double digit increases.”

    Ford has not had a strike since 1978; it has more UAW workers than the other two automakers.

    President Joe Biden spoke with Fain and leaders of the major auto companies “to discuss the status of ongoing negotiations,” the White House said Thursday.

    The White House declined to say Wednesday that Biden would support UAW workers if they chose to strike.

    “I’m gonna leave it at, [Biden] believes the auto workers deserve a contract that sustains middle class jobs and wants the parties to stay at the table, to work round the clock to get a win-win agreement,” Council of Economic Advisors Chair Jared Bernstein told reporters during Wednesday’s White House press briefing.

    Biden became directly involved in 11th hour negotiations a year ago to stop engineers and conductors at the nation’s major freight railroad from going on strike and was credited by both sides with a deal being reached at that time. But Biden and Congress had power under a different labor law to keep workers on the job by imposing a contract, a power he used later in the year when rank-and-file rail workers rejected the deal he brokered and again threatened to strike

    The autoworkers fall under a different labor law, one that leaves Biden with no power to stop a walkout. And he has limited influence with the UAW, which has been critical of his push to have the industry convert to electric vehicles, a move that could cost members jobs in the long run.

    In a statement midday Thursday, GM said it remains in “good faith negotiations” with the UAW but cautioned that a strike would be disruptive to its business.

    “Any disruption would negatively impact our employees and customers, and would have an immediate ripple effect across our communities,” a company spokesperson said.

    One sticking point in negotiations is that wages are only part of the gap between the two sides. In some ways it might be the least difficult problem to solve, said Patrick Anderson, CEO of Anderson Economic Group, a Michigan research firm.

    “The difference between the automakers and the unions on wages is a gap that could be closed,” said Anderson. “The differences involving non-wage demands are a gulf, not a gap.”

    The union is attempting to reverse deep concessions that go back as far as 2007. At the time, years of losses had left Ford nearly out of cash, and GM and Chrysler were on their way to bankruptcy and federal bailouts.

    The number one concession the union wants to end is a lower tier of wages and benefits for workers hired since 2007. While top pay for those newer hires, who today make up a majority of membership, is the same as the $32.32 paid to more senior members, it takes many more years to reach that level.

    The union also wants to restore traditional pension plans for those hired since 2007, as the more senior workers now receive, as well as the same retiree health care coverage. And to protect members from rising prices, it wants a return of the cost-of-living adjustments to pay that all employees lost in 2007.

    Even Fain calls those demands “ambitious,” but he said they’re driven by record or near record profits at the automakers.

    Pandemic supply chain disruptions and shortages of some parts, particularly computer chips, have led to record car prices. The average purchase price of a new car in August was nearly $48,000, according to Edmunds. That’s up 30% from August of 2019.

    Automakers have used their limited supply of parts to build vehicles loaded with options to maximize profits. That’s produced a strong bottom line. General Motors reported record profits in 2022, and Ford posted near-record profits as well. Stellantis, a European-based automaker formed in 2021 by the merger of Fiat Chrysler and PSA Group, had 2022 profits up 26% compared to its first year of combined operations.

    A strike that halts production nationwide could also be costly for the automakers at a time of strong demand by car buyers and strong competition from nonunion automakers such as Tesla and foreign brands. GM said it lost $2.9 billion during its 2019 strike.

    While the automakers have done their best to build up inventory at dealerships, car buyers could have trouble finding some of the models they want and could have to wait longer for their choice of colors and options. And limited supplies could put upward pressure on some vehicle prices.

    – CNN’s DJ Judd contributed to this report

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  • Autoworkers strike: What to watch for as the clock ticks down | CNN Business

    Autoworkers strike: What to watch for as the clock ticks down | CNN Business

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    New York
    CNN
     — 

    Time is running out to avert a strike that could shut down America’s unionized auto assembly plants and other manufacturing facilities.

    The United Auto Workers contracts with General Motors, Ford and Stellantis expire at 11:59 pm Thursday. The contracts cover 145,000 UAW members at the three companies.

    If there’s no new deal by the contract expiration, the union has said it will start targeted strikes against a undisclosed number of facilities at each company.

    Here’s what to watch as the clock ticks down:

    It might not take much to virtually shut down the output from all the companies.

    The companies operate a complex network of plants that depend on getting parts from different facilities.

    Slowing or stopping the production of a few engine or transmission plants at each company could be as effective at stopping operations as a full strike at all plants, according to industry experts.

    One engine or transmission location per company might be enough to shut down nearly three-quarters of the US assembly plants, said Jeff Schuster, global head of automotive for GlobalData, an industry consultant.

    “Two plants per company, you can pretty much idle North America,” he said.

    Halting the companies’ assembly lines would likely happen in less than a week that way, Schuster said.

    One advantage of a targeted strike for the union is the potential to save resources and extend a possible walkout. Striking union members are eligible for $500 a week from the union’s strike fund.

    If all 145,000 UAW members among the three automakers were to strike at the same time, it could cost the fund more than $70 million a week, draining the $825 million fund.

    With targeted strikes, it’s possible that the companies will shut down operations and lay off members who are not technically on strike. That could make them eligible to receive state unemployment benefits rather than strike benefits, which could preserve the union’s resources. But there are legal questions about qualifying for unemployment.

    UAW President Shawn Fain told his members in a Facebook Live appearance Wednesday evening that if they are not in one of the plants that the union picks to go on strike, they should stay on the job. He said in that case they would be working under an expired contract, rather than on an extended contract.

    Fain said he would announce at 10 pm Thursday which plants have been selected to go on strike. Among the likely targets, Schuster said, are a Stellantis transmission plant in Kokomo, Indiana, a GM transmission plant in Toledo, Ohio, and a Ford transmission plant in Livonia, Michigan. Those three plants have just over 6,000 UAW members on staff, according to figures available from the companies’ websites.

    But there is still a chance no plants will go on strike and no operations will be disrupted. While Fain warned members that a strike appeared likely – “We’re likely going to have to take action,” he said during his remarks Wednesday – he also said there had been movement at the bargaining tables.

    Fain said that all the automakers had boosted the amount they were offering to raise wages, with Ford now offering a 20% raise during the life of the contract, GM is offering 18% and Stellantis is offering 17.5%, although Fain cautioned that still did not meet the union members’ needs, which had started with a demand for an immediate 20%, and four additional raises of 5% each over the course of a four-year deal.

    And all the automakers issued statements saying they want to reach tentative labor deals before the deadline that would avoid a strike. Despite the difference, there is a chance for an 11th hour settlement or settlements.

    There are separate union contracts at each of the traditional Big Three. That means there could be a tentative labor deal reached at Ford and GM that keeps those workers on the job, while the employees at Stellantis could go out on strike.

    Ford has not had a national strike since 1976 and has not had a strike of any kind at its US plants since 1978.

    In contrast, experts say Stellantis, which builds vehicles under the Jeep, Ram, Dodge and Chrysler brands, could see workers walk off.

    “I think there’s a 99% chance of a strike at Stellantis,” said Art Wheaton, director of labor studies at Cornell University’s Industrial and Labor Relations school in Buffalo.

    If the two sides are close to a deal at the deadline, they could agree to a temporary contract extension for hours or even days. That extension could even go on for months, as with the West Coast ports during negotiations with the International Longshore and Warehouse Union last year and earlier this year.

    Fain has repeatedly said that the 11:59 pm contract expiration is a “deadline, not a reference point.” In past negotiations, the union has sometimes chosen only one automaker to strike, while staying on the job at the other two. Once a deal was reached, the union moved to get the other automakers to accept that “pattern” as the basis for their own contract.

    But Fain insists the union will not follow that playbook this time.

    Sometimes one or both sides will walk away before the final minute before a contract expiration. Although the strike might not start until after the deadline, a breakdown of talks could kill the chance for an 11th-hour deal.

    That’s what happened in bargaining in May between the Writers Guild of America, which represents 11,000 writers, and the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers, which represents major studios and streaming services in the contract negotiations. While the contract was due to end at midnight PDT, the talks ended about three hours earlier.

    Sometimes after talks break down, the parties can return to the table and reach a deal without a strike. That happened in July at UPS, as talks between the company and the Teamsters union ended after a marathon negotiating session in the early hours of July 5. Official talks did not resume for nearly three weeks. But when the two sides met again on July 25, they quickly reached a deal that averted an August 1 strike.

    But a break in talks at any of the automakers at this late date would not be a good sign.

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