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Tag: Russian forces

  • More than 20 dead in Russian attack on Ukrainian village, Zelensky says

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    At least 21 have been killed in a Russian air strike on a village in eastern Ukraine, say local Ukrainian officials.

    The victims were ordinary people collecting their pensions in the Donetsk settlement of Yarova, said President Volodymr Zelensky. Donetsk regional leader Vadym Filkashkin said emergency services were at the scene, and that as many people were wounded as killed.

    Yarova is to the north of Sloviansk, one of the big cities in the region, and not far from the front line as Russian forces advance slowly in the east.

    If confirmed, the death toll would be among the heaviest attacks on Ukrainian civilians in recent weeks, 42 months into Russia’s full-scale invasion.

    Donetsk’s regional leader shared an image of the attack’s aftermath, parts of which are too graphic to show [Vadym Filashkin/Telegram]

    At least 23 people were killed in overnight air strikes on Ukraine’s capital Kyiv at the end of August.

    At the weekend Russia launched its biggest air assault of the war on Kyiv so far, hitting the main government building in the capital, in what Zelensky said was a “ruthless” attack aimed at prolonging the war.

    Posting graphic footage of the attack on Yarova online, Zelensky said there were “no words” to describe the latest Russian strikes. There was no immediate response from Russia’s military.

    Vadym Filashkin said the attack took place at 12:30 on Tuesday as pensions were being handed out.

    Yarova sites on a key railway line in Donetsk, between Lyman and Izium. It is also only 6km (3.6 miles) away from the next village of Novoselivka, where Russian forces are closing in on the outskirts.

    Ukraine’s state emergency service said another three people had died in earlier Russian shelling of settlements in Donetsk.

    “The world must not remain silent,” Zelensky said, calling for a response from both the US, Europe and the G20 group of nations.

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  • NATO beware: Drones can’t replace tanks, experts warn

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    As armies scramble to learn the lessons of the Russia-Ukraine war, one question looms above all: Have drones replaced traditional weapons such as tanks and artillery?

    For NATO, the implications are more than tactical. As the alliance struggles to rebuild its long-neglected armies, it faces tough decisions about allocating scarce money and industrial capacity. If robots are the future, then doesn’t it make sense to build $500 drones instead of $5 million tanks?

    Not so fast, warn some experts. Replacing old-fashioned firepower with a purely drone force would be a blunder.

    “There are several reasons why it would be a mistake for NATO forces to rely heavily on massed small UAS [unmanned aerial systems] and long range OWA [one-way attack] drones to replace traditional weapons systems in pursuit of improved lethality and thus deterrence against future Russian aggression,” argues Justin Bronk, a researcher at the British think tank Royal United Services Institute, in a recent essay.

    Europeans rush drone-based radar jammers in effort to supplant US tech

    Rather than exploiting Russia’s weaknesses, a drone-centric NATO could be playing to Russia’s strengths.

    “Russian forces currently field the most formidable” counter-UAS capabilities in the world, according to Bronk. In addition to jammers, modified infantry weapons and short-range air defense systems, Russian forces have become accustomed to using anti-drone measures such as netting to deflect unmanned aerial vehicles and armored cages to protect vehicles.

    “In most cases, only a small fraction of the huge volumes of drones launched by Ukrainian forces reach their targets, and a still smaller proportion achieve decisive damage when they do,” Bronk wrote.

    Indeed, one reason why Ukrainian drones have achieved success at all is the presence of legacy firepower that constrains Russia’s ability to maneuver and to concentrate counter-UAS assets.

    “This attrition from UAS has been occurring in the context of a Russian force that is still constrained by minefields and forced to disperse by Ukrainian artillery, GMLRS [Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems] and ATACMS [Army Tactical Missile Systems], Storm Shadow/SCALP cruise missiles and glide bombs, Bronk explained. “If NATO forces were to pursue massed UAS at the expense of rebuilding stocks of these traditional fires, Russian forces would find it significantly easier to mitigate UAS lethality than they have up to now in Ukraine.”

    Ukrainian soldiers from an air defense unit of the 59th Brigade fire at Russian strike drones in Dnipropetrovsk region, Ukraine, on Aug. 10. (Evgeniy Maloletka/AP)

    The impact of drones in Ukraine has been contradictory. On the one hand, they dominate the battlefield, with hordes of omnipresent attack and reconnaissance UAVs paralyzing maneuver and forcing troops and vehicles to remain within cover and fortification. Most recently, waves of unjammable Russian first-person view drones guided by fiber-optic cables have devastated Ukrainian supply lines.

    Yet despite enormous effort to innovate and manufacture drones, Ukraine has only been able to limit Russian advances — but not stop them. Advancing behind saturation bombardments by artillery, glide bombs and drones, Russian offensives are succeeding in capturing ground. The gains are meager and the cost is staggering. But the Kremlin doesn’t care about losses, and Ukraine simply lacks sufficient quantities of manpower and traditional weapons to defeat the attackers.

    “Ukraine has achieved very impressive defensive results against larger Russian forces, but has not managed to retain the strategic initiative or operational momentum despite deploying millions of UAS that are constantly iteratively developed by a system honed by multiple years of desperate fighting,” Bronk wrote.

    The best evidence is that Ukraine is clamoring for legacy weapons such as ATACMS and High Mobility Artillery Rocket System, or HIMARS, rocket launchers, guided artillery shells and anti-tank guided missiles.

    “When available, high-end ATGMs [Anti-Tank Guided Missiles], anti-tank BONUS artillery rounds and regular artillery are still prized by many Ukrainian commanders for countering Russian attempts to break through the frontlines, because they are far more responsive and more reliably able to knock out vehicles and suppress massing infantry than FPV drones,” wrote Bronk.

    While UAVs have inflicted significant casualties on Russian forces (as have Russian drones on Ukrainian troops), Bronk sees drones at their most valuable as enablers for traditional forms of firepower.

    For example, cheap decoy or kamikaze drones can saturate air defense radars and force the defender to expend interceptors that would otherwise target missiles and rockets.

    NATO testing Baltic Sea drones to track Russian warships, freighters

    Bronk favors a NATO focus on glide bombs. Though far more expensive than drones, they are far cheaper than guided missiles: A Joint Direct Attack Munition, or JDAM, costs around $25,000, compared to a million-dollar ATACMS rocket. Glide bombs “destroy armored vehicles, fighting positions, supply dumps, warehouses, factories and command posts. They are easy to manufacture at scale with existing factories and multiple bombs can be delivered by a single jet with a targeting pod on each sortie.”

    Beyond their battlefield value, Bronk sees glide bombs as a deterrent against Russian aggression. By threatening Russian air defenses, they present Moscow with the prospect of operating at the mercy of NATO airpower.

    Rather than playing catch-up with Russia and Ukraine in drone warfare, NATO should use drones to augment its existing strengths, Michael Kofman, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, told Defense News. These include superior precision strike capabilities, better-trained personnel and the ability to conduct joint operations.

    “Those are the advantages that are likely to prove much more significant than being second- or third-mover in the drone fight,” Kofman said.

    Ultimately, those nations that can integrate drones with conventional weapons will have the advantage over those that rely on masses of drones at the expense of traditional firepower.

    “Fundamentally, it is far technically and tactically easier to counter a force that primarily relies on massed, cheap FPV and OWA drones for its primary lethality than it is to counter well-employed airpower, long range fires, armor, artillery and mortars within a professional joint force,” Bronk concluded.

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  • Ukraine needs more troops fighting Russia. Hardened professionals from Colombia are helping

    Ukraine needs more troops fighting Russia. Hardened professionals from Colombia are helping

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    KYIV, Ukraine (AP) — Melodic Colombian Spanish fills a hospital treating soldiers wounded fighting Russian forces in eastern Ukraine.

    Ukraine’s ranks are depleted by two years of war. As it battles the Russian war machine, Ukraine is welcoming hardened fighters from one of the world’s longest-running conflicts.

    Professional soldiers from Colombia bolster the ranks of volunteers from around the world who have answered Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s call for foreign fighters to join his nation’s war with Russia.

    A 32-year-old from the city of Medellín was trying to save a colleague wounded in three days of heavy fighting with Russian forces. Russian drones attacked the group and shrapnel from a grenade dropped by one pierced his jawbone.

    “I thought I was going to die,” said the man, who goes by the call sign Checho. The fighters insisted on being identified by their military call signs because they feared for their safety and that of their families.

    “We got up and decided to run away from the position to save our lives,” Checho said. “There was nowhere to hide.”

    Colombia’s military has been fighting drug-trafficking cartels and rebel groups for decades, making its soldiers some of the world’s most experienced.

    With a military of 250,000, Colombia has Latin America’s second-largest army, after Brazil’s. More than 10,000 retire each year. And hundreds are heading to fight in Ukraine, where many make four times as much as experienced non-commissioned officers earn in Colombia, or even more.

    “Colombia has a large army with highly trained personnel but the pay isn’t great when you compare it to other militaries,” said Andrés Macías of Bogotá’s Externado University, who studies Colombian work for military contractors around the world.

    Retired Colombian soldiers began to head overseas in the early 2000s to work for U.S. military contractors protecting infrastructure including oil wells in Iraq. Retired members of Colombia’s military have also been hired as trainers in the United Arab Emirates and joined in Yemen’s battle against Iran-backed Houthi rebels.

    Colombia’s role as a recruiting ground for the global security industry also has its murkier, mercenary corners: Two Colombians were killed and 18 were arrested after they were accused of taking part in the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse.

    At the military hospital normally treating wounded Ukrainian soldiers, a group of about 50 Colombian fighters spend most of their time staring at their phone screens — calling home, browsing the internet and listening to music in between meals and medical procedures, most for light injuries.

    In a battlefield stalemate with Russia, Ukraine is expanding its system allowing people from around the world to join the Ukrainian army, said Oleksandr Shahuri, an officer of the Department of Coordination of Foreigners in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

    In early 2022, authorities said 20,000 people from 52 countries were in Ukraine. Now, in keeping with the secrecy surrounding any military numbers, authorities will not say how many are on the battlefield but they do say fighters’ profile has changed.

    The first waves of volunteers came mostly from post-Soviet or English-speaking countries. Speaking Russian or English made it easier for them to integrate into Ukraine’s military, Shahuri said.

    Last year the military developed an infrastructure of Spanish-speaking recruiters, instructors and junior operational officers, he added.

    Hector Bernal, a retired ex-combat medic who runs a center for tactical medicine outside Bogotá, says that in the last eight months he’s trained more than 20 Colombians who went on to fight in Ukraine.

    “They’re like the Latin American migrants who go to the U.S. in search of a better future” Bernal said. “These are not volunteers who want to defend another country’s flag. They are simply motivated by economic need.”

    While generals in Colombia get around $6,000 a month in salaries and bonuses, the same as a government minister, the rank and file gets by on a much more modest income.

    Corporals in Colombia get a basic salary of around $400 a month, while experienced drill sergeants can earn up to $900. Colombia’s monthly minimum wage is currently $330.

    In Ukraine any member of the armed forces, regardless of citizenship, is entitled to a monthly salary of up to $3,300, depending on their rank and type of service. They are also entitled to up to $28,660 if they are injured, depending on the severity of the wounds. If they are killed in action, their families are due $400,000 compensation.

    Checho says principle drove him to travel to Kyiv last September. He estimates that in his unit alone, there were around 100 other fighters from Colombia who had made the same journey.

    “I know that there are not many of us, but we try to give the most we have in order to make things happen and to see a change as soon as possible,” he said.

    In Colombia, word about recruitment to the Ukrainian army spreads mostly through social media. Some of the volunteers who already fight in Ukraine share insights on the recruitment process on platforms such as TikTok or WhatsApp.

    But when something goes wrong, getting information about their loved ones is hard for relatives.

    Diego Espitia lost contact with his cousin Oscar Triana after Triana joined the Ukrainian army in August 2023. Six weeks later, the retired soldier from Bogotá stopped posting updates on social media.

    With no Ukrainian embassy in Bogotá, Triana’s family reached out for information from the Ukrainian embassy in Peru and the Colombian consulate in Poland — the last country Triana passed through on his way into Ukraine. Neither responded.

    “We want the authorities in both countries to give us information about what happened, to respond to our emails. That is what we are demanding now,” Espitia said.

    The Associated Press tracked down a Colombian fighter who uses the call sign Oso Polar — Polar Bear — and says he was the last person to see Triana alive on October 8, 2023. He says Triana’s unit was ambushed by Russian forces in the Kharkiv region, after which his fate was unknown.

    The Ukrainian military unit where Triana was serving confirmed to The Associated Press that Triana is officially missing, but would not disclose any details surrounding the circumstances in which he disappeared.

    Espitia, his cousin, says he’s not sure what motivated Triana to fight in Ukraine. But the 43-year-old had served in the Colombian army for more than 20 years and leaving it had been “mentally difficult,” Espitia said.

    “It could’ve been for the money, or because he missed the adrenaline of being in combat. But he didn’t open up very much about his reasons for going,” Espitia said.

    After almost three weeks in the hospital, Checho has returned to Ukraine’s front line. So have more than 50 other Colombian fighters who were treated in the same facility.

    “The situation here is hard,” Checho told AP. “We are under constant bombardment, but we will keep fighting.”

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    Rueda reported from Bogotá, Colombia. Efrem Lukatsky and Susie Blann in Kyiv contributed to this story.

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