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Tag: school administrators

  • When Support Becomes Surveillance: How School-Level Power Over IEP and 504 Accommodations Pushes Black Disabled Students Toward the School-to-Prison Pipeline

    Schools are expected to provide safety, structure, and meaningful support for every student. However, the reality thatBlack students with disabilities experience often looks very different from that promise. Although federal laws outline accommodations through IEP and 504 plans, the success of these supports depends on how teachers and school administrators choose to implement them. These choices are not minor. They shape how a student feels, how their academic identity develops, and how their behavior is interpreted by adults who hold institutional authority. When accommodations are mishandled, ignored, or delivered in embarrassing ways, the immediate emotional harm can escalate into disciplinary consequences. These consequences fall disproportionately on Black disabled students because of racial stereotypes and behavioral assumptions deeply embedded in school culture.

    The power to either support or harm lies not in distant government agencies but in the daily decisions made inside classrooms and hallways. This paper argues that teachers, principals, and special education coordinators hold the most direct and impactful power over IEP and 504 accommodations because they control the moment-to-moment delivery of support. Their actions, especially when influenced by limited training or racialized assumptions, can transform accommodations into mechanisms of surveillance that increase disciplinary involvement and push Black disabled students toward the school-to-prison pipeline.

    Although laws such as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act require schools to provide specific supports, these laws do not dictate how teachers handle these supports in real time. Teachers are responsible for deciding when to provide accommodations, how to communicate them, and whether to deliver them privately or publicly. Mendoza and Houston document situations where teachers reveal accommodations loudly or hand out modified materials where peers can clearly see. These actions seem small, but they matter because students with disabilities often want to feel included and not singled out. A teacher who loudly announces that a student needs extended time or reads aloud which students need reduced assignments sends a signal that the student’s disability is something others should pay attention to. The student is placed in a vulnerable emotional position with no control over how their peers interpret these differences.

    The power teachers hold over this process is rarely acknowledged, but it is influential. Teachers decide whether accommodations protect a student’s dignity or expose them to ridicule. When teachers fail to provide accommodations privately, students often experience a combination of shame, fear, and frustration. These emotions shape how students respond in class. A student who feels exposed may disengage from discussions, avoid asking questions, or stop requesting help. These reactions are natural but are often misunderstood by teachers who interpret emotional withdrawal as disrespect or laziness. Because teachers control both the environment and the interpretation of student behavior, they have the authority to turn an uncomfortable moment into a disciplinary problem.

    The emotional consequences of poorly delivered accommodations are not imagined. The National Center for Learning Disabilities has extensive research showing that students across the country experience their accommodations in ways that make them uncomfortable or embarrassed. When teachers ask students about their accommodations in front of others or question their need for support publicly, the classroom becomes a place of exposure rather than safety. Students who fear embarrassment often choose not to ask for the help they need. This avoidance is then interpreted by teachers as a lack of motivation or refusal to engage. The problem becomes a cycle. The student avoids support because of fear, and the teacher interprets this avoidance as defiance.

    These interpretations have serious consequences for Black disabled students. Research consistently shows that Black students are judged more harshly for the same behaviors displayed by their peers. Allen explains that Black students are labeled defiant more frequently, even when they are expressing frustration or confusion in developmentally appropriate ways. This means that Black disabled students who respond emotionally after being exposed are at much higher risk of being disciplined. Their reactions are framed as intentional disruption rather than responses to emotional discomfort. Teachers may assume they are being confronted or challenged, even when the student is simply trying to cope with embarrassment.

    Okonofua and Eberhardt’s study on teacher responses to repeated behavior offers a deeper understanding of why Black disabled students face harsher consequences. Their research shows that teachers escalate discipline after what they perceive as a second misbehavior. When the student is Black, teachers are more likely to assume the behavior reflects a character flaw rather than a temporary emotional moment. This two-strikes pattern becomes especially dangerous for Black disabled students who must rely on supports that teachers sometimes ignore or mishandle. A teacher may mishandle an accommodation on one day and misinterpret a student’s emotional response as a first strike. A week later, another teacher may provide an inconsistent version of the support, causing the student to react again. The reaction is then treated as a second strike, leading to suspension or referral to administration. In this way, mismanaged accommodations directly feed into disciplinary escalation.

    This cycle is reinforced by structural problems within schools. The Hechinger Report reveals that many teachers begin the school year without complete information about which students receive accommodations. Documentation is sometimes delayed, incomplete, or unclear.

    Teachers report receiving conflicting instructions or no instructions at all. Without clear systems in place, teachers must rely on their own judgment to guess what students need. When judgment replaces structured support, student safety becomes unpredictable. Some teachers may be skilled and attentive, but others may not understand the importance of privacy or consistency. This inconsistency is particularly harmful for Black disabled students who rely on predictable support to feel secure in the classroom environment.

    Inconsistent support not only disrupts learning but can also affect how students see themselves. Many students internalize repeated moments of embarrassment or misunderstanding. They begin to believe they are difficult, incapable, or problematic. These internalized beliefs can affect self-esteem and academic confidence. When a student feels misunderstood by teachers, the relationship between the student and the school becomes strained. Students may stop trusting teachers, withdraw from participation, or develop school avoidance. These emotional and behavioral shifts make students more vulnerable to disciplinary action, which further distances them from academic success.

    The Government Accountability Office provides a national perspective on these patterns. Their findings show that Black students and students with disabilities face higher suspension and expulsion rates, even for minor behaviors. These disparities cannot be separated from how accommodations are delivered. When teachers interpret emotional distress as misconduct and administrators rely on discipline rather than support, Black disabled students are caught in a system that punishes them for needing help. The school-to-prison pipeline is not created by a single event. It is constructed through many small decisions that accumulate over time. Each missed accommodation, each misunderstanding, and each disciplinary referral pushes students further from education and closer to systems of punishment.

    The power structures at the school level must be understood in order to disrupt this cycle. Teachers, principals, and special education coordinators have the authority to create environments that either protect or harm students. Confidentiality, consistency, and clear communication should be the standard expectations for accommodation delivery. When teachers are trained to understand disability needs, cultural differences, and the emotional impact of public exposure, classrooms become safer. When administrators ensure that teachers receive proper documentation and training at the start of the year, students experience stability rather than confusion. Schools must also invest in anti-bias training that addresses how racial stereotypes shape teacher perceptions. Without this training, even well-meaning teachers may misinterpret behavior through harmful assumptions.

    To truly address the school-to-prison pipeline, schools must move beyond surface-level solutions and focus on the everyday interactions that shape students lives. Accommodations cannot simply exist on paper. They must be delivered with care, privacy, and consistency. Teachers must be supported so they can support students. Administrators must monitor accommodation delivery to ensure that students are not unintentionally harmed. Most importantly, schools must listen to the voices of Black disabled students who have long described the ways their needs are misunderstood.

    In conclusion, school-level power plays a central role in shaping whether IEP and 504 accommodations serve their intended purpose. Teachers and administrators control how accommodations are delivered and how student behavior is interpreted. When these decisions are made without proper training or awareness of racial bias, Black disabled students face emotional harm, disciplinary escalation, and increased risk of entering the school-to-prison pipeline. The path toward justice begins with recognizing that the school environment is shaped by human choices. By transforming the way accommodations are handled, schools can protect the dignity of Black disabled students and prevent the unnecessary harm that has been normalized for far too long.

    This article is one of a series of articles with the support provided by the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative to Word In Black, a collaborative of 10 Black-owned media outlets across the country.

    Anicya Haywood

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  • Three of five SD governor hopefuls endorse statewide approach to cellphones in classrooms

    (StockPlanets/Getty Images)

    Three candidates hoping to be South Dakota’s next governor support a statewide policy or law banning cellphones from school classrooms. Another said the decision should be left to local school districts, while a potential candidate is seeking local input on the issue.

    Most school districts in South Dakota already have a policy in place that doesn’t allow cellphones in classrooms. About one-third of school districts take the further step of removing or locking away cellphones during class or school hours, based on a South Dakota Searchlight survey of superintendents and analysis of published school policies.

    South Dakota’s lone U.S. Rep. Dusty Johnson, a Republican, announced three days after the publication of Searchlight’s story that, if elected governor next year, he would seek a statewide prohibition on student cellphone access during class time.

    “The state constitution makes it clear that kids should have quality education,” Johnson told Searchlight. “The state government setting a broad-stroke policy and then having the execution of that strategy and management done at the local level will give us the best of both worlds.”

    South Dakota is one of 24 states to not implement a statewide policy or law to ban or limit cellphone use in classrooms. State lawmakers considered a statewide effort last legislative session, but held off after school administrators said they’d prefer to determine policies at the local level. The Legislature instead passed a resolution encouraging school boards to implement such policies.

    According to a 2024 Pew Research Center survey, 72% of U.S. high school teachers say cellphone distraction is a major problem in the classroom. Some research suggests student performance improves after schools ban cellphones.

    Other candidates weigh in

    Two other announced candidates for governor said they support efforts to establish a statewide law or policy removing cellphones from classrooms.

    South Dakota House Speaker Jon Hansen, R-Dell Rapids, would support a statewide policy to ensure students focus “on learning, not on distractions” and foster healthier social interactions.

    From left, U.S. Rep. Dusty Johnson, Gov. Larry Rhoden, Aberdeen businessman Toby Doeden, and state House Speaker Jon Hansen. (South Dakota Searchlight images)

    Democrat Robert Arnold, a 20-year-old college student who said he plans to run for governor, said a statewide policy or law would benefit students, but added that other efforts would be more impactful on student wellbeing, including providing universal free lunch and ensuring the federal Department of Education remains intact. Arnold said Johnson should support those efforts.

    “Not a peep from him about policies that will have a real impact on our people, but he’ll of course propose legislation that at least makes it look like he cares about our children’s education,” Arnold said in an emailed statement.

    Aberdeen businessman and Republican Toby Doeden said phones in classrooms are “roadblocks” to education and a “breeding ground” for negative influences and distractions. But he said school boards should address the issue.

    “Allowing state leaders to mandate individual policy changes at the local level would set a terrible precedent and is an obvious constitutional overreach,” Doeden said in a text message. “As governor, I would absolutely lean on our local school boards to ban cellphones from the classrooms.”

    Robert Arnold announces his campaign for governor in June 2025 at the state Capitol in Pierre. (Courtesy of Robert Arnold)

    Robert Arnold announces his campaign for governor in June 2025 at the state Capitol in Pierre. (Courtesy of Robert Arnold)

    Current Republican Gov. Larry Rhoden has not announced his intention to run, but is expected to enter the race. The Rhoden administration is asking school leaders if they prefer cellphone policies that come from the local or state level, spokesperson Josie Harms said in an emailed statement.

    First Lady Sandy Rhoden spent the first few months of the Rhoden administration visiting schools to talk about the consequences of using cellphones during school hours.

    Students at Platte-Geddes School District, the first in the state to lock away student cellphones during the school day three years ago, said the restriction improved relationships and academics, the first lady said in a statement. The students started to spend less time on their phones outside of school, too, leading to better self-discipline.

    “Our students have so much to gain, and the constant distraction impedes their ability to learn,” she said.

    School administrator representative encourages local control

    Rob Monson, executive director of School Administrators of South Dakota, said school administrators prefer to handle the issue themselves. He surveyed members of his organization last year, when legislators considered introducing a bill.

    “I think most school districts are doing what they feel they should and what’s best for their school districts and patrons,” Monson said.

    Monson added that if a bill is introduced this legislative session, his organization will likely oppose it. 

    Johnson hopes the Legislature passes a bill this winter setting a statewide standard, saying it’s a “no-brainer.”

    “Once you identify an approach that clearly increases educational outcomes,” Johnson said, “that’s when it’s time to come together as a state and make sure every student is able to benefit from that policy.”

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  • Three candidates for Tupper Lake school safety officer

    TUPPER LAKE — On Wednesday, the three candidates to be Tupper Lake Central School District’s new school safety officer were interviewed at a public forum where members of the school community could hear how they would act in the new position and give the district feedback on which candidates they thought would be the best fit.

    The candidates — corrections officer David “Haji” Maroun, retired state trooper Mike Kohan and retired Sunmount safety chief Mike Godin — spoke to a small group of town residents, school administrators, police officers and board members, who each filled out a form at the end reviewing their thoughts on each candidate’s responses to the questions.

    TLCSD Superintendent Jaycee Welsh said, ultimately, this hiring decision will be made by the school board. But they will take into account the feedback from the public.

    Next, the hiring committee will meet with school board members to determine if they are ready to make a decision. Welsh hopes to have an officer before school starts on Sept. 4.

    Earlier this month, the Tupper Lake Village Police let the district know that, because of ongoing staffing shortages, they won’t be able to provide a school resource officer as they have since 2019. In the years since, the district went from having two SROs to one as the police department’s staff shrank. Last year, the district had one sworn police officer stationed between its two school buildings during regular hours through a services contract paid by the district.

    Now, the district is looking to create a new in-house position to fill this role.

    The first round of interviews was handled by district staff. This round included public-submitted questions on mental health, prevention strategies, the change from an SRO to an SSO, how the candidates would deal with students with disabilities having a disability-related outburst and how they would respond to an altercation between students.

    Members of the public judged the candidates on their communication skills, problem-solving ability, empathy and de-escalation skills, knowledge of the school and community, approach to student relationships and overall demeanor.

    Maroun, a village trustee and a corrections officer for 20 years, said he’d like to become part of the school community. He’s well-known, has a background in safety and is first aid trained.

    At the prisons he worked at, he broke up fights between inmates, “which happened a lot,” he said.

    For two-and-a-half years, the prison he worked at held juvenile inmates, so Maroun said he has experience working with 16- and 17-year-olds, specifically those with behavioral issues.

    He said he’d prefer working with kids more than incarcerated individuals. And he’d like to work close to home, helping his community.

    Maroun said he wants to address bullying. It is a big issue for safety, he said.

    Maroun said if he saw a fight in progress, he would try to end it first with verbal commands and then physically separate the parties with himself in the middle before waiting for administrators to take over.

    He’d like to educate students, the community and staff about safety and how to recognize mental health issues.

    He’d have eyes on what happens in school and at school events, and wants to be a mentor and role model for the students. He’s been a coach and feels he has a good rapport with kids. He likes to have fun with them and let them feel safe around him.

    It’s important to him that the officer keep the kids’ trust, so they know who he is and see him as a helper, and so he can learn who they are and what their needs are.

    A school safety officer is different than a school resource officer in that they are an employee of the district, not an outside resource, Maroun said. He’d like to be involved in school business and offer input on safety practices. He’d also like to get specialized training for the position, focused on working with kids with behavioral issues.

    Maroun said he’d like to work with the administrators every day to discuss safety.

    Kohan

    Kohan spent five years in the Marines, including a deployment during Desert Storm, as well as several years with the United States Postal Service, where he worked some rough routes downstate. He joined the New York State Police in 2003 and retired in 2020.

    He has three kids in the district — in grades 5, 7 and 9.

    “I’m the school safety officer at home already,” Kohan said with a laugh.

    He spoke about how he believes technology exacerbates behavioral problems because it disconnects kids from the real world and instills the idea that things are temporary. One of his goals would be to build camaraderie with students, to remind them that the real world is different than the digital world.

    He’d advocate for in-person activities and encourage connection among students.

    Since a school safety officer, as opposed to an SRO, does not have police powers and cannot make arrests, he said taking preventative measures is as important as ever. This is easier said than done, he acknowledged.

    Kohan said he’d be a calm presence in the school.

    “Calm is contagious,” he said.

    This might be easier without a uniform, he said. SROs wore uniforms. SSOs will not.

    If he needs to de-escalate an altercation, he said he’d intervene without physically involving himself — unless there is an “imminent threat” to someone’s safety. He said knowing the school policy on physical intervention would be very important.

    Responding to things as a trooper is different than as a school safety officer, he said. He’d take a calmer approach to working with a kid with disabilities. His goal would be to keep the student who has an outburst safe, as well as others.

    He said he’d like to directly report to the principals, who then report to the superintendent.

    Kids like consistency, he said, so he would be consistent.

    Godin

    Godin retired after 36 years of working at the Sunmount State Office for People With Developmental Disabilities facility in 2021. He spent many years as a chief safety officer and said he could bring what he learned there to the school — to teach the “safety mindset” to everyone there.

    The district is in a unique, transformative time as the officer’s job shifts from the police to the district. He said it is a good time to capitalize on that and reevaluate school safety, he said. The job would be to worry about safety, find issues and fix them.

    Knowledge is important to him. He would want to know all the Individualized Education Program plans students have. Godin also said just because someone is not diagnosed with a mental or behavioral health disability, it does not mean they don’t have one. Often, there are late diagnoses caught in the later years of school, he said.

    One of his goals would be to listen — listen a lot. The more he knows the better, he said. He’d want to spend a lot of time on his feet just being around the buildings. He is a believer in having an “open door policy.” He wants kids to be comfortable around people in authority.

    Godin described himself as an “easygoing, outgoing” guy. When he worked in Albany, people thought he was strange because he’d say “hello” to everyone he passed.

    If he saw an altercation, Godin said he would be stern verbally to de-escalate and then dig down to figure out why the fight happened. He doesn’t believe it when people say a fight happened for “no reason.”

    He said the scene of an altercation isn’t always as it seems at first. There’s a lot behind the scenes that isn’t obvious. Godin said he’d pay attention to kids to see if they are having a hard time. Stress at home creates pressure at school, he said.

    Godin said his daughters and friends told him to apply for the job. He said he likes helping and believes in doing the right thing.

    Godin said he’d like to have weekly meetings with administrators at first, but imagines there would be less need for them as time goes on and procedures become cemented.

    Policy

    Since the person who ultimately fills the position will be a school employee, as opposed to being directly employed by a law enforcement agency, TLCSD adopted a use-of-force district policy for the authorized carrying of firearms on Aug. 4.

    The policy stipulates that the employee must be “properly trained and certified” to carry a firearm and will have to perform the qualifications, at a minimum, on an annual basis with a state-certified range instructor in accordance with state law.

    To read more about the specifics of this position and policy, go to tinyurl.com/3t857nh8.

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  • Metrasens Entrusted by Public Schools Nationwide as Strategic Partner in Extracurricular Event Safety

    Metrasens Entrusted by Public Schools Nationwide as Strategic Partner in Extracurricular Event Safety

    NAPERVILLE, Ill. /PRNewswire-PRWeb/ —  Metrasens, a leading provider of advanced detection systems for security and safety applications, today announced its ongoing strategic partnerships with K-12 public school districts across the United States. By addressing the critical issue of extracurricular event safety, Metrasens solidifies its position as a leader in school safety and the go-to partner for enhancing security at campus events.

    In today’s dynamic security landscape within educational settings, ensuring safety during extracurricular events has become a top priority for school administrators and athletic directors nationwide. According to the  K-12 School Shooting Database, there has been a concerning increase in shooting incidents at these events. From 2022 to 2023 alone, there was a 50% rise in K-12 school shootings during school events, and a staggering 300% increase from 2019 to 2023.

    “School districts adopting safety and security partners like Metrasens are taking practical steps in prioritizing school safety,” stated Ryan Petty, Florida State Board of Education member and father of Alaina Petty, a victim of the 2018 Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting. Post this

    Ryan Petty, Florida State Board of Education member and father of Alaina Petty, a victim of the 2018 Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting, emphasizes the importance of proactive safety measures. “Schools can, and should continue to take practical steps towards building a safer environment for students on campuses, not only during school hours, but also during extracurricular events,” said Petty. “School districts adopting safety and security partners like Metrasens are taking practical steps in prioritizing school safety.”

    Recognizing this critical issue, Metrasens has been chosen by public schools nationwide as a strategic partner in enhancing extracurricular event safety and addressing related challenges, such as the prevalence of vaping on campuses. With 300 systems deployed across more than 30 school districts and 200 individual schools, Metrasens is at the forefront of safeguarding students and staff and prioritizing compliance.

    Fort Worth Independent School District (FWISD) selected Metrasens to bolster safety measures for graduation ceremonies and extracurricular events. Daniel Garcia, Safety & Security Executive Director at Fort Worth ISD stated: “With regards to Fort Worth ISD graduations and other ceremonies, it’s paramount that students, faculty, and visiting families feel assured and confident as they come together to commemorate these special occasions. As we open our facilities to families, it’s essential to offer reassurance that Metrasens Ultra systems provide a completely safe solution for all members of our school community.”

    In Tulsa Public Schools (TPS) independent school district in Oklahoma, Metrasens’ state-of-the-art security screening systems bolster safety protocols across 77 learning communities.

    Dr. Matthias Wicks, former Chief of Police at Tulsa Public Schools, emphasized the district’s unwavering commitment to securing all facilities and events, stating: “To accomplish our safety goals, we deployed Metrasens Ultra technologies and steadfast safety protocols to protect the well-being of everyone in attendance at our extracurricular events.”

    Similarly, Moore Public Schools (MPS), Oklahoma’s fourth-largest public school district, collaborated with Metrasens to bolster safety measures across 35 campus sites and large venues. Embracing a proactive stance towards safety, MPS integrated Metrasens Ultra detection systems to maintain the highest security standards. Dustin Horstkoetter, MPS Safety and Security Director, commended Metrasens for its unmatched reliability and quality, affirming, “the reliability and quality of Metrasens solutions are incomparable.”

    Further solidifying its position as a leader in school security, Barberton High School (BHS), situated within Ohio’s Barberton City School District, chose Metrasens as a pivotal partner in its proactive approach to campus security. Recognizing the need to enhance security protocols in light of recent incidents targeting schools nationwide, BHS aimed to stay ahead of potential risks and ensure the safety of its students and staff through this partnership.

    “We believe having another layer of security that is non-intrusive and is safe to use is a logical step forward,” said Jeff Ramnytz, Superintendent of Barberton City Schools. “We highly recommend Metrasens to other school districts seeking to enhance their security measures.”

    “Extracurricular events such as football games, basketball tournaments, and other school activities often attract individuals from inside as well as outside the immediate community, presenting unique security challenges,” said Todd Hokunson, Chief Commercial Officer at Metrasens. “In response to these concerns, Metrasens is committed to shaping the safety landscape in educational environments through innovative solutions and strategic partnerships.”

    These key partnerships underscore Metrasens’ dedication to providing innovative solutions that prioritize safety and compliance in educational settings. As administrators and safety directors continue to navigate evolving security challenges, whether securing extracurricular school activities or addressing the growing issue of vape usage on campus, Metrasens remains steadfast in its mission to empower educators and protect students, ensuring a secure environment conducive to learning and growth.

    About Metrasens
    Metrasens is the world’s leading provider of advanced magnetic detection technologies. With a technology center and manufacturing facility in the United Kingdom, a North American sales and customer service hub in Chicago and a global network of distributors, the company’s innovative products are designed to address deficiencies in conventional screening methods and make the world safer and more secure. Metrasens’ mission is to take cutting-edge science from the laboratory and use it to create revolutionary, award-winning products that meet the distinct and diverse security needs of its customers. Metrasens’ core technologies have a wide range of real-world applications, embodied by solutions that are easy to adopt and simple to use.

    For more information, visit  http://www.metrasens.com

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  • A Sex Scandal. A Conservative Power Network. And Moms for Liberty.

    A Sex Scandal. A Conservative Power Network. And Moms for Liberty.

    The ugly news broke during the last week of November: A Florida woman alleged that the chair of the state Republican Party had raped her at her home. The assault had occurred after he and his wife had planned, according to police, to meet her for a three-way sexual rendezvous, as they had previously.

    These were stunning claims given the power couple involved: The GOP chair, Christian Ziegler, who has denied the assault and said the encounter was consensual, is a prominent state political consultant. His Republican-activist wife, Bridget Ziegler, is a founder of Moms for Liberty, the conservative political organization whose members have made school-board meetings partisan battlegrounds across America for the past two years.

    The allegations have sparked a fusillade of condemnations, complaints of hypocrisy, and “Moms for Libertines” jokes. But the situation has also provided a window into the machinations of the movement that helped make the Zieglers so significant in Republican politics—thanks especially to the rapid rise of Moms for Liberty as a national organization.

    Bridget Ziegler started Moms for Liberty with Tina Descovich and Tiffany Justice in January 2021, but she was soon wooed away. Within months, she was hired to help run school-board-campaign trainings at the Leadership Institute, an obscure but influential nonprofit.

    The institute was founded in 1979 by Morton Blackwell, a longtime GOP activist—so longtime that in 1964, he was the youngest elected delegate for Barry Goldwater in his run for the Republican nomination. Blackwell’s participation in the emerging New Right made him a crucial figure in the Reagan Revolution, Richard Meagher, a political-science professor at Randolph-Macon College, told me. Now 84, Blackwell still serves as president of the Leadership Institute, and is the Virginia GOP’s national committeeman.

    The mission of Blackwell’s institute is to recruit and train conservative activists for positions of influence in politics and the media. Its website lists dozens of classes about get-out-the-vote strategies, digital campaigning, and fundraising tips, but its true value, Meagher told me, lies in its connections. “The Leadership Institute trains people and then plugs them into various networks, whether it’s think tanks or in Congress, in nonprofit groups or advocacy groups,” he said.

    The institute claims to have tutored more than a quarter of a million conservative operatives over the past five decades, including Karl Rove, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, and former Vice President Mike Pence. Newly elected House Speaker Mike Johnson has also credited Blackwell for his career in Congress. And few people in Florida were as plugged-in as the Zieglers. But many institute alums are relatively unheralded political players, experts told me. These activists might be the technologists behind campaigns and nonprofits, the staffers for senators, or the drafters of policy.

    When the coronavirus pandemic prompted school administrators to keep kids at home, the institute developed new programs for training suburban women to wage school-board campaigns to keep schools open and masks off—a development that led to the recruitment of Bridget Ziegler, the tall, blond face of this new public arena of conservative activism. (Ziegler did not respond to requests for comment for this story.)

    The Leadership Institute exists alongside dozens of similar but better-known groups, such as the Heritage Foundation, a think tank; Turning Point USA, a youth organization; and the Family Research Council, a social-conservative group. Many of these organizations and their leaders are members of a conservative umbrella organization called the Council for National Policy, of which Blackwell was a founding member. The CNP is a secretive, invitation-only group that gathers conservative activists to coordinate political strategy, Anne Nelson, the author of Shadow Network, told me. Think the Conservative Political Action Conference, but less performative.

    The CNP’s purpose is to “bring fellow travelers together” to coordinate strategy and messaging, Meagher said. Hillary Clinton popularized the phrase “vast right-wing conspiracy,” but “it’s not a conspiracy—it’s all out in the open,” Meagher said. “They are very well connected, and there’s lots of crossover between different institutions.” The Democratic Party, of course, has similar resources for training progressive candidates and furthering policy goals. But, Meagher said, the Democratic-aligned constellation is not nearly as ideologically coherent or disciplined as the groups that make up the CNP: “There is no analogy to that on the left.”

    This interlocking structure of funding, training, and schmoozing is key to understanding the quick success of Moms for Liberty in American politics.

    According to Ziegler and her colleagues, the organization was initially launched to address concerns that parents had about school closures and mask policies during the pandemic. But Moms for Liberty was quickly absorbed into the conservative movement’s broader network. Within days of its creation, Moms for Liberty was featured on Rush Limbaugh’s radio show. By June 2021, the group was hosting the political commentator Megyn Kelly for a “fireside chat” at Cape Canaveral, Florida. This early success and financial capability suggest that the group “had a lot of resources available that just are not available to other grassroots groups,” Maurice T. Cunningham, the chair of the political-science department at the University of Massachusetts at Boston, told me.

    Now, after only two years in existence, the group has become a mandatory campaign stop for Republican political candidates. At Moms for Liberty’s summit this year in Philadelphia—only its second-ever national gathering—every major presidential-primary candidate stopped by to speak to the crowd, including Donald Trump.

    “It might’ve been for five minutes that the moms were selling T-shirts and having bake sales,” Joshua Cowen, an education-policy professor at Michigan State University, told me. “But it was very quickly, within months, that they scaled up to the right-wing avatar they are today.” Recently, the group’s focus has shifted toward advocating against the teaching of gender, sexuality, and race in school curricula, and banning from school libraries certain books that mention those themes. This new front in the group’s campaigning has placed the allegations of sexual impropriety against the Zieglers in sharp relief. (“Never, ever apologize,” Christian Ziegler said during a presentation on dealing with the media at this year’s Mom’s for Liberty summit. “Apologizing makes you look weak.“)

    The Leadership Institute has been an integral sponsor of both of Moms for Liberty’s annual summits—donating at least $50,000 in 2022 and serving again as a lead sponsor of the event in 2023—and it has provided training sessions to members. In short, Cunningham told me, “if there’s no Leadership Institute, there’s no Moms for Liberty.” Every year, the group awards a “liberty sword” for parents’-rights advocacy; this year in Philadelphia, Blackwell got the sword.

    That recognition now appears unreciprocated. In the past three weeks, Bridget Ziegler seems to have been scrubbed, Soviet-style, from the Leadership Institute; her name has disappeared from the online staff directory. (As of Friday morning, the Leadership Institute had not responded to a request for comment.) Ziegler has also been asked to resign from the Sarasota School Board.

    There’s no question that her reputation in conservative politics has taken a hit. Even Moms for Liberty’s influence may have peaked for now, given some recent failures in school-board elections. But “what isn’t waning,” Cowen said, “is the influence of the groups behind them.”

    Elaine Godfrey

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