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  • Redistricting commission votes behind closed doors to move toward redrawing maps – WTOP News

    The 3-2 vote happened in a virtual meeting that was not listed on the Governor’s Redistricting Advisory Commission website and was not open to the public.

    This article was republished with permission from WTOP’s news partners at Maryland Matters. Sign up for Maryland Matters’ free email subscription today.

    Maryland Gov. Wes Moore walks with King Abdullah II ibn Al Hussein of Jordan at the Maryland State House in Annapolis, Md., after participating in a roundtable discussion, Wednesday, Sept. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Stephanie Scarbrough)(AP/Stephanie Scarbrough)

    A panel appointed by Gov. Wes Moore (D) to make recommendations on midcycle congressional redistricting voted behind closed doors Thursday to move forward with its work and solicit proposals from the public on how the state’s eight districts could be redrawn.

    The 3-2 vote happened in a virtual meeting that was not listed on the Governor’s Redistricting Advisory Commission website and was not open to the public. There was no agenda posted. It was a meeting, and a vote, that Senate President Bill Ferguson (D-Baltimore City) criticized in a blistering statement that called the outcome “preordained” and lacking in public transparency.

    The commission, led by Sen. Angela Alsobrooks (D-Md.), met at 5 p.m. Just after 6, within minutes of the meeting’s close, Moore’s office released a statement in which Alsobrooks announced the commission would solicit maps from the public and hold two more meetings.

    “Today, the Governor’s Redistricting Advisory Committee [sic] met to discuss our path forward and decided to continue our work to recommend a congressional map to the Governor and the General Assembly,” Alsobrooks said in the statement.

    “After Christmas, we will make the submitted maps available publicly and hold two additional public meetings to gather feedback on the options before us. This process will remain open, transparent, and focused on ensuring Maryland’s districts reflect our communities and comply with the law,” she said.

    Joanne Antoine, executive director of Common Cause Maryland, said the commission suffered from a “glaring lack of transparency,” highlighted by Thursday’s decision to move forward with redistricting after failing to release any proposed maps to the public.

    Critics: ‘The entire process is a mess’

    Thursday’s unannounced and unbroadcast meeting of the Governor’s Redistricting Advisory Commission raised concerns for open-government advocates about transparency and violations of the state’s Open Meetings Act.

    “The commission has convened five times already without publishing a proposed map for public comment or review — a pattern that raises serious concerns about the commission’s commitment to public engagement and transparency,” said Common Cause Maryland Executive Director Joanne Antoine. “Tonight’s meeting may have also violated Open Meetings Laws for failing to provide adequate public notice.”

    Previous meetings of the panel were all held in public, and virtually. None featured maps that the public or commission members could look at. Meetings were often added along the way without a clear idea whether the panel would hold in-person meetings, produce maps for comment or even if there was an expected end date to proceedings.

    Nikki Tyree, executive director of the League of Women Voters of Maryland, said the commission “failed to meet the spirit or intent” of state open meetings laws. The panel “demonstrated that it is more loyal to a single party’s desire to redistrict than to the people of Maryland,” she said.

    “There was no notice of today’s meeting; it was not streamed for public viewing,” Tyree said in a statement. “The Commission has not shared future meeting dates or even an outline of a process or tools for people to contribute to the development of meaningful and fair maps. While it seems like small details, it sends a clear message that says the majority party can jam through what it wants while ignoring the citizens.”

    The invitation from Sen. Angela Alsobrooks (D-Md.), the redistricting commission chair, to submit redistricting plans included no details on a format or other requirements for such plans. Those interested were simply directed to “submit their map ideas for our consideration over the next two weeks by e-mailing grac@maryland.gov.”

    Antoine said she is concerned about the timing for map submissions that leave “only a few days to submit map proposals with no date for the next two meetings. The entire process is a mess.”

    A spokesperson for the governor’s office did not respond to a request for comment about the private session.

    “It’s unfair to ask voters to comment on what they can’t see,” Antoine said in a statement. “Ultimately, this is about transparency; it’s about whether redistricting happens in the light of day or behind closed doors. The commission should immediately release any maps under consideration so the public can provide meaningful input, instead of putting the burden on members of the public to draw their own maps during the holidays.”

    The League of Women Voters of Maryland also said in a statement that it was “disturbed” to learn of the commission’s meeting and subsequent action Thursday.

    Making sure maps are ‘fair’

    Moore created the five-member panel in early November. He charged it with ensuring the congressional district maps approved by the state in 2022 were “fair” — a term he has repeatedly declined to define.

    While Democrats in Maryland hold a 2-1 advantage over Republicans in voter registration, they hold a 7-1 advantage in the state’s congressional districts: Rep. Andy Harris (R-1st) is the sole Republican in the congressional delegation, from the 1st District, which covers the Eastern Shore and stretches into eastern Baltimore County.

    Alsobrooks, in her statement, said Maryland has a “responsibility” to redistrict.

    “At a moment when other states are moving aggressively to redraw maps — and with some already signaling they want the Supreme Court to weaken or effectively nullify key protections in the Voting Rights Act — Maryland cannot afford to sit on the sidelines,” her statement said. “We have a responsibility to move forward so the next Congress reflects the will of the people and can serve as a real check on this President. That’s what tonight’s announcement is about: doing the work, inviting the public in, and getting this right.”

    Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Executive Director Julie Merz said the Maryland commission “took a critical step in ensuring the voice of Marylanders are heard in the face of national efforts by Donald Trump and Trump supporters to rig the midterm elections in their favor through unprecedented mid-decade redistricting. We applaud the Commission for their continued work to create a firewall against extremists seeking to silence the voice of Marylanders.”

    But the commission’s decision drew swift rebukes from Republican leaders in the House and Senate, with House Minority Leader Jason C. Buckel (R-Allegany) calling it “the most corrupt process possible in an inherently corrupt endeavor.”

    Ferguson flames commission before meeting

    Minutes before the start of the closed-door meeting, Ferguson released a statement charging that “the outcome is already known. Clearly, the Commission’s work was predetermined from the moment the GRAB was announced.”

    Ferguson, one of the five commission members, is an outspoken opponent of hyperpartisan midcycle redistricting. He pointed to recent polling that he said showed state residents have bigger issues on their minds than redistricting.

    “Our state’s residents have been clear, in front of this commission and through polling,” his statement said. “The overwhelming majority do not want a new congressional map. They want their government focused on fostering growth, affordability, and real protections against this lawless federal Administration. The Senate of Maryland remains focused on this important agenda as we continue to try to tackle a $1.4 billion budget shortfall in Maryland’s state budget.”

    Commission members who attended the meeting told Maryland Matters that the bulk of the discussion centered on whether to send a recommendation to the governor to move forward with a redistricting proposal.

    Cumberland Mayor Ray Morriss, in an interview early Thursday afternoon, said he expected the meeting to be “administrative” in nature, largely because of the previous lack of maps “or anything like that. So, more than anything, I think that’s what today’s meeting will be … pretty much administrative and sort of figuring out the road map going forward.”

    Speaking again after the meeting, Morriss said the commission discussed maps but none were shown to members.

    “There were discussions about them, about maps, how they would be drawn, who would be drawing them, and whether or not we would have more hearings open public hearings about it,” said Morriss, who joined Ferguson to vote against moving forward. “I would say that there was a consensus that we would have the public draw maps, and we would have open hearings to just allow to allow the public to voice their opinions about the different maps that they’ve seen.”

    But Morriss noted that part of the discussion included an option to send the issue to Moore and the legislature for public hearings.

    “That was the discussion, whether we wanted to have the hearings or go directly to the to the General Assembly,” he said. “We decided that it would probably be best, since we were a commission who would ask for the public’s input, to then give them the opportunity to have input on the maps that we were considering.”

    Others who attended the meeting called it “a check-in.”

    “I didn’t see it as any big deal,” said Del. C.T. Wilson (D-Charles), a member of the commission who voted with the majority Thursday night. “I saw it s a check-in, like, ‘Guys, are we going to keep doing this or what?’ There was no policy discussed.’”

    Wilson said he was not privy to how the decision was made to hold the meeting in private. Morriss said after the meeting that he saw no reason why the public could not attend.

    “There wasn’t anything being discussed that the public couldn’t have been a part of,” Morriss said by phone. “To be honest, initially, I thought that it was open, and there would be people … listening. But then found out that today that it was just us.”

    “I’m not a lawyer but to me, there wasn’t anything we were discussing that couldn’t have been discussed publicly,” he said.

    A ‘predetermined’ outcome

    Ferguson, in his statement said he agreed to sit on the commission “because we were tasked with hearing from Marylanders as to whether to move forward with mid-cycle redistricting. The cumulative oral and written testimony received to date demonstrates by a large margin that Marylanders oppose mid-cycle redistricting. Moreover, we did not engage in a thoughtful, informed conversation that would have included, at the very least, testimony from the Office of the Attorney General, or our State and local boards of elections.”

    “Pushing forward a preordained recommendation outside the public eye is irresponsible and lacks transparency,” his statement said

    Morriss agreed that the combination of written and in-person testimony led him to believe that Marylanders were not overwhelmingly in favor of redrawing the congressional maps. He said he’s tried to keep an open mind about how the commission might act but said the makeup of the members leans one way.

    “I wouldn’t say that anything is predetermined, but I think when you look at the makeup of the commission, it gives you a general idea of … what their perspective is,” he said. “I think that perspective could be obviously seen going forward from the very beginning. I haven’t seen anything to indicate that there was anybody that really changed their … perspective from what I would have considered it to be.”

    Morriss said the makeup of the commission, and the timing of the statement from Moore’s office Thursday so close to the end of the commission meeting, suggests “the commission to a great extent was selected for a specific purpose.”

    Senate Minority Leader Stephen S. Hershey Jr. (R-Upper Shore) applauded Ferguson for issuing a statement in advance of the meeting “to speak candidly about what many Marylanders plainly saw from the beginning.”

    “Citizens across Maryland recognized this effort for what it was: a thinly veiled attempt to advance a political outcome that had already been decided behind closed doors,” Hershey said. “Public hearings and commissions should be vehicles for transparency and trust, not performative exercises designed to legitimize predetermined decisions.”

    Hershey said the commission should seek real input and not just to “rubber-stamp a political strategy already in motion.”

    “I share President Ferguson’s belief that Marylanders deserve better,” Hershey said, adding: “When leaders from different parties arrive at the same conclusion, it should serve as a clear signal that this approach missed the mark and that Marylanders were right to be skeptical from the start.”

    LaDawn Black

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  • Independent redistricting commission, nonpartisan voting ballot measures proposed in Nevada

    Lawmakers after a joint committee on redistricting in 2021. (Photo: April Corbin Girnus/Nevada Current)

    Hoping to capitalize on public interest in, and outrage over, partisan gerrymandering, a grassroots group of Nevadans has filed a proposed ballot measure to establish an independent redistricting commission and prohibit mid-cycle redistricting.

    The group, Vote Nevada PAC, also filed a second proposed ballot question to amend the state’s Voter Bill of Rights to include a provision that could force the two major political parties to open their primaries.

    Both petitions were filed with the Nevada Secretary of State’s Office on Tuesday, according to members of the political action committee. Both proposals involve amending the Nevada State Constitution, meaning  if they qualify for the ballot, they will have to be approved by voters twice in subsequent elections — 2026 and 2028.

    Sondra Cosgrove and Doug Goodman, both longtime advocates for statewide election reform in the Silver State, are behind the efforts. Joining their cause this election cycle is former state Assemblymember Claire (Clara) Thomas, who since leaving office in 2024 has left the Democratic party and registered as a nonpartisan.

    The independent redistricting commission proposed by Vote Nevada would be composed of a mix of Democrats, Republicans, and non-major-party voters, reflecting active voter registration splits in the state.

    Currently in Nevada, redistricting — that is, the redrawing of the political district boundary lines in order to even out respective populations as regions grow or shrink — is the purview of the Nevada State Legislature, where  lawmakers are, with minimal exceptions, able to draw new maps for their own political gain. The governor can veto the maps.

    It is an “indefensible, corrupt process that must change,” argues Vote Nevada.

    Nonpartisan and third-party voters comprise 43% of the 2.1 million active registered voters as of August 2025, according to the Nevada Secretary of State’s Office.

    The proposed ballot question would limit redistricting to the 180 days following the release of the U.S. Census, essentially barring mid-cycle redistricting efforts like those recently undertaken by the Republican-controlled Texas State Legislature.

    Cosgrove believes the blatant political gerrymandering in Texas has brought unprecedented interest in redistricting across the country, making it an ideal time to discuss the issue in Nevada.

    In previous years, pitching the independent redistricting commission ballot measure to voters involved a lot of explaining, she said, but right now “it’s not hard to say we want to get rid of gerrymandering in Nevada.”

    She continued, “People are at least aware that it’s a thing that’s happening and it’s probably bad. It’ll be easier to educate the public now because it’s in the news everywhere.”

    Vote Nevada filed proposed ballot measures to form an independent redistricting commission — in 2020, 2022, and 2024. All three efforts failed to make it in front of voters, either because opponents successfully challenged it in court or because they failed to gather enough signatures to qualify for the ballot.

    In 2024, under the name Fair Maps Nevada, two nearly identical ballot measures to form independent redistricting commissions were deemed “legally deficient” by the Nevada Supreme Court because they did not establish a revenue source to pay for the new body they created.

    Cosgrove disagrees with the ruling but in an attempt to address it, the new measure transfers existing funding for redistricting from the legislative process to the independent redistricting commission.

    After the filing of a proposed ballot measure, there is a 15-day window for legal challenges. Those legal challenges, which go before a district court and often to the Nevada Supreme Court on appeal, can be a death sentence for proposals, either directly through an unfavorable ruling or indirectly by sucking up time and resources.

    The Vote Nevada PAC, in a lengthy brief on the history of efforts to form a commission, urged both major political parties to forgo a legal challenge this time around.

    The language of the bill has survived the standard legal challenge just five years ago, they point out. The language was also considered by the nonpartisan Legislative Counsel Bureau earlier this year when Republican state Sen. Ira Hansen sponsored the proposal as a piece of legislation. (Democrats did not give that resolution a hearing.)

    It has been thoroughly vetted, the organizers argue, and the political parties should “let the people debate this idea and then cast their votes, as is their right in the Nevada Constitution.”

    “I am daring them to sue me,” Cosgrove told the Current. “Sue me and I’m going to spend this whole election cycle ripping them to shreds.”

    Cosgrove said she’d be happy to point out to voters that Democrats oppose creating an independent redistricting commission in Nevada where they are the majority party but support creating one in Ohio where they are the minority party.

    Similarly, Republicans in Nevada are more supportive of the proposal while their counterparts in red states are opposed.

    Thomas, the former Democratic assemblymember, says the leaders of her former party should consider the possibility they might one day find themselves reckoning with a Republican trifecta in Carson City.

    “I keep saying that the pendulum is getting ready to swing in a different way,” she said. “Republicans stand a great chance in taking over the leadership. And when that happens they will want to do redistricting, and it will not fare well for the communities that I see.”

    In 2021, Democrats controlled the legislature and governor’s mansion and passed a series of new maps that were widely criticized by Republicans, progressive groups, and election advocates.

    Thomas’ two terms in the Assembly included that 5-day redistricting special session.

    She said the lack of transparency criticized by Republicans and observers also extended into the chambers themselves. Assemblymembers like herself, who did not hold a leadership position, had no say in the process. They were simply expected to show up and vote with what leadership presented.

    “We didn’t know anything about how they were divvying up the communities until they divided it up,” she said. “Then it was, ‘This is what it is.’”

    Thomas ultimately voted for the maps, as did all Democrats except one, then-Assemblymember (now state Sen.) Edgar Flores. But now she is hoping the process can be changed to get closer to the people.

    Vote Nevada doesn’t have deep financial pockets to fight legal battles or pay signature-gathering companies.  “We have $0,” Cosgrove acknowledged.  But the PAC is hoping the moment is right for a grassroots movement to form.

    Voter Bill of Rights amendment

    Vote Nevada’s second ballot measure would amend the Voter Bill of Rights, which was enshrined in the state constitution in 2020.

    The proposed ballot measure would add that all eligible voters have a right “to fully participate in all publicly funded elections without limitation, including, but not limited to, any requirement to affiliate with any private organization, such as a political party.”

    The ballot measure would upend the state’s presidential preference primaries, which are publicly funded but only open to voters who register with either of the two major political parties.

    Vote Nevada notes that the political parties would be free to engage in privately funded nominating processes. The Nevada Republican Party last year did just that despite the state mandating a presidential preference primary be held. (That split resulted in “none of these candidates” winning the nonbinding state-run primary and Donald Trump winning the party-run caucus.)

    Cosgrove and Goodman have long argued that the growing number of nonpartisan voters are being disenfranchised because they cannot participate in primaries, which are often competitive and sometimes decide the general election.

    The duo was heavily involved in 2022 and 2024’s Question 3, which proposed a ranked choice voting and open primary election system. The proposal passed in 2022 but failed to pass in 2024. It faced fierce opposition from both major parties.

    Many opponents of that measure suggested they were okay with open primaries and that the problem lay with using ranked choice.

    During this year’s legislative session, Assembly Speaker Steve Yeager acknowledged those frustrations. He sponsored a bill to allow nonpartisan voters to participate in either Republican or Democratic non-presidential primaries. The bill passed the Legislature but was vetoed by Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo.

    When pitching the legislation, Yeager told his peers he feels the dam to open primaries is “going to break one way or another.”

    Thomas leaves Democratic party

    Thomas described making the decision to register as nonpartisan as “hard pressed.” She had been a loyal Democrat her whole life but became “disenchanted” by what she sees as the party’s lack of leadership and prioritization of lobbyists and special interests.

    “It is not the party that my parents taught me about,” she said. “It’s not the party that I grew up with in Nevada.”

    Thomas said the decision was not a direct response to the Nevada Senate Democratic Caucus endorsing her competitor last year for the state Senate District 1 Democratic primary, though she acknowledged there was conflict.

    “Did I appreciate the leadership telling lobbyists not to support me? And (saying) if they do support me that their bills would not be heard? Those are tactics that I think we see in the Republican party. Never did I think the Democratic party would do that. But they did.”

    Thomas lost the Democratic primary in June last year to Michelee Cruz-Crawford, who would go on to win the general election in the solid blue district. Thomas said she didn’t decide to leave the party until later, following a “really thoughtful process” about where the party was headed.

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  • Judge denies Utah lawmakers’ request to pause order tossing out congressional map

    Judge Dianna Gibson holds a hearing on Utah’s congressional maps process, in Salt Lake City on Friday, Aug. 29, 2025. Judge Gibson previously ruled — based on a decision last year by the Utah Supreme Court — that the Legislature had violated voters’ constitutional right to make laws when legislators repealed Proposition 4, the citizen-passed Better Boundaries initiative. (Pool photo by Trent Nelson/The Salt Lake Tribune)

    Third District Court Judge Dianna Gibson issued a decision late Tuesday denying Utah lawmakers’ attorneys’ request to push pause on her ruling last week that tossed out the state’s current congressional boundaries and ordered lawmakers to draw a new map. 

    “By granting a stay and proceeding with the 2026 election under the current 2021 Congressional Plan, this Court would be sanctioning the Legislature’s violation of the people’s constitutional right to reform their government through redistricting legislation,” the judge wrote in the decision. 

    Last week, Gibson ruled the Utah Legislature unconstitutionally overturned Better Boundaries’ ballot initiative known as Proposition 4, a voter-approved law that created an independent redistricting commission meant to prevent partisan gerrymandering. The 2021 Utah Legislature repealed and replaced it with a new law, SB200, which turned that commission into an advisory body that lawmakers could ignore — which they ultimately did when they adopted the 2021 congressional map.

    Delaying the order “would sanction the wholesale repeal of Proposition 4 and would irreparably harm the people of Utah,” the judge wrote Tuesday. “Given the Court’s ruling, this Court cannot conclude that a ‘stay’ would be just under the circumstances.”

    Gibson’s ruling has major implications for the future of Utah’s federal political landscape. Before the 2021 map was adopted, one of Utah’s four U.S. House seats was competitive for Democrats. Today, Republicans consistently dominate all four. 

    Her ruling comes during a time when fights over redistricting are on the national stage. While redistricting efforts in Texas, California and other states are playing out mid-decade — fueled by President Donald Trump’s aim to bolster the U.S. House’s slim GOP majority in the 2026 midterm elections — Utah’s effort for an independent and nonpartisan process is court ordered.

    Gibson, in her decision issued Tuesday, said the state could set itself apart from other states.

    “Utah has an opportunity to be different,” the judge wrote. “While other states are currently redrawing their congressional plans to intentionally render some citizen votes meaningless, Utah could redesign its congressional plan with an intention to protect its citizens’ right to vote and to ensure that each citizen’s vote is meaningful.” 

    Gibson also acknowledged that the “timing of this ruling,” along with the injunction on the 2021 Congressional Map, “presents challenges for the Legislature … to accomplish its duty” to draw a new map in compliance with Proposition 4 in time for the 2026 elections.

    In an effort to address those timing challenges, Gibson asked the lieutenant governor’s office if there would be any flexibility — even if it’s a matter of days — to push back the previously set deadline of Nov. 1 for the court to select a new map while also allowing enough time for counties to finalize their precincts before candidates can begin filing in January. 

    In a court filing also submitted Tuesday, attorneys for Lt. Gov. Deidre Henderson wrote that after consulting with county clerks “and due to the extenuating circumstances of this litigation, the deadline for congressional map submission for this election cycle is Nov. 10, 2025.” 

    Given that new deadline, it’s likely Gibson will offer some adjustments to the proposed timeline she included in her order last week, which gave lawmakers, plaintiffs and third parties until Sept. 24 to submit their proposed congressional maps for the court to choose from.  

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  • California to take on Newsom-backed redistricting plan today

    California’s contentious new congressional maps, championed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, easily advanced in the state Assembly on Thursday, setting up for final passage in the Senate before landing on Newsom’s desk.

    The new map would shift five of California’s Republican U.S. House seats to be more favorable to Democrats in the 2026 midterm elections.

    The measure passed the Assembly on Thursday with 57 legislators voting in favor and 20 against, and now heads to the state Senate. If the measure is successful, Californians would then vote on a constitutional amendment for the new boundaries during a special election on Nov. 4.

    That election is likely to be expensive and unpredictable given how quickly the effort has come together and how little time there is between the legislature’s actions and voters starting to have their say.

    California’s legislative votes are happening just one day after Texas state representatives passed a GOP-backed congressional map on Wednesday at the request of President Trump, following a weekslong standoff in which Democratic lawmakers left Texas to delay a vote. These new Texas maps could help secure five additional GOP-leaning seats during the upcoming midterm elections. Republicans in the state have been adamant the Texas changes are fair, while Texas Democrats have already signaled the maps will be challenged in court.

    Shortly after the Texas House passed the maps, Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom posted “It’s on” on social media. When Texas first launched its redistricting effort, Newsom had vowed to redraw the Golden State’s congressional districts to counter the Lone Star State’s plan and neutralize any potential GOP gains.

    Newsom — who is widely seen as a possible 2028 presidential contender — sarcastically congratulated Texas GOP Gov. Greg Abbott on X, saying, “you will now go down in history as one of Donald Trump’s most loyal lapdogs. Shredding our nation’s founding principles. What a legacy.”

    Although California Republicans have denounced the redistricting plan as a “tit-for-tat strategy,” the state’s Democrats on Thursday touted that the effort is different from Texas since it will be ultimately approved by the state’s voters.

    “In California, we will do whatever it takes to ensure that voters, not Donald Trump, will decide the direction of this country,” said Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas. “This is a proud moment in the history of this assembly. Californians, we believe in freedom. We will not let our political system be hijacked by authoritarianism, and today, we give every Californian the power to say no. To say no to Donald Trump’s power grab and yes to our people, to our state and to our democracy.”

    Although Newsom and California Democrats had previously insisted redistricting would only move forward if GOP-led states such as Texas, Florida, Indiana or others continued with their maps, that language was struck from Thursday’s measure shortly before the Assembly voted on it.

    President Trump late Wednesday congratulated Texas Republicans for advancing the new maps, writing on social media that “Everything Passed, on our way to FIVE more Congressional seats and saving your Rights, your Freedoms, and your Country, itself.” He also encouraged GOP-led Indiana and Florida to take on redistricting.

    The relatively rare mid-decade redistricting gambit comes as both parties prepare to face off in 2026 and has major implications nationwide. Republicans have a narrow majority at the moment, and Democrats winning back three seats in the 2026 midterms could be enough to flip control of the chamber if the lines used in the 2024 election were still in place. Redistricting in red states could change that dynamic significantly however, and with it the impact of the final two years on Mr. Trump’s second term in office.

    Texas and California are the two biggest redistricting battlegrounds, but Mr. Trump has pushed similar efforts in GOP-led Indiana and Florida, and New York Democrats have floated redrawing their House map. The Republican-led state of Missouri could also try and redraw a Democratic district in the coming weeks, and new maps are also expected in Ohio, where a redraw brought about by state law could impact some of the red state’s Democratic members of Congress.

    Earlier this week, former President Barack Obama acknowledged that he was not a fan of partisan gerrymandering but he backed Newsom’s redistricting plan anyway at a fundraiser in Martha’s Vineyard and on social media, calling it a “smart, measured approach.”

    Less than 24 hours before  California’s scheduled vote, Newsom joined a press call with Democratic party leaders, urging support for his state’s redistricting effort.

    “This is about taking back our country,” Newsom told reporters. “This is about the Democratic Party now punching back forcefully and very intentionally.

    A draft congressional map unveiled by California Democrats late last week would heavily impact five of the state’s nine Republican U.S. House members. It would redraw Reps. Doug LaMalfa and Kevin Kiley’s Northern California districts, tweak Rep. David Valadao’s district in the Central Valley and rearrange parts of densely populated Southern California, impacting Reps. Ken Calvert and Darrell Issa. And some more competitive Democrat-held districts could be tilted further from the GOP.

    There’s no guarantee that Democrats will win in all five newly recast districts.

    Democrats hold large majorities in both chambers of California’s state legislature. But some legal hurdles still lie ahead, and Republicans in the state have pushed back against the redistricting plans.

    Unlike Texas, California has an independent redistricting commission that was created by voters earlier this century. To overhaul the current congressional map, a constitutional amendment would need to be passed by a two-thirds vote in California’s Assembly and Senate and be approved by voters in the fast-moving fall election.

    On Wednesday, the California Supreme Court denied a GOP attempt to stop the mid-cycle redistricting. California Republicans had legally challenged Democrats’ efforts, claiming the state’s constitution gives Californians the right to review new legislation for 30 days. But Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero said they “failed to meet their burden of establishing a basis for relief at this time.”

    The GOP legislators who filed the legal challenge told CBS News the ruling is “not the end of this fight,” vowing to keep fighting the redistricting plan in the courts.

    In a phone interview with CBS News on Wednesday, California Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones, a Republican, condemned Newsom’s redistricting efforts.

    “This whole process is illegal from the beginning and violates the current California Constitution,” Jones said. “The voters spoke with a loud voice in 2008 and 2010 that they were taking this process out of the politicians’ hands and putting the responsibility into an independent commission.”

    Democrats faced a flurry of questions from Republican lawmakers during hearings this week on the alleged lack of transparency in the drafting of these maps and the financial implications of the Nov. 4 special election.

    “If we’re talking about the cost of a special election versus the cost of our democracy or the cost that Californians are already paying to subsidize this corrupt administration, those costs seem well worth paying at this moment,” said Democratic state Assemblyman Isaac G. Bryan.

    Democratic lawmakers and Newsom have repeatedly emphasized that these redistricting efforts would not get rid of the independent commission and that the new maps he’s hoping to put in place will be the lines used through the 2030 election. The commission would go back to drawing the state’s congressional maps after the 2030 census, according to Newsom, who says this is only being done as a response to Mr. Trump and Texas’ redistricting.

    That notion was rejected by Jones, who said: “Growing up, I was taught two wrongs don’t make a right, so no, it is not justified.”

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