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Tag: right-wing

  • Opinion | What Does ‘White Guilt’ Mean in 2025?

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    Victim politics gave us pro-Hamas activism and a powerful reaction in the form of Donald Trump, argue Shelby Steele and his son, Eli.

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    Tunku Varadarajan

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  • Vance blames left for political violence, omits long trends

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    Following the September assassination of conservative influencer Charlie Kirk, President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance have shaped their political agenda by blaming the left for political violence.

    “Political violence, it’s just a statistical fact that it’s a bigger problem on the left,” Vance said while guest-hosting The Charlie Kirk Show podcast Oct. 15 in the aftermath of Kirk’s killing. About a minute later, he added, “Right now that violent impulse is a bigger problem on the left than the right.”

    A Vance spokesperson did not answer our questions. When referring to left-wing violence, a White House spokesperson recently pointed to a Sept. 28 Axios article about a study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a nonprofit policy research organization.

    The study found that “2025 marks the first time in more than 30 years that left-wing terrorist attacks outnumber those from the violent far right.” The study also showed that for the 30 years before 2025, right-wing attacks had outpaced left-wing attacks.

    “The rise in left-wing attacks merits increased attention, but the fall in right-wing attacks is probably temporary, and it too requires a government response,” the study’s authors wrote.

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    Vance’s statement oversimplified political violence and drew from part of one study of a six-month period. The federal government has no single, official definition of “political violence” and ascribing ideologies such as left-wing and right-wing is sometimes complicated. There is no agreed upon number of left- or right-wing politically violent attacks. 

    Research before 2025 largely points to higher levels of right-wing violence over longer periods of time. 

    Trump has used the administration’s statements about rising left-wing violence to designate antifa as a domestic terrorist organization, and administration officials also said they will investigate what they call left-wing groups that fund violence.

    Although political violence is a small subset of violent crime in the U.S., it “has a disproportionate impact because even rare incidents can amplify fear, influence policy and deepen societal polarization,” University of Dayton sociology professors Arthur Jipson and Paul J. Becker wrote in September after Kirk’s assassination.

    In an email interview with PolitiFact, Becker said the report in question, “indicates there MAY be a shift occurring from the Right being more violent but 5 vs. 1 incidents in 6 months isn’t enough to completely erase years of data and reports from multiple sources showing the opposite or to dictate new policies.” 

    Study examined three decades of political violence 

    The Center for Strategic and International Studies, a national security and defense think tank, published a September report examining 750 terrorist attacks and plots in the U.S. between 1994 and July 4, 2025.

    The report defined terrorism as the use or threat of violence “with the intent to achieve political goals by creating a broad psychological impact.” 

    The authors wrote that it is difficult to pinpoint some perpetrators’ ideologies, which in some cases are more of what former FBI director Christopher Wray called a “salad bar of ideologies.” For example, Thomas Crooks, who attempted to assassinate Trump in 2024, searched the internet more than 60 times for Trump and then-President Joe Biden in the month before the attack. 

    The full CSIS report gave a more complete picture of politically motivated violence:

    • Left-wing violence has risen from low levels since 2016. “It has risen from very low levels and remains much lower than historical levels of violence carried out by right-wing and jihadist attackers.”

    • Right-wing attacks sharply declined in 2025, perhaps because right-wing extremist grievances such as opposition to abortion, hostility to immigration and suspicion of government agencies are “embraced by President Trump and his administration.” The report quotes Enrique Tarrio, the former Proud Boys leader pardoned by Trump, who said, “Honestly, what do we have to complain about these days?”

    • Left-wing attacks have been less deadly than right-wing attacks. In the past decade, left-wing attacks have killed 13 victims, compared with 112 for right-wing attackers. The report cited several reasons, including that left-wing attackers often choose targets that are protected such as government or law enforcement facilities, and target specific individuals. 

    • The number of incidents by the left is small. A graphic in the report showing the rise in left-wing attacks in 2025 as of July 4 is visually striking. It is based on a small number of incidents: four attacks and one disrupted plot. 

    Studies have not uniformly agreed on some attackers’ ideological classifications. The libertarian Cato Institute categorized the person charged in the shooting deaths of two Israeli embassy staffers in May 2025 as left-wing, while the CSIS study described the motivation as “ethnonationalist.” (Ethnonationalism is a political ideology based on heritage, such as ethnic identity, which can create clashes with other groups.) The Cato study counted only deaths while the CSIS analysis was not limited to deaths.

    “While Vance’s statement has a factual anchor for that limited timespan, it selectively emphasizes one short-term slice rather than the broader trend,” Jipson, of the University of Dayton, told PolitiFact. “In that sense, it can be misleading: It may give the impression that left-wing violence is generally now more dangerous or prevalent, which is not borne out by the longer view of the data.” 

    A photo of Trump is seen at a growing memorial for Charlie Kirk outside Timpanogos Regional Hospital after Kirk was shot and killed Sept. 10, 2025, in Orem, Utah. (AP)

    The Cato analysis, published after Kirk’s death, said 3,597 people were killed in politically motivated U.S. terrorist attacks from Jan. 1, 1975, through Sept. 10, 2025.

    Cato found right-wing attacks were more common than left-wing. This research has been highlighted by some House Democrats.

    Cato wrote that during that time period, terrorists inspired by Islamist ideology were responsible for 87% of people killed in attacks on U.S. soil, while right-wing attackers accounted for 11% and left-wing terrorists accounted for about 2%. Excluding the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks showed right-wing attackers were responsible for a majority of deaths. Measuring homicides since 2020 also showed a larger number by the right than the left.

    Our ruling

    Vance said, “Political violence, it’s just a statistical fact that it’s a bigger problem on the left.” 

    Vance did not point to a source, but a White House spokesperson separately cited an article about a study that examined political violence from 1994 to July 4, 2025. It found in the first six months of 2025, left-wing terrorist attacks outnumbered those by the right. It is based on a small number of incidents: four attacks and one disrupted plot. 

    The study also showed that for 30 years before 2025, right-wing attacks had outpaced left-wing attacks.

    The study detailed that left-wing “remains much lower than historical levels of violence carried out by right-wing and jihadist attackers.” Research before 2025 largely points to higher levels of right-wing violence over longer periods of time.

    The statement contains an element of truth because left-wing violence rose in the first six months of 2025. However, it ignores that right-wing violence was higher for a much longer period of time. We rate this statement Mostly False.

    Chief Correspondent Louis Jacobson contributed to this fact-check.

    RELATED: Nihilistic violent extremism: What the FBI term means and why experts warn against overuse

    RELATED: ‘Rough road ahead’: Charlie Kirk’s assassination highlights the rise in US political violence

     

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  • The Persistent Pull of Planet Epstein

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    Is Candace Owens, the right-wing commentator who has more than five million subscribers on YouTube, more powerful than cable news?

    I began thinking about this question last year, after it became clear that virally popular podcasters—Owens, Joe Rogan, Theo Von—had influenced the outcome of the Presidential election. At an unsatisfying and admittedly pedantic level, the answer depends, of course, on how you define power. Is it a matter of audience size? The amount of revenue generated? The hearts and minds won to a particular view? But the question led me to another that is also worth asking: whether the establishment media and the algorithm upstarts are actually in competition with one another. Sure, they’re both trying to get your attention, but are they describing and commenting on the same world?

    In the past three months, I have been spending an unfortunate amount of time on TikTok and YouTube, and the algorithms have decided to split my attention between golf-swing tips and the late sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein. I am there for the former, but the latter has become so ubiquitous on these platforms that avoiding content about him there would be like travelling to Greenland to get away from ice and snow. Readers of this column know that I believe these video platforms now have far more influence on how Americans receive their news than those of us in the traditional news media would like to admit. The mainstream press still lays down most of the foundation of information on which every creator, pundit, and A.I. bot builds their takes, but scoops, context, and new information go viral only when they are processed through these acts of interpretation on social media. Consider Owens. She often cites reports in the Wall Street Journal or the Times, but she uses them to uphold a single narrative about how the world works, which, at this point, largely revolves around Epstein. Owens has repeatedly suggested that Epstein, on behalf of Israel, enlisted powerful people as clients for sexual services so that those people could be controlled through blackmail.

    Owens stands out among purveyors of that story, but she is hardly alone. Across the breadth of political media, broadly defined, there is an emerging schism that doesn’t follow traditional party lines: there is Planet Normie, home to the traditional press, and there is Planet Epstein, home to thousands of individual content creators.

    When the inhabitants of Planet Normie sit down to read or watch a news story, they bring with them some fundamental assumptions about journalism of the sort that is purveyed by CNN or the Times or by this magazine: that reporters strive to bring the truth to the public so that the public can then make informed decisions as citizens of a democracy. These assumptions are rejected on Planet Epstein. There, such beliefs simply prove that everyone on Planet Normie is complicit in a coverup of what’s really going on. And Owens, perhaps as much as any other media figure, has built a community for those who assume that the mainstream press is involved in this vast conspiracy, which, for her and her followers, has come to center on whatever Epstein was doing on that island. Through her video podcast and the thousands of clips that populate every major short-form-video platform, Owens is asking viewers an existential question: Do you believe in the world as presented by the mainstream media or do you believe in her?

    Issue polling is always suspect, at best, but surveys do suggest that a growing number of Americans have started to live on Planet Epstein—or at least might be drifting in its direction. In July, a Quinnipiac poll found that sixty-three per cent of voters disapproved of how the Trump Administration was handling the Epstein files, a collection of documents related to his case that Trump once promised to release and has since dismissed the importance of. A Yahoo/YouGov poll conducted around the same time showed that seventy per cent of Americans think that the government is hiding information about an alleged list of Epstein’s clients. And another poll, from October, found that seventy-seven per cent of Americans want the government to release every bit of information it has on Epstein. These numbers do not tell us what, exactly, the American public believes about the Epstein story, but they do indicate that the sort of suspicions that can push people to do their own research are not relegated to some small, conspiracy-minded corner of the internet.

    This column is a product of Planet Normie. But even after four years of punditry at The New Yorker and the Times, I can’t confidently articulate the mainstream media’s interpretation of the world—nor am I certain what principles I am effectively defending by hanging up a shingle here on the establishment side of things. Neither the high-minded claims about the press’s function in a democracy nor the conspiracy-minded critiques about our supposed role in a conspiracy sound entirely correct to me. I know many individual journalists who seek out and bravely defend the truth. But I also know that the public’s recent downturn in trust in the establishment media didn’t happen simply because Trump said the words “fake news.” We got a lot wrong, especially during the pandemic. And while I think we also got a lot right, it’s not hard to understand why so many people look around and see little that is fun or compelling about Planet Normie.

    Owens and her fellow-inhabitants on Planet Epstein don’t have this waffling problem, at least not anymore. Before Epstein, many of them fashioned their narratives in direct opposition to the mainstream media—the so-called expert class and the liberal technocrats who were ascendant during the Obama Administration. But there was a limit to that type of grievance-mongering. You can build a following by yelling about the Times, and the “woke thought police” that overran the faculty at Oberlin, and the racial politics of Disney movies. But, ultimately, how many people really care about what happens at Oberlin? How many fear a revolution led by Disney princesses of color?

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    Jay Caspian Kang

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  • MAGA Reacts to the Assassination of Charlie Kirk

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    Late last summer, I spent the early hours of a weekend morning walking through suburban Phoenix with volunteers for Turning Point Action, Charlie Kirk’s political-advocacy organization. Donald Trump had just been in town for a huge rally, during which Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.—a surprise guest—endorsed him. Gold streamers made to look like they were on fire exploded from the stage. Many in the crowd were there to see Kirk, who spoke first. “You know you are part of something bigger than yourself,” he said. “You are part of the most exciting, diverse, powerful movement in the history of this country.” He went on, “This movement is about all of us against them.” The next time I saw Kirk, in January, Trump had won the election, and Kirk was hosting an Inauguration Eve party in the basement of a hotel in Washington. Giddy supporters danced under a disco ball. But, even at the height of the exuberance, there were a lot of discussions about the battlefield ahead, and references to how narrowly Trump had escaped death on the campaign trail. On Wednesday, after Kirk was assassinated onstage in Utah, it felt, to many, like the war was here. “People warned him, ‘Hey, Charlie, you’re the most exposed person than anybody in this movement,’ ” Steve Bannon said on his streaming show. “Charlie Kirk’s a casualty of war. We’re at war in this country.” On the House floor, Speaker Mike Johnson interrupted votes to hold a moment of silence for Kirk. Lauren Boebert shouted that they should be praying out loud: “Silent prayers get silent results.” Anna Paulina Luna yelled, at Democrats, “Y’all caused this!”

    I decided to go out. There was a vigil for Kirk at St. Joseph’s, a Catholic church near the Capitol. The service lasted twelve minutes. By the time I arrived, the pews were empty; in the dark hallway outside the nave, I ran into a Senate staffer, who had heard about the vigil in an e-mail blast. “He represented a lot of people, whether you agreed with him or not,” he said, of Kirk.

    Outside, two men were talking under a street lamp, holding printed programs. “The vigil used the Sermon on the Mount as a direct comparison between Kirk and Jesus,” one of them, whose name was Ethan, told me. “You could think about him going around the country as a controversial truthteller, spreading the Gospel. Some people will call him a provocateur, and others will call him a prophet.”

    “He was one of the nicer people on the right,” the other man, who wouldn’t give his name, said. “I’m concerned about what may follow.”

    Ethan responded, “Some people are straight up celebrating this guy’s death right now.”

    “It validates the idea that the right is under attack,” the other man said. “Maybe the quiet majority will grow bigger. I could see people saying, ‘I’m not going to put my face out there, because that guy did and he got killed for doing it.’ ”

    “I think the real question is whether or not things start online or in real life,” Ethan said.

    The other man asked Ethan if he had seen the video of the assassination. Ethan hadn’t. “Fuck that,” the man said. “You should watch it. Do you want to watch it right now?”

    Joe Allen, a correspondent for Bannon’s show, happened to be crossing the street alone in the dark. I walked with him toward Pennsylvania Avenue. I thought people might gather at Butterworth’s, a sort of informal MAGA clubhouse, to mourn Kirk. One of the restaurant’s owners told me that he planned to hire armed security the next day. The jubilance of the Inauguration felt like a long time ago. “Be safe out there,” one of the vigilgoers had told me. “I hope this doesn’t turn into a hot civil war.” Allen said, “I feel a dark foreboding. The swelling negative energy . . . and then this, and the constant replay online. Yeah, we’re going to be watching these people die for days, weeks, I don’t know, over and over again. There’s so much callousness and cruelty, and I can already see it building momentum for bloodlust—for revenge, too. If you feel like your tribe is under attack, you draw blood.” He added, “I’m concerned about a strengthening of state power, from Trump all the way down. But, more immediately, potential copycats.”

    We paused in front of a storefront where a TV was playing CNN. Trump was onscreen, speaking from the Oval Office. “My Administration will find each and every one of those who contributed to this atrocity and to other political violence, including the organizations that fund it and support it, as well as those who go after—” The video faded out. “Certainly the President is not sort of calling for calm on all sides,” Anderson Cooper said. Kara Swisher was his guest. “There’s never an opportunity not to have an opportunity to hate,” she replied. “It’s a real weaponization of words.”

    Outside Butterworth’s, a man in a suit paced the sidewalk. I overheard snippets of his call: “We’re gonna put a text out. . . . The Democrats . . . ” A group was smoking near the door. “Charlie did everything fucking right,” a person close to the Administration told me. “The entire point was, I’m going to sit down and talk to people and try to change their minds. If you don’t like my ideas, come sit down with me. To quote Charlie, ‘When the discourse stops, the violence starts.’ When someone believes in the system as much as he does, if you’re going to kill him . . .” He went on, “There are malignant parts of the right begging for an excuse. Charlie was the bulwark against that. You have an absolutely fucking handicapped political structure in the U.S.”

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    Antonia Hitchens

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  • Violent Clashes in Dublin Highlight Rising Right-Wing Ideology in Europe

    Violent Clashes in Dublin Highlight Rising Right-Wing Ideology in Europe

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    I think many Americans were awakened to the real dangers of right-wing extremism when Trump was elected in 2016. The rise of fascist tendencies, fraudulent populism, and fear-mongering was shocking to many of my now-friends. However, it wasn’t really to me, or to most people from marginalized communities. Watching everyone come to the realization that there are harmful segments of the population was truly wild. This phenomenon is not unique to the United States, though. Right-wing groups and movements have been taking over other parts of the world too.

    A horrific incident in Dublin, Ireland is highlighting the dangers of right-wing ideology. On Thursday, a violent stabbing in the capital city left two adults and three children seriously injured. A man in his 50s is allegedly responsible for the attack, though there aren’t clear motives yet. This public knife attack, however, reminds me of other violent acts that are used to instill fear or shock in a population. According to CNN, Ireland authorities aren’t considering this attack as an act of terrorism. But I think there is somewhat of a high bar for terrorism classifications, and this seems like something driven by political motives. We will have to wait and see what the authorities say as they continue their investigation.

    Regardless of the motivations behind the attack, it appears that right-wing protesters used the incident to create chaos in the city and country at large. The police force arrested around 34 people in unbelievable scenes of violence and destruction that saw the most riot police deployed in Irish history, according to Helen McEntee, Ireland’s Minister of Justice.

    Police (Garda) Commissioner Drew Harris spoke about these protesters during a press conference, where he said, “These are scenes that we have not seen in decades. But what is clear is that people have been radicalized through social media.” Harris described the rioters as “a complete lunatic hooligan faction driven by far-right ideology.”

    The riots were likely incited by false rumors on social media that the attacker was a foreign national, which gave anti-immigrant rioters an excuse to cause havoc. Like many European countries and America, far-right factions have targeted immigrants and refugees, using them as scapegoats for everything from rising violence to economic struggles to housing shortages. These right-wing protesters took to the streets with signs that read “Irish Lives Matter.”

    Does that sound familiar? More disturbing were chants that reeked of xenophobia, including protesters yelling “Get them out.” McEntee tried to give an early description of their intentions, saying that protesters were “using this appalling attack to sow division and wreak havoc in the city.” Divide and conquer is a tactic that has been around forever and is sadly quite effective. When people do not have answers for real problems like inflation or climate change, scapegoating minorities is a go-to strategy. We have to be aware of this.

    These angry individuals set a police car on fire. They looted stores. They did things that Conservatives love to accuse others (minorities) of doing. All of the motivations are not clear yet, but the fact that the commissioner has used “right-wing” to describe them, as well as terms like “riotous mob,” shows that this area of the world is facing similar hateful factions that we will have to politically and culturally defeat. 

    This comes after a strong showing in parliamentary elections for right-winger Geert Wilders in the liberal country of the Netherlands. His Party for Freedom had big victories and even though they may not be able to form a full government, this shows that right-wing ideology is on the rise in Europe. Geert and his followers are anti-immigrant, similar to the protesters in the clashes in Dublin. Geert is often described as the “Dutch Donald Trump” and his bigotry also extends to a common right-wing target: Muslims. Trump had his “Muslim ban” and Geert has promised to ban the Quran itself. I do not know how this would even logistically happen, but that’s not the point really. The point is to stir up hatred and fear in order to wield power. 

    From Dublin to the Netherlands to the United States, we are continuing to see these radicalized segments of society pose real threats to the safety and security of all of us. We must realize this isn’t unique to our country and remain diligent against the rising tides of fascism and white nationalism. 

    (featured image: Charles McQuillan/Getty Images)

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    Autumn Alston

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  • To Understand Anti-vaxxers, Consider Aristotle

    To Understand Anti-vaxxers, Consider Aristotle

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    Among the many difficulties imposed upon America by the pandemic, the scourge of anti-vaccine sentiment—and the preventable deaths caused as result—ranks among the most frustrating, especially for infectious-disease doctors like me.

    People who are hospitalized with COVID-19 rarely refuse therapy, but acceptance of vaccines to help prevent infection has been considerably more limited. Seventy percent of Americans have received the initial complement of vaccine injections, and many fewer have received the boosters designed to address viral variants and confer additional protection. Why are so many people resistant to this potentially lifesaving treatment?

    Some explanations are unique to our era—the awful weaponization of science in a deeply partisan political environment during the age of social media, for instance. But the concept of vaccine hesitancy is not new. Such hesitancy is, in a larger sense, a rejection of science—a phenomenon that far predates the existence of vaccines.

    One of the earliest documented controversies in science denialism comes from the field of astronomy. In the third century B.C., the Greek astronomer Aristarchus of Samos proposed a heliocentric model of the universe. The idea that the Earth and planets might revolve around the sun, rather than the other way around, was shocking at the time, and Aristarchus’s theory was quickly rejected in favor of models such as those put forth by Aristotle and Ptolemy, both of whom insisted that the Earth was the center of the universe. The fact that Aristotle and Ptolemy remain better known today than Aristarchus shows the force of the rejection. It would be some 2,000 years before the notion was seriously reconsidered.

    In the 1530s, the Polish astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus developed his own heliocentric model based on astronomical observations. Copernicus is remembered today primarily for this perspective-changing discovery. But it’s worth noting that he delayed publication of his findings until 1543, the year of his death, perhaps for fear of scorn or religious objections.

    In the early 17th century, Galileo Galilei, the Italian astronomer known as the “father of modern astronomy,” recognized that explaining the celestial changes in the position of stars and sun over time required that the Earth revolve around the sun. Galileo fully and publicly supported the Copernican theory of a heliocentric universe, and condemnation from the Vatican was swift and harsh. He was tried by the Inquisition and threatened with excommunication if he did not recant. Rather than incur the wrath of the pope, he finally agreed that he was wrong. He spent the remainder of his life under house arrest. It would be another 180 years before the Church admitted that Galileo was right.

    Rejections of scientific advances are found throughout the history of medicine. There have been four great advances in medicine over the past 200 years: anesthesia, antisepsis, antibiotics, and immunization. Not every advance was met with resistance. When the benefits of the advance have been obvious, there has tended to be little hesitation. Anesthesia and its cousin, analgesia, for instance, were rapidly accepted; they relieved pain, and the advantages were readily appreciated.

    Antisepsis had a stormier path to public acceptance. In the 19th century, English and Irish physicians recognized that puerperal sepsis (a dangerous infection in a mother after delivery of a baby) was likely a contagious condition that was spread from patient to patient either by the medical staff or the local environment. They suggested that improving hygiene would reduce the high rates of mortality that puerperal sepsis caused. In 1843, Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr., a physician (and one of The Atlantic’s founders), presented a paper to the Boston Society for Medical Improvement titled “The Contagiousness of Puerperal Fever.” Holmes suggested that unwashed hands among the medical and nursing staff were responsible for transmitting puerperal fever. This did not sit well with the establishment. A prestigious Philadelphia obstetrician, Charles D. Meigs, declared Holmes’s findings to be nonsense and suggested that an increased number of cases among any physician was just bad luck.

    The physician who is most frequently recognized with establishing the contagious nature of this infection is a Hungarian obstetrician, Ignaz Semmelweis.  He noted that patients in the Vienna General Hospital who were cared for by physicians had a higher incidence of postpartum sepsis than those who were cared for by midwives. Semmelweis realized that physicians performed autopsies, whereas midwives did not, and that physicians did not wash their hands or clothing before moving from an autopsy to a delivery. (It was routine for them to attend deliveries in their bloodstained clothing, having come directly from the autopsy suite.) When he suggested simple hygiene measures such as handwashing, he was derided and eventually run out of town. The medical establishment was unwilling to accept that physicians—rather than bad air or host weaknesses—were responsible for spreading infections and harming patients.

    Science denialism can work in the other direction too. When antibiotics, especially penicillin, were first introduced, they were rightly appreciated as miracle drugs. In the pre-antibiotic era, the leading cause of death among children was infectious diseases. The use of antibiotics was astoundingly successful against many, but not all, childhood diseases. The downside for this enthusiasm for treatment came when patients demanded antibiotics for conditions—such as viruses—that didn’t actually necessitate them. Fifty years ago, telling a patient that they had a virus and that penicillin was therefore of no use led to disappointment, disbelief, and even arguments from patients requesting antibiotics for simple colds. Many doctors gave in because it was simpler than spending time fighting with a patient. A consequence of the more indiscriminate use of antibiotics—which represents its own mini-genre of science denialism—has been increased bacterial resistance.

    But of the four great advances, none has so broadly helped humanity, or suffered more from science denialism, than immunization. Most, but not all, of the vaccines that scientists have developed since the first immunizations in the 18th century have been developed against viruses. Of all viral infections, the most feared may well have been smallpox. Over the course of the 20th century alone, an estimated 300 million people died of smallpox. Smallpox is highly contagious and spares no age group or class. Its common form has an estimated overall mortality of roughly 30 percent, but the mortality of hemorrhagic smallpox—a more severe form of the disease—approaches 100 percent. Smallpox is also wildly contagious, a characteristic that is most evident when a previously unexposed population is exposed. Smallpox was unknown in the Americas before European explorers brought cases to the New World. The disease decimated the Indigenous populations of North America and South America as a result.

    The early concept of immunization to prevent smallpox may have begun more than 1,000 years ago, in China. The history is contested, but some documents show that children would be made to inhale material from a ground-up, mature smallpox lesion scraped off of the body of the infected—a level of exposure that could trigger a person’s immune response to smallpox without causing a full-blown infection. A later technique, which involved scratching the skin of an uninfected individual with material from another person’s lesion, was observed by the wife of the English ambassador to Istanbul, who then brought this procedure to Europe. She was so impressed that she had her children immunized. Subsequently, an experiment was done in which six prisoners in London were immunized. Despite exposure to smallpox, none of them became ill.

    Like many advances in medicine, smallpox immunization was met with some resistance, including worry that immunization might inadvertently spread the disease to others. This was an understandable reaction; the live smallpox virus was used, and a small percentage of inoculated individuals did develop full-blown disease and die. In 1721, there was an outbreak of smallpox in Boston. The writer and clergyman Cotton Mather urged widespread immunization but had only moderate success because of resistance from the local population.  (History complicates even the views of those who embrace science: Mather was also an ardent defender of the Salem witch trials.) Years later, a well-known case of immunization resistance occurred in Philadelphia. During an outbreak of smallpox in 1736, Benjamin Franklin’s 4-year-old son, Francis, became infected and died. Francis had not been immunized despite an opportunity to do so, and Franklin said he regretted the decision for the rest of his life.

    In the generations that followed, scientists built off of these earlier methods and eventually developed a stable and widely available smallpox vaccine. The global eradication of smallpox as a result remains one of the greatest accomplishments in the history of medicine. The last case of naturally occurring smallpox was reported more than 40 years ago.

    Even so, vaccine hesitancy has persisted. In America, new vaccines for other diseases have continued to prompt their own waves of skepticism and hostility. And although science denialism is not pervasive in the way it once was centuries ago, it still rears its ugly head. The arrival of the COVID-19 vaccines brought pernicious vaccine sentiments into the spotlight. The reasons for this vehemence are many. For instance, some people who might accept the efficacy of a vaccine have such a fear of injections that they simply avoid seeking medical care until absolutely necessary. But this represents a minority of those who reject the vaccines.

    A more common—and more insidious—force that pushes people away from lifesaving vaccines appears to be swelling distrust in expertise, which is both a political and cultural phenomenon. Vaccine resistance can be peddled by influential people in both liberal and conservative circles, but throughout the pandemic, right-wing anti-government organizations and television personalities in particular have promoted a stew of outrageous conspiracy theories about vaccines. Run-of-the-mill misinformation remains a problem too. Some people continue to believe that the COVID-19 vaccine will infect you and make you sick—this is not the case. Finally, of course, there are concerns about known and unknown side effects from the vaccination. Like many vaccines, the COVID shots are linked to serious health effects in extremely rare circumstances; for instance, Moderna’s and Pfizer’s mRNA shots are associated with a very small risk of heart inflammation. It is virtually impossible to prove that some side effect will not ever occur. But hundreds of millions of people have safely received the COVID vaccine in the United States alone.

    Perhaps the greatest disservice to vaccination has been the fraudulent claim that childhood vaccines cause autism. This claim was originally published in an otherwise respected medical journal in the 1990s, and has since been fully retracted. (The author lost his medical license.) Nevertheless, many people still believe this and have put their children at risk for serious illness as a result.

    Our advances in science over the past two centuries have truly been extraordinary, but our society still suffers from the forces that reject reason and prevent our ability to take full advantage of discoveries that protect us all. And we need to push back against those who endanger others because they see opportunities for fame or profit in spreading dangerous disinformation. Until that happens, our species will continue to understand the world around us in fits and starts—with too many people dying, even when we know how to save them.

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    Gary Simon

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  • “History Has Become a Battleground”: Why We’re Still Living in Trump’s Post-Truth America

    “History Has Become a Battleground”: Why We’re Still Living in Trump’s Post-Truth America

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    The Republican Party’s assault on truth, supercharged by Donald Trump—whose prolific lying and “fake news” catchphrase defined his presidency perhaps more than his policies—brought scores of historians to the fore of mainstream news media. But the task of correcting the record has proven to be a daunting challenge in the current information ecosystem. Few historians understand the country’s historical battleground better than Kevin Kruse and Julian Zelizer, who, in their new book, Myth America: Historians Take On the Biggest Legends and Lies About Our Past, trace the origins of 20 age-old right-wing myths that continue to permeate American discourse today.

    The book’s incisive essays poke holes in everything from American exceptionalism and white backlash to Confederate monuments and America First, taking us on a sobering tour through some of the nation’s deepest and darkest chapters. Kruse and Zelizer, two Princeton professors, argue that Republicans are no longer just revising those chapters; they’re trying to expunge them altogether. “It’s easy to say, ‘Just stick to the facts, and assume that will win out,’” Zelizer tells me. “But that’s not the era that we live in.” 

    This interview has been lightly edited for style and clarity.

    Vanity Fair: A good place to start is where Myth America begins in its introduction, which centers on Trump’s use of alternative facts and the concept of fake news. What do you think it is about Trump in particular that’s allowed him to create an entire political movement around completely disregarding facts, and not just bending them and shaping them to his liking, as Republicans have done in the past?

    Julian Zelizer: There are two factors that were important: One is the state of the party. The Republican Party had changed a lot in the last few decades to a point where they were more comfortable with a politics that wasn’t grounded in fact. Often, disinformation became a normal way of talking about policy issues like climate change. So part of it is the party, and part of it is the media ecosystem, which over the years has lost a lot of the filters that were important. And we’ve also seen the emergence of an openly conservative media ecosystem. So there was Trump, but there was this environment that allowed him to thrive.

    I know both of you are particularly public-facing historians. You write for major outlets and make TV appearances. Do you feel like Trump and his deliberate historical amnesia has compelled more historians to venture out from the academy into the mainstream media?

    Kevin Kruse: Yeah, I think so. A lot of us are catching up with the work he and others have done in the last few years, and Trump has been a big part of that. Trump and his enablers and the conservative media ecosystem have pushed a series of really bold and startling claims about the American past to make their standing or their accomplishments in the American present seem bigger, better, and bolder than they otherwise might have been. And that’s, in turn, prompted a lot of us to get engaged. And I think, in this case, social media has been a two-way street. It has certainly helped Trump and his supporters spread a lot of falsehoods, but it’s also given every historian on Twitter or Facebook or Substack an easy way to respond.

    Zelizer: I think one other factor is that history has become a battleground. And it always has been, but the intensity has really accelerated. You’re seeing in different states efforts to legislate what can go on in the classroom. The former president made American history a central theme. He ended his term with [the 1776 Commission]—a response, in some ways, to the 1619 Project. So I think you’ve seen a broadening of interest among historians—even historians who don’t just do modern US history, like the two of us—to get engaged and to jump in.

    What are your thoughts on the mayhem that’s taking place on Capitol Hill right now, where we essentially have a House Speaker-in-waiting, who’s failed 11 times now to get enough votes from his own party. What do you think is historically unique about the chaos with Kevin McCarthy and do any aspects of it harken back to earlier times or political moments in America? [This interview was conducted last week, prior to McCarthy’s confirmation as House Speaker.]

    Kruse: One way to look at it would be to say, what does this moment tell us about the larger continuum of increasing extremism in the Republican ranks? If you see Kevin McCarthy as part of this group of self-styled young guns that came out about a decade ago, where Eric Cantor and Paul Ryan and McCarthy put this clip out where they were kind of a new generation. They’ve all been picked off one-by-one as the party has moved even past their own kind of extremism on the right. Cantor got primaried for being squishy on immigration. Paul Ryan got basically forced into retirement because he couldn’t deal with the crazies on the right. And McCarthy has tried to cultivate them, but even he is not enough. So it’s less about the votes for him and more about seeing this larger race to the far fringes. 

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    Jon Skolnik

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