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Tag: race

  • Sally Field Hailed For Self-Aware ‘White Girl’ Speech At SAG Awards

    Sally Field Hailed For Self-Aware ‘White Girl’ Speech At SAG Awards

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    “I was a little white girl with a pug-nose born in Pasadena, California,” the two-time Oscar winner said. “And when I look around this room tonight, I know my fight ― as hard as it was ― was lightweight compared to some of yours. I thank you and I applaud you.”

    Field, who recently starred in “80 for Brady,” struck the right tone to some observers on Twitter. “It should be everyone’s goal in life to be as self-aware as Sally Field,” one wrote.

    As the awards season nears a close, the reported short shrift given to Black women at the upcoming Oscars will seize the spotlight. “Till” star Danielle Deadwyler and the lauded historical drama “The Woman King” were among the prominent nomination snubs.

    “We live in a world and work in industries that are so aggressively committed to upholding whiteness and perpetuating an unabashed misogyny towards Black women,” “Till” director Chinonye Chukwu wrote.

    Not surprisingly, Field’s words got noticed on social media. Some accused her of virtue signaling, but many felt her remarks came from places in the heart.

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    February 27, 2023
  • The Importance of Access to Treatment

    The Importance of Access to Treatment

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    Plaque Psoriasis: Why Equal Access to Treatment Is Essential

































    091e9c5e820faac4091e9c5e820faac4FED-Footermodule_FED-Footer_091e9c5e820faac4.xmlwbmd_pb_templatemodule0144002/02/2021 01:57:340HTML















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    February 17, 2023
  • College Board Rips Florida Over ‘Slander’ Of AP African American Studies Course

    College Board Rips Florida Over ‘Slander’ Of AP African American Studies Course

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    The organization overseeing Advanced Placement courses and college entrance exams went after Florida Republicans on Saturday for spreading misinformation about its new African American Studies course for political gain.

    Last month, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) announced that the Florida Department of Education would reject the new course because it included topics about race that he and other conservatives have pushed to erase from public schools. In its pilot phase, the course covered topics like mass incarceration and reparations.

    The law known as the Stop WOKE Act that Florida Republicans passed last year has led to an anti-Black movement in the state’s schools, where educators are now virtually banned from teaching students about racism and its role in American history. Florida Education Commissioner Manny Diaz called the new AP course “woke indoctrination masquerading as education.”

    “We deeply regret not immediately denouncing the Florida Department of Education’s slander, magnified by the Desantis administration’s subsequent comments that African American Studies ‘lacks educational value.’ Our failure to raise our voice betrayed Black scholars everywhere and those who have long toiled to build this remarkable field,” the College Board said in a statement released Saturday.

    On the first day of Black History Month, the College Board released the course’s official curriculum, which no longer included many of the topics Florida Republicans had denounced, such as the Black Lives Matter movement and notable Black authors like bell hooks, Kimberlé Crenshaw and Ta-Nehisi Coates. The decision of what to include drew widespread backlash from scholars and the public, but the board claimed the curriculum was determined without regard to politics and was not influenced by DeSantis.

    “We should have made clear that the framework is only the outline of the course, still to be populated by the scholarly articles, video lectures, and practice questions that we assemble and make available to all AP teachers in the summer for free and easy assignment to their students,” it continued. “This error triggered a conversation about erasing or eliminating Black thinkers. The vitriol aimed at these scholars is repulsive and must stop.”

    The College Board said topics like the Black Lives Matter movement and mass incarceration were optional topics in the pilot phase and that the board’s “lack of clarity allowed the narrative to arise that political forces had ‘downgraded’ the role of these contemporary movements and debates in the AP class.”

    “In Florida’s effort to engineer a political win, they have claimed credit for the specific changes we made to the official framework,” the College Board said. “In their February 7, 2023, letter to us, which they leaked to the media within hours of sending, Florida expresses gratitude for the removal of 19 topics, none of which they ever asked us to remove, and most of which remain in the official framework.”

    Florida officials claimed the College Board was in frequent contact about the new course’s content, implying that the state’s Education Department influenced the board to make certain changes to the course. The College Board disputed the claim on Saturday, asserting there were no negotiations about the course with Florida or any state, “nor did we receive any requests, suggestions, or feedback” except for emails containing inflamed rhetoric that Republicans have publicly aired about education on racism.

    “This new AP course can be historic — what makes history are the lived experiences of millions of African Americans, and the long work of scholars who have built this field,” the College Board said. “We hope our future efforts will unmistakably and unequivocally honor their work.”

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    February 12, 2023
  • After Mysterious Suspension of Award-Winning UCLA Prof, Scientists Fight Back

    After Mysterious Suspension of Award-Winning UCLA Prof, Scientists Fight Back

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    More than 300 academic scientists from around the world are fighting a decision by the University of California at Los Angeles to suspend an award-winning faculty member without pay, ban her from campus, prohibit her from speaking to her students, and cut her off from a National Science Foundation grant she brought in.

    The university isn’t saying why penalties were imposed on Priyanga Amarasekare, a tenured professor of ecology and evolutionary biology who’d recently been awarded two of the highest honors in her field.

    Amarasekare has been prohibited by the university from talking about the campus proceedings that resulted in the sanctions. Contacted this week by The Chronicle, she declined comment.

    But conversations with current and former students and faculty members both within and outside UCLA reveal a messy dispute over allegations of racial discrimination in the ecology department and retaliation against those who complain. According to information obtained by The Chronicle, some of Amarasekare’s critics had suggested that she was using a time of national racial unrest to further her own grievances and turn students against the department.

    In an email list set up in 2020 for the department of ecology and evolutionary biology, she complained of being repeatedly passed over for promotions and leadership opportunities after drawing attention to discrimination that she says she and others had experienced in her department.

    “All decision-making authority has been granted to a few white male professors,” Amarasekare, a native of Sri Lanka and one of two women of color with tenure in the department, wrote. The department is trying to combat racism, she concluded, “by rendering invisible the very individuals it purportedly wishes to protect.”

    After learning of her suspension, some of the prominent ecologists who have recommended her for promotions at UCLA circulated a petition that was sent on Monday to Michael V. Drake, president of the University of California, Gene D. Block, chancellor of UCLA, and the University of California regents. The petition, signed by a worldwide assortment of ecologists and other scientists, most from the United States and Europe, said they were “deeply troubled” by what they considered the secretive nature of the actions taken against “a highly distinguished ecologist.”

    A UCLA spokesman said, in an email on Tuesday, that the university could not comment on the specifics of Amarasekare’s case because of personnel processes and privacy laws. However, in a statement attributed to the university, he said that UCLA supports freedom of expression and doesn’t condone retaliation, and that it’s “committed to maintaining a diverse, inclusive, and respectful learning, teaching, and working environment for all members of our community.” When someone is accused of failing to uphold those values, the statement said, UCLA investigates the claim and takes appropriate action, if warranted.

    What’s unclear is what kind of behavior would warrant her punishment: a one-year suspension without salary or benefits, a 20-percent salary cut for two years after that, and a ban from university facilities including her office, lab, and email. The university also removed her from an NSF grant that she has been using for lab experiments, some of which examine the effects of rising temperatures on the survival of insect species.

    “This is the kind of punishment normally applied only to the most egregious wrongdoings such as scientific misconduct and Title IX violations,” the petition states.

    “We do not know the details of the proceedings at UCLA, but some things are clear to us from the outside,” it says. “Dr. Amarasekare has long been denied significant advancement within her department, out of keeping with her contributions to the field. The high quality of her research is unquestioned, as recently formally affirmed through a Guggenheim Fellowship and the Robert H. MacArthur Award from the Ecological Society of America, the highest honor a scientist in her field can receive.”

    In April, the university announced her MacArthur honor, which is given every other year to a midcareer ecologist for outstanding contributions to the field. A few months later, she’d been suspended.

    The “exceptionally severe” sanctions have not only caused her financial stress, the petition said, but have halted valuable federally-funded research and destroyed time-sensitive experiments that could have yielded important information about the effects of climate change.

    The main author of the petition was Peter Chesson, a professor emeritus of ecology and evolutionary biology at the University of Arizona who has recommended Amarasekare for several promotions at UCLA that she didn’t end up getting.

    “I’ve been writing recommendations for her for years for good reason,” he said in an interview with The Chronicle. “Her work is outstanding. It’s pathbreaking.” He called her “one of UCLA’s star performers” and asked: “How can they destroy her life and career in this way and keep it all secret? It’s utterly appalling.”

    Amarasekare’s suspension is particularly harmful for graduate students, Chesson said. “For students to suddenly lose their adviser and their ability to work is devastating,” he said. “ Suddenly, the person you’ve looked up to and admired is inexplicably removed.”

    Two students who worked in her lab, who asked not to be identified for fear of retaliation, said they were shocked to receive word last July that their adviser had gone on leave. Their emails to her bounced and they were assigned to other advisers who didn’t have the same expertise that had drawn them to Amarasekare’s lab.

    Students, they said, have experienced stress as well as significant setbacks in their research. The disruption occurred shortly before fellowship, postdoc, and graduate-school applications were due, hurting the career prospects of students who were counting on her letters of recommendation and mentorship.

    In June 2020, Barney A. Schlinger, who was serving as interim chair of the ecology and evolutionary biology department at the time, circulated an email to members of the department announcing the creation of an email list “to express our opinions and ideas for how EEB can move forward in positive ways.” It was announced in the aftermath of the May 2020 murder of George Floyd by a police officer and shortly after UCLA ecology students had circulated a statement of support for the Black Lives Matter movement.

    In an email to students, Schlinger said he hoped the site would be a place “where we can indeed listen, especially from those hurt, even if unintentionally, by any aspect of the EEB culture.”

    Given the opportunity, Amarasekare didn’t hold back. In a copy of the lengthy August 2020 post that was shared with The Chronicle by a former member of the department, she said that for years she had complained about discrimination against minorities in recruitment, retention, and advancement at UCLA. “The department’s way of addressing the problem, which it has done with the knowledge and approval of the higher administration, is to take measures that essentially render me voiceless and invisible,” she wrote.

    Schlinger did not respond to a request for comment. The Chronicle reached out to 18 of the 28 UCLA faculty members listed on the department’s website, including the current chair, Michael Alfaro. Of the few who responded, none were willing to be quoted.

    Andy Dobson, a professor of ecology and evolutionary biology at Princeton University, helped draft the petition protesting Amarasekare’s punishment. He too had been writing letters on her behalf for promotions she didn’t receive. He said he ran into her at an ecological association meeting and was shocked to hear of her suspension.

    Amarasekare told him she was struggling with health problems and the stress, as a single parent of two school-age children, of having lost her salary and health insurance.

    The petition asks the university “in the absence of compelling evidence to the contrary” to lift the sanctions, compensate Amarasekare for “unnecessary infliction of hardship,” and help her recover her research program.

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    January 25, 2023
  • Florida Bans AP African-American History Course Over ‘Educational Value’

    Florida Bans AP African-American History Course Over ‘Educational Value’

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    Florida will not allow schools in the state to offer a new Advanced Placement course on African-American history, claiming it “significantly lacks educational value” and violates state law.

    Florida’s Department of Education (FDOE) informed the College Board of its decision to reject the class, which is now in a pilot stage, in a letter dated Jan. 12, The New York Times reported. The letter did not cite any specific law, the Times noted.

    Under its Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis, Florida enacted the so-called “Stop WOKE Act” last summer to hinder teaching about systemic inequality. The law expands the legal definition of discrimination to include lessons about racial or gender-based privilege and oppression, stating that no one should be instructed to “feel guilt, anguish, or other forms of psychological distress” as a result of their race or gender.

    Although it is being challenged by groups, including the American Civil Liberties Union, for being unconstitutionally vague, some college instructors have been modifying their curricula on race-related topics to avoid running afoul of the legislation. Some have even canceled courses altogether rather than risk landing in legal hot water.

    The College Board, a nonprofit that oversees college entrance exams, offers AP classes as a way for high school students to obtain college credit and bolster their college applications.

    Currently, the AP African-American Studies course is being taught at 60 schools nationwide. However, the College Board plans to make it widely accessible by the 2024-2025 school year.

    The organization’s website states that the new course, which has been in development for a decade, “reaches into a variety of fields ― literature, the arts and humanities, political science, geography, and science ― to explore the vital contributions and experiences of African Americans.” In addition, the College Board says it consulted college professors around the country for input, although the entire curriculum is not publicly available.

    The course would not be automatically introduced at Florida schools. Like all AP courses, schools must apply with the College Board to offer them.

    However, the Florida Department of Education is not giving school administrators any choice.

    “As presented, the content of this course is inexplicably contrary to Florida law and significantly lacks educational value,” read the department’s letter to the College Board, according to WESH, an Orlando NBC affiliate.

    “In the future, should College Board be willing to come back to the table with lawful, historically accurate content, FDOE will always be willing to reopen the discussion,” it said, WESH reported.

    In November, a judge blocked the state of Florida from enforcing the “Stop WOKE Act,” but only for colleges and universities.

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    January 19, 2023
  • How the Fate of a “Racial-Justice Center” Ensnarled Penn State’s New President in Controversy

    How the Fate of a “Racial-Justice Center” Ensnarled Penn State’s New President in Controversy

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    During her first few months as president of Pennsylvania State University, Neeli Bendapudi began to have doubts about a planned multimillion-dollar Center for Racial Justice that had been envisioned by her predecessor, Eric J. Barron, in the wake of the murder of George Floyd in the summer of 2020. Bendapudi’s skepticism, honed over a two-month listening tour, essentially boiled down to a belief that a $3.5-million center that would centralize antiracism research and advise the administration on equity-related policies would not address the university’s most urgent needs.

    How Bendapudi arrived at and conveyed her decision to scrap the center, through a series of ill-timed, tense, in-person and virtual meetings with a rolling cast of administrators, faculty, and students, has resulted in widespread confusion, roiling protests, and a ubiquitous belief among faculty and students that she is not earnestly committed to racial justice. Her decision, faculty members said in a petition now signed by 400 people, adds to a “long list of broken promises on issues of racial justice by Penn State.”

    “This center represented a very important symbol, and she took that away from us,” said Gary King, a Penn State professor of biobehavioral health and African American studies. “The very name itself stated something that Penn State had never done.”

    The Chronicle spent several days at University Park, Penn State’s largest campus, speaking to administrators, faculty, and students, and pouring through emails, campus announcements, and videos of press conferences and town halls to piece together the series of events that’s left this sprawling system sharply divided over how to fight racism and has placed its new president on the defense.

    “I messed up on the communication,” Bendapudi said during an interview with The Chronicle last month. “I have been an unapologetic, staunch advocate for diversity and equity for a long time. That’s not new, and that’s not going to change. I 100-percent stand behind my decision as my best judgment of what is right for this institution.”

    The falling out illustrates the sort of landmines university leaders have faced in recent years when trying to communicate and build support for racial-justice efforts.

    At Penn State, there’s widespread agreement that the university, for a variety of reasons, has struggled to recruit and retain students of color, despite Black and Latino students making up a growing portion of Pennsylvania’s high-school graduates. The university, which is rapidly losing enrollment, now faces a budget deficit of more than $191 million.

    Critics of Bendapudi say that the Center for Racial Justice would compile racial-disparity data from across the 24-campus system, employ scholars to evaluate that data, and craft universitywide approaches to close those disparities. “One of the hopes was that the center could … compel the university to be very self-reflective and self-critical in acknowledging the ways that it has contributed to and maintained racism,” said Ashley Patterson, a professor in the College of Education.

    The decision not to fund the Center for Racial Justice adds to a “long list of broken promises on issues of racial justice by Penn State.”

    Other universities — including William & Mary college and Dillard University, a private, historically Black university in Louisiana — have established similar racial-justice centers in recent years. In January, the state of Pennsylvania awarded Temple University a $1.3-million grant to build the Center for Anti-Racism.

    But Bendapudi, along with several other Penn State administrators The Chronicle spoke to, insisted that the university needs to focus on measurable goals, such as closing graduation gaps between students of color and white students, growing and diversifying the faculty, promoting staff of color, and improving the sense of belonging among faculty and students on campus. Bendapudi says institutions of higher education have historically not prioritized these issues.

    “My concern is that, frankly, every single university is establishing these centers, and I think that’s a great idea,” Bendapudi said during a town hall in November. “But I also worry that is not necessarily what will move the needle for us.”

    When she was hired by Penn State’s board in December 2021, many expected Bendapudi, a former banking executive who was born and raised in India, to champion racial- and social-justice efforts. As the president of the University of Louisville, she cut ties with John Schnatter, founder of the Papa Johns pizza chain who had donated more than $40 million to the university, after he used the N-word on a conference call. She was also behind the university’s decision to rename the Papa Johns football stadium.

    In the summer of 2020 Bendapudi coined Louisville’s “Cardinal Anti-Racism Agenda,” a list of recommendations that were slated to be finished by September 2020. She said she wanted to make Louisville a “premiere antiracist metropolitan university.” Breonna Taylor, who had been shot and killed by police in the same city, was an emergency-room technician at the university’s medical center.

    As part of the new agenda, administrators would dedicate resources toward improving the retention and graduation rates of Black male students, encourage social-justice-related research, and revamp the Bias Incident Response Team, among other things. But student activists said that Louisville’s failure to cut ties with the local police department rendered its other commitments “performative.”

    When Bendapudi arrived at Penn State, administrators and faculty were in the throes of attempting to devise a new strategy for addressing racial disparities on campus. Black students make up just 5 percent of the university’s overall enrollment, and Latino students make up about 7 percent. The university’s faculty is 3 percent Black. In a recent study, eight out of 10 Black professors said they experienced racism at the university. At least 70 percent said they didn’t believe that the academic culture at Penn State is one that encourages the pursuit of learning, teaching, and scholarship for Black Americans.

    In the summer of 2020, amid nationwide protests after the killing of George Floyd, Penn State’s then-President Eric J. Barron promised to commit to changing the university’s diversity and inclusivity efforts. He convened a task force to review the Student Code of Conduct, initiated mandatory bias training for all employees and students, and worked with the faculty senate to find ways to increase the hiring and retention of diverse faculty members, among other things, according to a university press release. He assigned a separate commission the task of creating a list of recommendations for how the university should tackle bias and racism.

    That fall, the commission released a list of four recommendations. They wanted the university to establish a Truth and Reconciliation Process to address its past and present policies that excluded faculty and students of color, fund antiracist research, create a fellowship dedicated to antiracist work, and establish a new antiracist scholarly center or consortium, which was later referred to as the Center for Racial Justice.

    This center represented a very important symbol, and she took that away from us.

    “The university’s current approaches to DEI do not engage fully or honestly with the aspirations and commitments expressed in [the university’s strategic plan] … and [they] further enable the racism and bias that disproportionately impact the most vulnerable among us,” the proposal said.

    Barron saw hope with the fourth proposal to build the Center for Racial Justice. In March, he set aside $3.5 million and created a search committee to find the center’s director.

    When Bendapudi began as Penn State’s president in May, she said she met with the deans and chancellors at every campus and asked them for their opinions on the most urgent needs around diversity. “For a two-month period there was not a conversation where we didn’t talk about diversity,” Bendapudi said. “I was truly trying to figure out, in every conversation, ‘tell me about diversity, what is happening? What is the biggest challenge?’”

    Campus leaders were most concerned about the support and retention of students of color, she said. They didn’t talk explicitly about the Center for Racial Justice, so she came to the conclusion that a new center may not be the most economical or effective approach.

    Around the same time, Bendapudi told the campus that administrators would have to institute a hiring freeze, effective August 1, due to stagnant state funding and enrollment losses coming out of the pandemic.

    On September 7, Bendapudi met with the committee searching for a director of the center and told them that the university was having a budget crisis and had not yet set aside $3.5 million for the center.

    A week later, King wrote a letter to the editor in The Daily Collegian quoting Langston Hughes’ poem, “A Dream Deferred,” citing a long list of disparities between Black and white faculty members and referencing a “rumor” that the center may not be created.

    “I suspect that Penn State President Neeli Bendapudi has had less time to enjoy a ‘summer honeymoon’ as the incoming president of our great university,” he wrote. “Perhaps some of us were under the illusion that having a person of color as the head of the university and a Black chief of staff would automatically ‘fix the problem …’ We cannot and should not simply trust the administration or the Board of Trustees to do the right thing. I truly hope it is not the case that they have run out of will, rather than having run out of money. Because where there is a will, there is surely a way.”

    On October 6, the search committee sent Bendapudi an email urging her to be transparent with the university about the “setback” and suggesting that establishing a new timeline for the center or an alternative plan would be better actions to take.

    “Penn State does not have a solid reputation for adequately addressing social injustices, inclusion, and racism,” they said. “Without such a reputation, this cancellation is likely to affect the ability of the university to recruit and retain top faculty, who may strengthen existing or create new revenue streams, lead by example in this space, and produce critical new scholarship and public activity around race and the study of it.”

    Lea Millis, Reuters via Redux

    Protests became violent ahead of an event at Penn State featuring Gavin McInnes, founder of the Proud Boys. The event was canceled by administrators.

    In early October, Gavin McInnes, founder of the white supremacy organization the Proud Boys, was invited to the campus by a student group. At first, administrators resisted calls from students and faculty to cancel his appearance, citing the importance of free speech.

    But on October 24, hundreds of students, faculty, and alumni gathered to protest. One held up a sign that read “racists off our campus.” The protest grew violent, and state troopers rode in on horseback. At least one physical altercation started, and both police and protesters unleashed chemical spray. In response to the “escalating violence,” administrators abruptly canceled the Proud Boys event, chiding protesters in the process.

    “We have encouraged peaceful protest, and, while protest is an acceptable means of expression, it becomes unacceptable when it obstructs the basic exchange of ideas,” the university’s administrators said in a statement. “Such obstruction is a form of censorship, no matter who initiates it or for what reasons. The University expects that people engaging in expressive activity will demonstrate civility, concern for the safety of persons and property, respect for University activities and for those who may disagree with their message, and will comply with University rules.”

    On October 26, Penn State issued a universitywide statement that it would not fund the Center for Racial Justice.

    “I have determined that enhancing support for current efforts by people who know Penn State best will be more impactful than investing in a new venture, and so we will not pursue efforts to launch a Center for Racial Justice,” Bendapudi said in the statement.

    A crowd holding signs bearing anti-racist slogans is seen marching against a backdrop of fall foliage. Two signs can be read in full. One sign reads “Racists Off Our Campus.” Another reads “D.A. Monsins Supports White Terrorism.”

    Lea Millis, Reuters via Redux

    The crowd of protesters included students, faculty, and alumni.

    The backlash was swift.

    In a November email to administrators, “concerned faculty” from the department of curriculum and instruction at Penn State’s College of Education said the announcement to defund the Center for Racial Justice had been done insensitively and was poorly timed. “We are troubled to see that recent statements and actions of the University at large are complacent at best, perpetuating practices that are long overdue for renewal,” the email said. “Our interpretation of the goals recently announced to the Board are a regression from bold, antiracist commitments to infusing equity at all levels of University operations toward the type of outdated, uninspired undertaking of diversity and multiculturalism goals akin to those touted in the 1990s — both in spirit and in rhetoric.”

    Rumor and speculation began to fly. The shuttering of the center was seen by some as retaliation for the counterprotest of the Proud Boys event. Others pointed a finger at the Board of Trustees, claiming that its members forced Bendapudi to get rid of the center. The board denied those claims.

    “Dr. Bendapudi impressed the Board of Trustees and the Presidential Recruitment and Selection Committee with her considerable experience, effective outcomes, and her career-long history of antiracism work,” Penn State’s board said in an email to The Chronicle. “As indicated previously, the Board supports the work and actions President Bendapudi is taking to update our University operations and align our efforts with our key strategic priorities — one of which is ensuring DEIB throughout our entire University ecosystem.”

    The week before Thanksgiving break, Bendapudi appointed Jennifer Hamer, a professor of African American studies and women’s, gender, and sexuality studies, to lead a universitywide effort to evaluate the diversity, equity, inclusion, and belonging recommendations, programs, and research across the university’s 24 campuses.

    During a recent virtual town hall, Bendapudi stressed the importance of supporting employees who were already doing equity-related work. She answered questions fielded by two faculty members.

    “How would the university attract students of color now that the center has been canceled?” “How does the administration plan to establish shared governance and include faculty in its decision making?” “What do you tell faculty and staff who put scholarly research into a recommendation for a center for racial justice?”

    Faculty members felt that the format of the town hall, which did not allow them to directly question Bendapudi, left them with little trust in the administration.

    “The town hall with a highly mediated question-submission process is an underwhelming approach to building trust,” faculty members from the department of curriculum and instruction wrote in their November letter to Bendapudi. “While we believe communication is key and appreciate University leadership’s stated commitments to building trust, we see the town hall in its current format as giving the impression that only those questions that University administration wants to answer will be considered and addressed.”

    When asked during the town hall what she wanted to say to faculty members who are disappointed in her decision to not follow through with the center, Bendapudi asked for patience.

    “The timing of the whole thing was terrible, and I know how much pain it caused,” she said. “But my heart is in this work. My commitment is in this work.”

    Throughout the town hall, Bendapudi stressed the importance of working together to meet the newly established goals of the administration.

    “I ask for a little time and a little grace.”

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    Oyin Adedoyin

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    December 22, 2022
  • Young People Breaking Generational Norms Surrounding Colorism

    Young People Breaking Generational Norms Surrounding Colorism

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    Young people are breaking generational thought patterns surrounding colorism despite making older generations “uncomfortable,” according to mental health professionals. This is the final entry in our four-part series on color and mental health. 

    Dec. 15, 2022– During bath time with their grandmother, 5-year-old Afro-Latina triplet girls were playing with toys that spurt out water.

    After filling the toy with water and soap, one of them innocently turned to their grandmother.

    “If I spray this, my skin will be lighter.”

    This became a pivotal moment for their parents — Marland and Anniella May — millennial mental health professionals of Caribbean and Argentinian descent, respectfully. Was their little girl thinking that lighter skin would be better? Colorism came early to their home.  

    “I took a more direct role in making their surroundings and being very intentional about what we’re presenting to them,” says Marland.

    Addressing colorism – a real or perceived bias based on skin tone and color — isn’t easy, especially since doing so means “trying to undo 500 years of systematic miseducation,” according to Nayeli Y. Chavez-Dueñas, PhD, a licensed clinical psychologist and professor at the Chicago School of Professional Psychology. 

    Across the globe, darker skin puts millions of people at a disadvantage. Within communities of color, lighter skin often bestows better access, privilege — and better mental and physical health.

    “While I may feel frustrated and angry when people make comments that are coloristic, I have to remember all of us have been exposed to that education before we were even born,” Chavez says.

    Fostering Community

    It can be tough to go against the grain in both your community and in your family, especially if you’ve repeatedly heard colorist comments or live in a non-diverse community, according to Josephine Almanzar, PsyD, a licensed psychologist and owner of Oasis Psychological Services.

    “It really is an act of full-on rebellion to fight against what you’ve been told your whole life,” Almanzar says. “Being able to find a community is important so that you don’t feel like you’re alone in this fight to be who you are.”

    It’s also crucial for conversations about colorism to take place outside of the home, too, like in churches, schools, the media, and through prominent members of society, according to Radhika Parameswaran, PhD, associate dean of The Media School at Indiana University in Bloomington.

    Social media has also been a major tool for raising awareness about colorism, as well as a means of support for those who may feel isolated by their family or communities in general. 

    “In South Asia, particularly in India, I hear young women talking more and more about how this [colorism] is wrong and how things need to be changed,” says Parameswaran. 

    Breaking Down Barriers

    While the burden ultimately lies on younger generations to break generational and societal thought patterns on colorism, Almanzar says young people give her hope.

    For example, they’re more likely to rock their naturally coily hair or maybe sunbathe even though they’ve always been told “they’ll get too dark” — both of which can make older generations “uncomfortable,” she says.

    Practicing positive self-talk, or your inner dialogue, is a key factor in helping young people embrace their skin tone and physical features, says Anniella, the now 6-year-old triplets’ mother. This could be asking children to reflect on what they see when they look in the mirror, or their inner dialogue after making mistakes. 

    “It’s the reinforcement of the fact that you are beautiful; you are smart,” Marland says. “We wanted to highlight other areas of their personality before we went to their beauty, almost as to validate who they were. But we needed to validate their identity and what they look like first.”

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    December 15, 2022
  • At This Rate, Faculty Diversity Will Never Reach Parity

    At This Rate, Faculty Diversity Will Never Reach Parity

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    For over a decade, colleges have committed (and recommitted) to diversity, equity, and inclusion among faculty. But how close is higher education as a sector to achieving the goal of racial parity?

    According to a new study, the increasing diversity of tenure-track faculty is barely keeping up with that of the U.S. population. At the current rate, the study’s authors wrote, higher education will “never achieve demographic parity among tenure-track faculty.”

    Using data from 1,250 institutions and the U.S. Census Bureau’s projections, the study found that the percentage of underrepresented tenure-track faculty increased by 0.23 of a percentage point per year on average between 2013 and 2020, to 13 percent. But according to Census projections, the same underrepresented groups, which made up roughly 35 percent of the U.S. population in 2020, will increase by 0.2 of a percentage point per year. The researchers calculated that parity — defined as the faculty and the U.S. population having equal shares of underrepresented racial and ethnic groups — would be effectively unattainable at this rate.

    The study projected that, by 2060, the percentage of underrepresented tenure-track faculty at all institutions will be 22 percentage points behind the U.S. population. The findings are similar to that of previous studies, which found student-body demographics are also failing to reach parity with the country’s population.

    “If universities are going to continue to make old claims about how much they value diversity and inclusion and how important it is, then they should walk the walk,” said Neil A. Lewis Jr., one of the study’s authors and a professor of communications and social behavior at Cornell University.

    Having a diverse faculty, research shows, is linked to student success. A new report from the Education Trust found that Black and Latino students are more likely to graduate when the faculty is more diverse. White students, meanwhile, are more likely “to develop deeper cross-cultural and critical-thinking skills and greater levels of empathy.”

    The authors of the study on faculty parity question a common explanation for the lack of faculty members from underrepresented groups: the “leaky pipeline” problem. The model asserts that higher education, the pipeline to tenured faculty positions, is a straight line along which barriers and inequity create “leaks” through which underrepresented groups are more likely to fall. In order to increase the pool of diverse candidates for tenure-track positions, the “pipeline-repair” model’s proponents seek to remove barriers for underrepresented students, increasing the diversity of hiring pools.

    But the study’s authors found that there has “clearly” been an overall increase in diversity among qualified candidates for faculty jobs since 2007.

    “There’s always this talking point that comes up — that, ‘Well, there’s just not enough people in the pipeline to hire. That’s why we can’t diversify.’ But that’s actually an empirical question.” Lewis said. “Then we looked, and there’s actually tons of people that could be hired.”

    Lewis said that institution-level initiatives — programs focused on improving a single university’s faculty diversity — can lead to, for example, underrepresented faculty members’ moving from institution to institution rather than introducing new qualified people to academe.

    “Yeah, your school might temporarily solve this problem. You might increase the diversity of your faculty,” Lewis said. “But if you zoom out and look at the broader system, nothing has changed.”

    The authors suggested that colleges collectively increase hiring of underrepresented faculty, giving young academics of color more opportunities. They called for “sector-wide cooperation” to make parity a reality — including more support for faculty of color, more reliable evaluation of diversity initiatives across higher ed, and more resources directed toward underrepresented researchers.

    If colleges diversified their faculty at 3.5 times their current pace, parity could be possible by 2050, the study found. That rate would be just 0.78 of a percentage point over the current pace — a small number, but a big jump compared with the sector’s minimal progress thus far.

    “We’re not asking to turn universities upside down overnight,” Lewis said. “It’s taking the pool of candidates that’s there and the pool that we know is growing and dipping into it at a reasonable level.”

    Lewis said colleges should consider the systemic problems within higher ed and confront them so that underrepresented scholars “can have productive and positive experiences.”

    “They stay longer,” he said. “And that’s how we create this larger change.”

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    Sylvia Goodman

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    December 6, 2022
  • Your (Afro-Textured) Hair Is Beautiful: The Trauma of Texturism

    Your (Afro-Textured) Hair Is Beautiful: The Trauma of Texturism

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    In our third episode in our four-part series, we’ll be diving into texturism and its impact on many Black and Latino individuals. We’ll also look at ways to gain more appreciation for your naturally beautiful coils and curls. 

    Dec. 1, 2022 – It’s your first day of work at a new job, and you’re a bundle of nerves and excitement. Your hand goes to press the “Join Meeting” button. As you take a breath, that pesky thought fights to gut-punch your self-esteem. 

    “What message will my hair send to my new colleagues?”

    If you’re not a person of African descent, you may have no idea what I’m talking about. Historically, our natural hair texture has been deemed unattractive, unprofessional, and, perhaps most upsetting of all, “unkempt.” Thankfully, the natural (afro-textured) hair movement has gained momentum (on and off) over the past few decades.

    In our new docu-series “Color by WebMD: WebMD’s Exploration of Race and Mental Health,” we’ll dive into what’s known as texturism and its impact on many Black and Latino people. We’ll also talk about ways we can gain more appreciation for our naturally beautiful coils and curls.

    The Four Main Hair Types

    Texturism – or discrimination based on how close or far your natural hair is to European (fine, straight) tresses – can be commonplace within many communities of color, according to Vanessa Gonlin, PhD, an assistant sociology professor at the University of Georgia. To help explain where and how texturism works, she breaks down the four main hair textures.

    • Type one: Straight hair
    • Type two: Wavy hair
    • Type three: Curly hair
    • Type four: Coily or coarse [afro-textured] hair

    Not only may people inside your racial group treat you poorly based on your afro-textured hair texture, but those outside your race may also view afro-textured hair in a negative light, according to Gonlin. 

    “I have type 3 hair, and I’ve never been concerned that I would have a difficult time at a job interview because of my natural hair,” she says. “But I know other people who have coily, type 4 hair who do have that concern.”

    It Starts Early 

    As someone born with afro-textured hair, I have a strong connection to texturism – and so does my sister, Liz Davis, a licensed marriage and family therapist in Kansas City, KS. Liz traveled to the WebMD office in Atlanta, and we discussed how texturism affected our self-concept without us fully realizing it. Liz says some of her earliest, most traumatic experiences surrounding hair happened when we went to beauty salons to get our hair relaxed, or chemically straightened.

    “I just remember my scalp getting burned and scabbing up in different areas,” she recalls.

    Many people don’t consider the psychological factors of getting your hair relaxed, as well as what type of message it can send about what type of hair is considered “attractive,” Liz says. 

    “I don’t even think that I had cognition to understand that my hair texture was being changed.”

    Liz and I also talked about what it was like growing up in predominantly white communities, and how much Eurocentric standards of beauty influenced how we viewed our hair. In college, Liz remembered showing a friend (who was white) various photos of haircut styles and asking her which one she should get.

    “I remember her saying to me, ‘Liz, these are all white people. Don’t you want to pick a hairstyle that’s representative of you and your skin color and your culture?’” Liz says.

    Liz began researching Black, natural hair content creators on social media who talk about their natural hair journeys, as well as share about how they’re taking care of their afro-textured curls.

    “I wanted that for myself. I started to become more empowered in my own sense of self and in my culture,” she says.

    Facial Features

    Featurism is often less spoken of, but it still plays a major role in how people of color are treated within their own communities and can have damaging effects on one’s self-perception, according to Radhika Parameswaran, PhD, associate dean of The Media School at Indiana University in Bloomington. Featurism centers on how close or far one’s physical features are from typical Eurocentric (narrow nose, thinner lips) features. 

    “If your features depart from the very sort of ‘European ideal,’ then you’re not seen as beautiful. Hence, you have eye-altering surgeries in Japan and people in other parts of the world getting cosmetic surgeries that help you achieve features that are more approximate to this ‘European ideal,’” she says.

    This phenomenon is widespread within many Latino communities, says Nayeli Y. Chavez-Dueñas, PhD, a licensed clinical psychologist and professor at The Chicago School of Professional Psychology.

    “For example, if a person has light skin and a wide nose, then there is still that stereotype with comments like, ‘Your skin color is beautiful, but look at your nose,’” she says. 

    Mental Health Effects of the ‘-isms’

    The mental health effects of texturism can be seen in “the most subtle ways,” Liz says. Statements like “I don’t like my skin. I don’t like my hair. I hate social media because everyone on there is so much more beautiful than me” are commonplace with many of her Black and Brown therapy clients, she says. 

    When Liz asks for examples of these “exceptionally beautiful” people, they’re typically pictures of lighter-skinned people of color, with looser curl patterns and Eurocentric features. 

    “It’s an incredibly painful place to sit in when someone is hurting and in pain because of who they are,” she says. “There’s nothing wrong with their hair, skin, or facial features. There is something wrong with our society that’s privileging a Eurocentric standard of beauty.”

    Next, we’ll look at what’s being done to combat colorism, featurism, and texturism. WebMD traveled to Dallas to visit the May family – two millennial parents with Afro-Latina triplet girls.

    Their example is a great lesson for people of color, and non-people of color alike, on how to tackle these harmful thought patterns that children can often adopt at a young age.

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    December 1, 2022
  • Mental and Emotional Effects of Colorism Are Often Hidden

    Mental and Emotional Effects of Colorism Are Often Hidden

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    As children, we equate self-worth with the messages we receive. Seen as less favorable, darker skin tones often contrast with biased beauty standards. (Second of a four-part series on colorism by WebMD)

    Nov. 17, 2022 – “Get out of the sun girl, you’re already dark!” 

    It’s like a razor-sharp blade pierces your heart, but the pain is still as stunning and overwhelming as the first time. You suddenly wish you were alone, so you can drop in a fetal position, bury your face in your hands, and cry. 

    But you can’t do that. People are watching. An eye roll, fake chuckle, and a half-hearted “shut up!” will have to do.

    This might sound extremely melodramatic, but countless people of color know exactly what this feels like and might even be re-traumatized just reading this all-too-common example of colorism, or skin-tone discrimination, from those within your same racial group.

    Colorism is usually expressed through microaggressions and indirect messages about which skin tones are deemed “beautiful,” says Josephine Almanzar, PsyD, a licensed psychologist and owner of Oasis Psychological Services. These types of comparisons are often a means to get closer to a “white [European] reference point,” she says.

    In WebMD’s new docu-series “Color by WebMD,” we will be looking more into the mental health implications of experiencing colorism, often from those closest to you, as well as how to deal with the trauma that can come with these encounters. 

    Your Core Belief

    One of the biggest psychological impacts of colorism is the damage to one’s “core belief,” says Almanzar. Core belief is built during early childhood and is largely based on interactions and messages about our self-worth. She uses the example of wearing sunglasses to illustrate her point.  

    “If we have a certain tint to our sunglasses, we view the world through that color,” she says. “For children of lighter skin, they receive certain messages about who they are. So, if my skin color is praised, that means ‘I am inherently good. I am worthy. I am lovable. I belong.’”

    Children with darker skin can receive a separate type of messaging about their skin color. 

    “This informs their self-concept or core belief in a different way, where they might feel worthless, unlovable, that they don’t belong – and that impacts their lens and how they view the world,” Almanzar explains.

    Due to this wounded core belief, emotional distress and symptoms like depression, hopelessness, loss of motivation, and lack of  interest in activities may occur. 

    Colorism’s Ugly Relatives

    One of colorism’s counterparts, featurism, can also play a huge role in how people of color are treated within their own communities, according to Radhika Parameswaran, PhD, associate dean of The Media School at Indiana University in Bloomington. 

    “If your facial features depart from a ‘European ideal,’ then you can be viewed as less attractive,” she says. “Hence, you have eye-altering surgeries in Japan. All these cosmetic surgeries help you achieve features that are approximate to the ‘European ideal.’”

    This damaging ideology has continually been spread within many Latino communities, according to Nayeli Y. Chavez-Dueñas, PhD, a licensed clinical psychologist and professor at the Chicago School of Professional Psychology. 

    “A person may have lighter skin, but if they have thick lips or a wide nose, or if they have curly or coarse hair, then there will be that stereotype, with comments like, ‘Your skin color is beautiful, but look at your nose,’” she says.

    Have a Strategy  

    While you might not be able to stop someone from treating you differently based on your skin tone or facial features, you can have a plan in place to help offset some of the emotional effects of these encounters. 

    Finding a community who can offer you support, journaling, and talking through your story with people you trust are all ways of building up your sense of self, says Almanzar.

    “What is your current core belief about who you are and what do we want it to look like?” she says. “On an individual level, that’s how we can work on building people up and facing these beauty standards.”

    Next, we’ll dive into texturism – or discrimination based on hair texture – which is a huge phenomenon within Latino and Black communities. Look for that episode, the third in our four-part series, on Dec. 1. 

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    November 17, 2022
  • When Campuses Close, Most of Their Students Are Stuck Without the Credentials They Wanted

    When Campuses Close, Most of Their Students Are Stuck Without the Credentials They Wanted

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    Nearly three-quarters of the students whose colleges closed between 2004 and 2020 were stranded without adequate warning or plans to help them finish their degrees, and fewer than half of those students ended up re-enrolling in any postsecondary programs, according to a report released Tuesday.

    Hardest hit were Black and Hispanic students enrolled in for-profit institutions. “Their schools’ closing effectively closed the doors on the students’ educational dreams,” Doug Shapiro, executive director of the National Student Clearinghouse Research Center, said in a briefing with reporters.

    The research center worked with the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association, also known as SHEEO, on a series of three reports that will examine the impact of college closures on students and how states can better protect those whose education plans are disrupted.

    The first report, “A Dream Derailed? Investigating the Impacts of College Closure on Student Outcomes,” found that between July 2004 and June 2020, 467 colleges closed in the U.S. — representing the loss of some 12,000 campuses across the country. Nearly half were private, for-profit, two-year colleges.

    For 70 percent of the 143,000 students affected, the colleges shut their doors abruptly, without adequate notice or teach-out plans to help students finish their degrees or other credentials.

    A 2019 Chronicle analysis found that many of those whose lives have been plunged into chaos by campus closures were working adults living paycheck to paycheck. College, to them, was a way to provide enough money to support families and attain a middle-class lifestyle.

    Instead, they’ve joined the ranks of the more than 36 million Americans with some college and no degree, a population that has grown during the Covid-19 pandemic. Colleges that are struggling to maintain their enrollments are stepping up efforts to find and re-enroll many of them.

    “This study shows that any college closure is damaging to student success, leaving too many learners — more than half — without a viable path to fulfilling their educational dreams,“ Shapiro said in a prepared statement. “But the extremely poor outcomes for students who experienced abrupt closures are particularly worrisome.”

    The findings reinforce the need to strengthen how states monitor higher-education institutions to “prevent, prepare for, and respond to college closures,” Rob Anderson, president of SHEEO, said in a prepared statement.

    The colleges most likely to close — for-profit institutions — serve disproportionately large numbers of students of color, veterans, and adult students with children.

    In upcoming reports, the researchers will look at how students fared in states that offer more, or less, protection for stranded students.

    The study reinforced the need for states to do a better job monitoring the financial health of colleges, the report notes. “Once it becomes likely an institution will close, states need to ensure teach-out agreements are in place to provide all students with a pathway for completing their credentials,” it says.

    Financially struggling colleges should plan ahead to find colleges willing to take on their students, and the credits they’ve earned, if they close their doors, the researchers said. In a few extreme examples, students showed up for classes to find doors locked and no way for them to retrieve records of the classes they had taken.

    Students whose for-profit campuses have closed often re-enroll in another branch of the same college, which often then also closes, the researchers said. They’d be better going with “an outside partner who’s not going to be struggling with the same financial-viability factors,” Rachel Burns, a senior policy analyst at SHEEO, said during the briefing.

    Students who re-enrolled in college within four months of a campus closure were the most likely to earn a credential, and their odds of doing so doubled if they re-enrolled within a year, the report found. Students who were younger, white, and female were the most likely to re-enroll; of students who did re-enroll after their campuses closed, 38 percent received a postsecondary credential.

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    Katherine Mangan

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    November 14, 2022
  • Democrat Mark Kelly Wins Arizona Senate Race Against Blake Masters

    Democrat Mark Kelly Wins Arizona Senate Race Against Blake Masters

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    Incumbent Senator Mark Kelly has defeated Republican Blake Masters in the Arizona Senate race—a crucial win for Democrats who hope to maintain control of the upper chamber. After winning a special election last cycle to fill the remainder of late senator John McCain’s term, Kelly, a former astronaut and Naval aviator, will now serve his first full term. 

    With Kelly’s win in Arizona, Democrats are just one seat away from keeping their majority in the Senate, with all eyes toward  Sens. Catherine Cortez Masto in Nevada and Raphael Warnock in Georgia.

    Arizona was never seen as a sure bet; the state has become a highly competitive swing state in recent years amid an influx of new residents in the state’s growing metropolitan areas. Still, Democrats running statewide face significant hurdles, with Republicans making up the state’s largest voting bloc. 

    Kelly came out on top thanks to a war chest in campaign funds; he raised more than $73 million, compared to just under $10 million for Masters, according to recent Federal Election Commission filings. Some Republican groups, including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell‘s Senate Leadership Fund, cut spending in the race to shift resources to contests deemed more gettable for the GOP.

    At roughly this time last year, Arizona was seen as one of the GOP’s top pickup opportunities in the 50-50 Senate, given the political and economic headwinds for Democrats. But Masters, a Peter Thiel protégé with zero political experience, proved to be a poor general election candidate. After surviving a bitter primary contest—thanks to an endorsement from Donald Trump and $14.5 million in funding from Thiel—Masters spent much of the general election backtracking from his past hardline positions, including his billing as a “100% pro-life” candidate.

    In contrast, Kelly championed abortion rights throughout the general, making a campaign promise to codify abortion protections established by Roe v. Wade, the ruling struck down by the Supreme Court earlier this year. (Arizona’s current abortion laws ban most procedures from taking place after 15 weeks of pregnancy—a standard that Masters said he would support nationwide—while a a more stringent ban is being litigated in the state.)

    On immigration, one of the GOP’s top rallying points in Arizona, Kelly positioned himself to the right of his party’s leadership. During the race’s only debate, he called for the Biden administration to heighten border security by renovating border fences and recruiting additional Border Patrol agents to Arizona.

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    Caleb Ecarma

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    November 11, 2022
  • How Abortion Defined the 2022 Midterms

    How Abortion Defined the 2022 Midterms

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    Ask anyone what Mehmet Oz said about reproductive rights during last month’s Pennsylvania Senate debate, and they’ll probably tell you that the TV doctor believes an abortion should be between “a woman, her doctor, and local political leaders.” The truth is, that dystopian Handmaid’s Tale–esque statement did not come verbatim from the Republican’s mouth. But it may have cost him the election anyway.

    Instead, that catchphrase entered Pennsylvania voters’ consciousness—and ricocheted across social media—via a tweet by Pat Dennis, a Democratic opposition researcher. Dennis’s megaviral post included a clip purporting to show Oz pitching something akin to a pregnancy tribunal. But the clip was, well, clipped: In the 10-second video, Oz does not even say the word abortion. Did it matter? Not in the least. Here was Oz’s fuller, unedited response to the question:

    There should not be involvement from the federal government in how states decide their abortion decisions. As a physician, I’ve been in the room when there’s some difficult conversations happening. I don’t want the federal government involved with that at all. I want women, doctors, local political leaders, letting the democracy that’s always allowed our nation to thrive to put the best ideas forward so states can decide for themselves.

    Although that by no means utterly rebuts Dennis’s three-clause summary, it is different. Of course, voters zeroed in on—and recoiled from—the pithier version. Oz failed to shake his association with the thorny abortion hypothetical, much as he failed to shake the long-running joke that he actually lives in New Jersey. Abortion decided this race, and Oz was on the wrong side of history.

    Read: Why this election is so weird

    In red and blue states alike, reproductive autonomy proved a defining issue of the 2022 midterms. Although much pre-election punditry predicted that Pennsylvania Democratic nominee John Fetterman’s post-stroke verbal disfluency was poised to “blow up” the pivotal Senate race on Election Day, the exit polls suggest that abortion seismically affected contests up and down the ballot.

    Concerns over the future of reproductive rights unequivocally drove Democratic turnout and will now lead to the rewriting of state laws around the country. In deep-red Kentucky, voters rejected an amendment that read, “Nothing in this Constitution shall be construed to secure or protect a right to abortion or require the funding of abortion.” In blue havens such as California and Vermont, voters approved ballot initiatives enshrining abortion rights into their state constitutions.

    In Michigan, a traditionally blue state that in recent years has turned more purple, voters likewise enshrined reproductive protections into law, with 45 percent of exit-poll respondents calling abortion the most important issue on the ballot. In the race for the Michigan statehouse, the incumbent Democratic governor, Gretchen Whitmer, trounced her Republican challenger, Tudor Dixon, who had said that she supports abortion only in instances that would save the life of the woman, and never in the case of rape or incest. Dixon lost by more than 10 percentage points and almost half a million votes.

    After the Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision ended the federal right to abortion in June, many observers wondered whether pro-abortion-rights Democrats would remain paralyzed with despair or whether their anger would become a galvanizing force going into the election season. The answer is now clear—though, in fact, it has been for some time.

    Mary Ziegler: If the Supreme Court can reverse Roe, it can reverse anything

    In August, just six weeks after Dobbs, Kansas voters rejected an amendment to the state constitution that could have ushered in a ban on abortion. That grassroots-movement defeat of the ballot initiative was a genuine shocker—and it showed voters in other states what was possible at the local level.

    Nowhere in the midterms voting did abortion seem to matter more than in Pennsylvania. Oz, like his endorser, former President Donald Trump, spent years as a Northeast cosmopolitan before he tried, and failed, to remake himself as a paint-by-numbers conservative. That meant preaching a party-line stance during the most contentious national conversation about abortion in half a century. It came back to haunt him.

    At the October debate, Fetterman was mocked for (among other things) his simplistic, repetitive invocation of supporting Roe v. Wade. Even when asked by moderators to answer an abortion question in more detail, he simply kept coming back to the phrase. Whatever it lacked in nuance, Fetterman’s allegiance to his pro-abortion-rights position was impossible to misconstrue. This was an abortion election, and voters knew exactly where he stood.

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    John Hendrickson

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    November 9, 2022
  • Justice Jackson’s Crucial Argument About Affirmative Action

    Justice Jackson’s Crucial Argument About Affirmative Action

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    Yesterday, an hour and a half into the marathon hearings about whether colleges can use race as a factor in admissions decisions, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson began to rub her temples as she looked down at her notes.

    “We’re entertaining a rule where some people can say what they want about who they are and have that valued in a system,” she said. “And I’m worried that that creates an inequity in the system with respect to being able to express our identity.” Black and Latino applicants would be limited if they can’t express their race in the selection process, she said. She almost laughed with exasperation. “Is that a crazy worry or is that something I should be thinking about and concerned about?”

    In previous arguments this term, Jackson was a forceful voice on issues of racial discrimination and the intent of the constitutional amendments designed to protect against it. For many in favor of race-conscious admissions, she has been a welcome presence on the Court, asking, in a way, the question at the center of the cases: Have less than 50 years of affirmative action put enough of a dent in the inequality fostered over more than two centuries of racial discrimination in higher education to merit eliminating the practice?

    From the September 2021 issue: This is the end of affirmative action

    For roughly five hours, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in cases of Students for Fair Admissions, a coalition of unnamed Asian American students brought together by the conservative legal strategist Edward Blum, against the University of North Carolina and Harvard. If the cases are successful and the justices side with SFFA—which a majority of the justices seemed quite open to in their questioning yesterday—the decision would overturn the precedent established in Regents of the University of California v. Bakke in 1978, which has been upheld for more than 40 years. Because of her previous tenure on Harvard’s Board of Overseers, Jackson recused herself from the Harvard case and sat for only the UNC case. But she did not waste the time she had.

    Although relatively few colleges are selective enough to have reason to consider race in admitting students, there is significant evidence about what happens at those schools when such programs go away. Michigan and California, for example, saw precipitous declines in Black enrollment at their flagship campuses after those states banned the practice. (By SFFA’s own estimates, described during oral argument, Black enrollment at Harvard would fall from 14 to 10 percent without affirmative action.) In some ways, that’s the backdrop to Jackson’s questions. She was driving toward a fundamental statement about what the programs are for: Race-conscious admissions are designed to help students get into college, not to exclude students as a result of their existence.

    Jackson’s point is well worn. In 1978, during the oral arguments in the Bakke case, Justice Thurgood Marshall identified it. In an exchange where he prodded Reynold Colvin, who argued for the plaintiff, Allan Bakke, Marshall pointed out, “You’re arguing about keeping somebody out and the other side is arguing about getting somebody in.” Colvin agreed. “So, it depends on which way you look at it, doesn’t it?”

    Once again, Colvin agreed. “It depends on which way you look at the problem,” Colvin said.

    Marshall’s voice changed. “It does?” he said, with a rise in inflection.

    “The problem—” Colvin began to say before Marshall cut him off.

    “It does?” Marshall said, frustrating Colvin. “You’re talking about your client’s rights; don’t these underprivileged people have rights too?”

    Yesterday, Jackson was less direct, but no less potent, in an exchange with Patrick Strawbridge, the lawyer for SFFA. She offered a hypothetical to emphasize her point. There are two applicants who would like their family backgrounds recognized. One writes that their family has been in North Carolina since before the Civil War, and that if they were admitted to the university, they would be a fifth-generation student there. The other student is also a North Carolinian whose family has been in the state since before the Civil War—but their ancestors were enslaved and, because of years of systemic discrimination, were not allowed to attend the university. But now that they have the opportunity, they would like to attend. “As I understand your no-race-conscious-admissions rule, these two applicants would have a dramatically different opportunity to tell their family stories and to have them count.” Both applicants were qualified, Jackson offered, but the first applicant’s qualifications could be recognized in the process, whereas “the second one wouldn’t be able to [get credit for those qualifications] because his story is in many ways bound up with his race and the race of his ancestors.”

    Lee C. Bollinger and Geoffrey R. Stone: The end of affirmative action would be a disaster

    Strawbridge thought for a moment, then offered that UNC does not have to give a legacy benefit to the first applicant if it doesn’t want to. This is true, but it was not Jackson’s point: “No, but you said it was okay if they gave a legacy benefit.” Race, she said, would be the only thing that couldn’t be considered under that program. And that would disadvantage the Black student who, in a similar set of circumstances, wants “the fact that he has been in North Carolina for generations through his family” considered.

    In a day filled with questions about the meaning of “true diversity” or the educational benefits of diversity, Jackson’s questions cut through the muck. Some students had historically been denied access to some of the nation’s most well-resourced institutions of higher education—feeder campuses for prominent roles throughout society–because of their race. If SFFA wins, that fact will be one of the only things a university cannot consider in its admissions process, as though that history never happened—as though the system is fair enough already.

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    Adam Harris

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    November 1, 2022
  • Supreme Court Justices Signal Willingness To End Affirmative Action

    Supreme Court Justices Signal Willingness To End Affirmative Action

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    Topline

    The Supreme Court appears poised to outlaw affirmative action policies that take race into account in university admissions, as the court’s conservative justices signaled during oral arguments Monday that they’re open to ending the practice in favor of “race-neutral” admissions—even as the court’s liberal justices asserted its importance.

    The University of North Carolina campus in Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

    Getty Images

    Key Facts

    Justices heard arguments Monday from activist group Students for Fair Admissions arguing that affirmative action policies violate the 14th Amendment’s equal protection clause, with the first case centered on the policy at the University of North Carolina.

    Conservative justices including Amy Coney Barrett and Chief Justice John Roberts suggested that applicants could make up for not having their race directly taken into account by writing essays showing how they’ve overcome racial discrimination, or similar steps showing how their racial background helps their application versus just “ticking a box.”

    Roberts suggested forcing schools to get rid of their affirmative action policies could be “an incentive for the university to truly pursue race neutral alternatives” that could still be effective in promoting diversity, and Justice Brett Kavanaugh pointed to the fact that some states have already gotten rid of affirmative action and can still “produce significant numbers of minority students on campuses.”

    Justice Neil Gorsuch questioned what the difference is between encouraging diversity and racial quotas in admissions, which the Supreme Court previously ruled in 1978 are not permissible.

    Justice Clarence Thomas pushed back when North Carolina Solicitor General Ryan Park argued diverse groups “perform at a higher level”—saying he “[doesn’t] put much stock in that” because he’s heard similar arguments about segregation—and Justice Samuel Alito questioned the value of checking a box on race in the first place.

    The court will also hear a second case Monday concerning the affirmative action policy at Harvard University.

    Chief Critic

    The court’s liberal justices pushed back heavily Monday against attorney Patrick Strawbridge, who argued on behalf of the challengers. “I thought part of what it means to be American … is that our institutions are representative of who we actually are, in all of our variety,” Justice Elena Kagan argued in favor of policies that would encourage diversity, acknowledging that top universities “are the pipelines to leadership in our society.” Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, who is recusing from the Harvard case but participated in the UNC case, argued there isn’t sufficient evidence to show that students were admitted solely based on their race, or that the students represented by Students for Fair Admissions weren’t admitted solely because they were from more overrepresented racial groups. Not allowing minority applicants to express their race, while still having other factors taken into account, “seems to have the potential of causing more of an equal protection problem than it’s actually solving,” Jackson also argued.

    Big Number

    41.5%. That’s the approximate percentage of U.S. universities that take race into account when determining admissions, according to a study by the National Association for College Admissions Counseling that Harvard cited in a court brief, as well as 60% of more selective universities that accept 40% or fewer of their applicants. At least nine states—Arizona, California, Florida, Idaho, Michigan, Nebraska, Oklahoma and Washington—already have policies that don’t allow affirmative action in university admissions, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

    What To Watch For

    The Supreme Court likely won’t rule for a few months on the two affirmative action cases. If the justices do side with the challengers, it could have wide-reaching implications for schools across the country. Harvard has argued in court briefs that taking race out of its admissions process would reduce enrollment of Black students at the school from 14% to 6% of its student body, and Hispanic enrollment from 14% to 9%. The University of Michigan, which had to adopt race-neutral policies after a state ballot measure abolished affirmative action, said in a court brief that as a result, its Black population decreased by 44% between 2006 and 2021, even as Michigan’s population of college-aged African Americans increased, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology argued getting rid of race in its admissions would result in the “denial of talented prospective scientists and engineers with exceptional promise.” That lack of diversity could have broader-reaching implications: MIT noted it would result in marginalized groups becoming further unrepresented in science and engineering fields, while Harvard noted it would also lead to a 14% drop in the number of students at the university studying humanities subjects. A coalition of smaller liberal arts colleges pointed to research arguing that exposure to diversity “improves learning experiences, problem-solving and critical-thinking skills, and interpersonal and leadership skills,” among other benefits.

    Key Background

    The Supreme Court agreed to take up the affirmative action cases in January after lower courts sided in both cases with the universities and found their admission policies do not violate federal equal rights protections. Affirmative action was first established through an executive order in 1965 that told employers to “take affirmative action to ensure that equal opportunity is provided in all aspects of their employment,” and the Supreme Court then upheld the policy in a 1978 ruling finding universities could consider race as part of its admission process. It then further affirmed the practice in rulings in 2003 and 2016, though the latter ruling was narrowly tailored to the specific policy at the University of Texas that was at issue. Critics of the policy argue affirmative action is unfairly discriminatory against white and Asian American applicants, who are more overrepresented in applicant pools as compared with Black and Hispanic students.

    Tangent

    Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar also argued on behalf of the Biden Administration that affirmative action should be upheld Monday. Prelogar argued that cutting off race-based admissions would negatively impact the federal government and the U.S. military by impacting the diversity of people who get admitted to service academies or to the military through ROTC programs at universities. The pipeline from ROTC programs and service academies is “critically important,” Prelogar argued, noting that the military promotes from within and people who get admitted through university programs now will affect “the closed universe of people who will be eligible for leadership in the military in 20, 30 years time.”

    Further Reading

    Affirmative Action Could Soon Be Overturned As Supreme Court Takes Up Harvard And UNC Cases (Forbes)

    In cases challenging affirmative action, court will confront wide-ranging arguments on history, diversity, and the role of race in America (SCOTUSblog)

    A Timeline of Key Supreme Court Cases on Affirmative Action (New York Times)

    In Clash Over Affirmative Action, Both Sides Invoke Brown v. Board of Education (New York Times)

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    Alison Durkee, Forbes Staff

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    October 31, 2022
  • How Audley Moore Created a Blueprint for Black Reparations

    How Audley Moore Created a Blueprint for Black Reparations

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    “Something that is often missing from ‘reparations talk,’ ” legal scholar Alfred Brophy observed in 2010, “is a specific plan for repairing past tragedies.” California and New York have joined the dozen or so states and municipalities that have initiated what they are calling reparations programs. As a core platform issue, presidential candidate Marianne Williamson proposed up to $500 billion in payments to the descendants of US slavery, but even that was woefully inadequate.

    Enslaved Africans were the first abolitionists—seizing every possible moment to liberate themselves and their families—and they were the first architects of reparations. Other groups in the US have developed successful redress strategies—Holocaust victims, Japanese Americans unjustly incarcerated during World War II, 9/11 victims, the Iran hostages, victims of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, and many others—but black American descendants of US slavery have come up empty-handed.

    The racial wealth gap is the most robust indicator of the cumulative economic effects of white supremacy in the United States. It is on average about $850,000 per black household, for a total of $14 trillion. The annual budgets of all 50 states and every municipality in the country combined is about $4.68 trillion. Only the federal government has the capacity to pay the bill, and a sufficient proportion of white Americans must support doing so.

    Qualitative profiles—stories and narratives—capture people emotionally, but they often are dismissed as purely anecdotal. Numbers establish patterns that can be generalized to a larger group. Black nationalist “Queen Mother” Audley Moore understood the importance of documenting racial disparities, and she believed in taking complaints to a higher authority. In 1957, the black-power pioneer presented a petition to the United Nations demanding land for black Americans and billions of dollars in reparations, and in 1963, she launched the Committee for Reparations for Descendants of U.S. Slaves.

    Pan-Africanists invoke Moore’s name because she also embraced decolonization and freedom for Africa and believed the federal government should provide funds to black Americans who wanted to repatriate to the continent. Moore appears to be consistent in arguing that reparations from the US government should go to blacks whose ancestors were enslaved here and not to blacks who migrated here after slavery ended, particularly the large number who came after the passage of the Civil Rights Act. Several of her more vocal disciples, however, have used her ideological Pan-Africanism to put words in Moore’s mouth, ones that support the claim that US reparations should go to all people of African descent.

    Equal parts oracle, badass, and political strategist, Moore and her collaborators launched the campaign to demand reparations in New Orleans in 1955 after concluding it was the only way “to save our people from execution.” She was not the first person to endorse a national reparations program for black American descendants of US slaves. That distinction goes to Callie Guy House, who was born into slavery around 1861 in Rutherford County, near Nashville. As her biographer Mary Frances Berry documents in My Face Is Black Is True: Callie House and the Struggle for Ex-Slave Reparations, House tirelessly petitioned the US government for pensions, a form of reparations, for the 1.9 million people formerly enslaved, including the more than 180,000 black soldiers who fought in the Union Army during the Civil War. White veterans received pensions from the federal government, House observed. Why not blacks?

    Moore was born in New Iberia, Louisiana, at the tail end of Reconstruction, in 1898, the same year House cofounded the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty and Pension Association. Moore’s mother, Ella Henry, had been educated in France after a wealthy white family chose Henry as their daughter’s companion—better a black child they could control than the poor whites whom they despised. But Henry died in childbirth when Moore was five years old. Her father, St. Cyr Moore, an assistant deputy sheriff who had been run out of a nearby town for retaliating in kind against a white neighbor who had “horsewhipped” his young son, would die before Moore reached adolescence. St. Cyr’s mother was the daughter of an enslaved woman and the white plantation man who had raped her, and Henry’s father had been lynched trying to protect his land. When Moore was very young, around the time her mother died, she witnessed a lynching in New Iberia. “I remember the hollering…white men like wolves, and the [black] man’s feet was tied behind the wagon and he passed in front of our house,” she said; “his head was bumping up and down on the clay, [on] the hard crusty road.” Moore’s lived experience would define her trajectory.

    An organizational zelig, Moore was a member of the Communist, Republican, and Democratic parties, as well as (she said) the Elks and the Masons; she was a Catholic, an ordained bishop, and a convert to the Baptist and Ethiopian Orthodox communities of faith, and the Apostolic Orthodox Church of Judah. “’Ive got all the religions,” she said years later. “I have one objective, win ’em for freedom.”

    One might wonder if she ever worked for the FBI, which built a copious file on Moore over a 20-year period. Apparently, the agency did approach her in the 1940s to become an informant. Her account of what took place: “I’ll tell you the truth…[when I am in] my right mind, I could join the Ku Klux Klan and know why I’m there, you understand? I could join the police force if I had to.”

    In 1919, during the “Red Summer,” white terrorists launched upwards of 40 attacks on black communities. The heroic military service of more than 380,000 blacks during World War I had not brought an end to disenfranchisement and segregation, debt peonage, and racial violence. White supremacy at home proved to be a more invincible foe than the German army. Blacks in Louisiana and elsewhere were desperate to see an end to the carnage and the destruction of black property. But they did not have the capacity to make this happen. Marcus Garvey believed the solution lay with blacks themselves. Like his hero Booker T. Washington, he embraced respectability politics: Blacks must accept responsibility for “improving” themselves to show white Americans they are worthy of equal rights. First, though, they must accept and celebrate their African past and be proud of their black skin.

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    A. Kirsten Mullen

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    October 18, 2022
  • Top 10 “What’s Up, Y’all?” Videos of 2020

    Top 10 “What’s Up, Y’all?” Videos of 2020

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    2020 has been a difficult, heartbreaking, and tumultuous year in so many ways. The toll COVID is taking on our communities, especially the most disenfranchised among us (disproportionately poor and working-class people of color), remains heartbreakingly gut-wrenching. Governments across the globe have violated the rights of their people repeatedly, from the ongoing police murders of Black and brown people in the US to the rise of authoritarianism in Hungary, rising state-sponsored anti-Muslim violence in India, increasing evidence of oppression against Uighur Muslims rounded up and sent to forced labor camps in China, and police brutality and murder of youth protesters in Nigeria.

    At the same time, 2020 has been a year of great (un)learning, resistance, and revolution. Just as we have seen the lethal forces of hate, apathy, lies, and violence used against the most marginalized among us, we have also seen Black, brown, undocumented, disabled, queer, trans, poor, working-class, and many other folks rise up and fight back to advocate for our lives and futures. This year has challenged us in so many ways, and yet, through showing us the cracks and failures of capitalism, white supremacy, a for-profit US health care system, criminal “justice”, and other cruel and outdated systems, 2020 has also shown us the power of the collective and the necessity of our dreams and activism.

    More Radical Reads: 6 Ways White Folks Can Support Black Lives Matter, Even If You Can’t Leave Your House

    As our founder Sonya Renee Taylor teaches us, it’s a powerful practice to live in the both/and — to embrace the at times uncomfortable and even painful liminal spaces we find ourselves in as we rupture old patterns, selves, and lives to co-create our future. Sonya shared back at the beginning of the COVID crisis:

    “We will not go back to normal. Normal never was. Our pre-corona existence was not normal other than we normalized greed, inequity, exhaustion, depletion, extraction, disconnection, confusion, rage, hoarding, hate, and lack. We should not long to return, my friends. We are being given the opportunity to stitch a new garment. One that fits all of humanity and nature.”

    Throughout 2020, Sonya has been reaching out with lessons of radical self-love, not only through her written work and appearances via dozens of podcasts, round tables, panels, keynote speeches, and news programs, but also through her “What’s Up, Y’all?” videos posted to her Instagram and YouTube channels. She has provided us with wisdom for all seasons of this year. In November, as those of us in the US (and many of us around the world) were waiting with baited breath for the outcome of the presidential election, Sonya reminded us:

    “Liberation is not a thing we will be delivered unto. It will be the act of daily creation — and it will be the act of daily creation in the midst of great chaos. Because it has always been the act of creation in the midst of great chaos.”

    More Radical Reads: Try A Little Tenderness: 3 Ways Being Tender Is A Political Act

    As we look back on 2020, gather the wisdom we’ve gained from it, and prepare to meet 2021, here is a countdown of Sonya’s top ten most popular “What’s Up, Y’all?” videos from the year. We share them here as an invitation for continued learning, reflection, inner inventory-taking, and outward action-taking as we dream a liberatory 2021 into existence.

    10. “The Willful Confusion of Whiteness”

    9. “Whiteness Is A Death Cult White Folks NEED To Get Out Of”

    8. “What’s the Conversation for Non-Black POC and Mixed-Race Folks?”

    7. “If Black Trans Lives Don’t Matter Then No One’s Will”

    6. “Get Your Damn Toddler and Other Anti-Racist Work”

    5. “When Capital Is More Valuable Than Black Bodies, Capital Must Be Disrupted”

    4. “Labeling the Pickle Jar: Are You Ready To Be Rid of Whiteness?”

    3. “Don’t Ask What You CAN Do To Help Unless You’re Down To Do This!!!”

    2. “While You Were Sleeping… And Now That You’re Awake”

    1. “Why Talking To Your White Family About Black People Is the Wrong Approach”

    May the lessons contained in each of these videos spark further discussion and carry us into the new year as brain, heart, and soul fuel and inspiration. There is no going back, but tomorrow can be better when we work together to create it.

    [feature image: photo of Sonya Renee Taylor against a white background. She is visible from the torso up and is wearing a vibrant red, blue, and leopard print chiffon dress that flows like the dreamy gown of a goddess. She is wearing a gold statement necklace and earrings. Her eyes are closed in bliss as she smiles. She appears to be in mid-twirl.]


    TBINAA is an independent, queer, Black woman run digital media and education organization promoting radical self love as the foundation for a more just, equitable and compassionate world. If you believe in our mission, please contribute to this necessary work at PRESSPATRON.com/TBINAA 

    We can’t do this work without you!

    As a thank you gift, supporters who contribute $10+ (monthly) will receive a copy of our ebook, Shed Every Lie: Black and Brown Femmes on Healing As Liberation. Supporters contributing $20+ (monthly) will receive a copy of founder Sonya Renee Taylor’s book, The Body is Not An Apology: The Power of Radical Self Love delivered to your home. 

    Need some help growing into your own self love? Sign up for our 10 Tools for Radical Self Love Intensive!

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    Shannon Weber

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    December 27, 2020
  • 10 Ways Your Social Justice Work Might Be Inaccessible and Elitist — And Why That’s a Problem

    10 Ways Your Social Justice Work Might Be Inaccessible and Elitist — And Why That’s a Problem

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    The article was originally published on EverydayFeminism.com and is republished with permission.

    I’m an artist first. But I decided long ago that my art would be in the service of fighting oppression.

    Since then, I’ve waded more deeply into social justice spaces, and I find myself surrounded more and more by people professing these same aspirations.

    Being in these spaces has been therapeutic in so many ways and has created some of the best support systems I could ask for.

    It’s comforting not to have to constantly explain yourself and your work. It’s beautiful to learn from and be around folks who understand ideas like microaggressions, gaslighting, white fragility, and all the other odd terms that describe the myriad, important, and insidious ways oppression operates.

    But some of those ways are too insidious to recognize even within these spaces. Some are, in fact, unique to these spaces. Some oppressions are fostered by the very things supposedly set up to help justice spaces thrive. Inadvertently, they create power structures mirroring those they’re working to address.

    Being in these spaces for a while now, I’ve noticed that I’ve been increasingly receiving feedback that my writing is inaccessible. I dismissed a lot of this critique on the basis that I am, at my core, a big idea and theory girl. My way of communicating isn’t supposed to be meant for everyone.

    But that became a more difficult excuse to embrace once I noticed these concerns coming even from those who generally embrace theoreticals.

    So when I read Kai Cheng Thom’s piece “9 Ways We Can Make Social Justice Movements Less Elitist and More Accessible,” I understood how many of the things she listed were problems.

    But it took me a while to piece together how so much of what I learned and embraced in these spaces would inevitably lead to those problems – like not being able to address certain mistakes or ignoring activist hierarchies.

    It seemed clear that some of the items addressed in her piece are based on systems of power that only benefit a select few, just like those systems I have dedicated my life toward eradicating.

    I wondered: What if my increasing inaccessibility was proof I was on the road to those same problems? What if it was less about whether or not my big ideas are a problem and more about who those ideas seemed to be for and in service to? What did it mean that I hadn’t always found weird academic jargon comforting, even while theorizing, but I do now?

    Being someone who often thinks and writes academically, I needed space to engage with the issues important to me in a way that made sense for me.

    Activist spaces provided room to flesh out big theories and concepts, but many also implicitly prioritized those things. Often being set up for and by other people like me, these spaces sometimes benefited us to the detriment of everyone else.

    So I started vigilant observation for any problematic behavior I felt encouraged to take part in simply by being among people (like me) who would benefit from it.

    And in doing so, I recognized ten patterns that demonstrate how activist spaces can inconspicuously feed elitism and inaccessibility.

    1. “Punching Down” More Than “Punching Up”

    In social justice spaces, we’re rightly encouraged to address oppressive words and deeds when we can. A lot of folks criticize the veracity of what often translates into call-outs, and push for “calling in” instead, but I think a more telling problem of call-out culture is the predictability of who gets the worst of it.

    More Radical Reads: 6 Signs Your Call-Out Is About Ego and Not Accountability

    Personally, I think there’s a time and place for calling out that’s ignored with a blanket call for more polite responses to violence.

    But one of the first things I noticed was that it was far easier to call out folks with no standing and power in social justice communities for their oppressive words and deeds than it was to criticize those with it.

    We’re supposed to hold people accountable, but holding accountable those with no standing is the least daunting and dangerous and therefore much more inviting.

    Conversely, I’ve seen folks turn the other way when abusive behavior is committed by activists with standing. This especially happens when that standing directly influences the position of the person who has the opportunity to address the situation.

    This reinforces a system of giving power to those who can shore up invincibility through their resume, which is necessarily those with access to build a resume in the first place.

    The flipside of this is that people with standing are often targeted by those who may be jealous of them, and famous figures are many times not treated as real people with feelings.

    This isn’t to say that calling out those with a following is always rooted in baseless negativity any more than calling out those without is rooted in upholding the power of fame. It’s just to say that both can influence us if we’re not careful.

    If we’re serious about the fact that oppression has no place anywhere, we should be as eager to address it everywhere it occurs.

    2. Only Acknowledging the Work of Those with Stature

    When I wrote one of my first pieces on my gender journey, I naturally used a quote from Judith Butler about gender realities.

    Regarded as one of the foremost queer theorists, it made sense to use her words to explore my queer complexities.

    Or did it?

    I’d had many conversations, particularly with gender non-conforming, non-binary, and trans folks, that pointed to the same truths Butler describes. I’d read many words, mostly from people of color, that explained the same things, often much more accurately to how my journey was racialized.

    And, of course, Butler is nearly universally incomprehensible. Reading a quote of hers is like being smacked upside the brain with Encyclopedia Britannica. It’s an act of violence.

    And yet, I quoted her because of her stature as one of the most famous and influential queer theorists.

    Social justice spaces encourage you to give credit to those who paved the way, which is commendable. But those who paved the way are only those who had access and a platform to do so.

    We should give credit where credit is due, but also recognize that there are many unnamed people whose lives and experiences are used in order for ways to get paved.

    People were living Butler’s theories well before she put convoluted (if profound) words to their lives.

    Give them credit, too. They deserve it just as much, if not more.

    3. Using Academic Language When No One Understands It

    When I discover new language or concepts that describe complex ideas, it excites me. This is because we learn in social justice spaces that part of the struggle in dealing with oppression is that we don’t always have the language to describe what we’re experiencing.

    But what good is having this language if those who experience what’s being described the most can’t engage, too?

    This isn’t to say that academic language can’t be grasped by folks who aren’t academics (I’m not an academic). But there are other ways of using language that is just as fluid, just as powerful and necessary to communities that never had access to the academy – language that can be used to cover new ideas just as importantly.

    If you find academic language necessary or useful in your work, that’s okay, too. But not including explanations is a clear indicator of the audience you’re catering to.

    And while sometimes it’s okay to speak specifically to those with access to the academy, if that’s all you do, your work might never reach anyone else.

    To combat this, what I’ve found really helpful is thinking about how I have these conversations with family members who aren’t familiar with social justice lingo. They seem to understand what I’m talking about, sometimes better than the people who read my work, and that says something.

    Ask yourself: How am I expressing myself differently to them than in my writing, and why?

    4. Immediately Using Newly Learned Concepts to Criticize Others

    As I mentioned, I love discovering new terms to describe concepts that I’ve experienced, but may not have known how to articulate. A lot of times it’s like finding a light switch after stumbling around in the dark.

    These spaces offer a lot of lights, but sometimes don’t emphasize where you’re supposed to go once they’re turned on, leading to practices that can be very self-serving.

    I’d been frustrated by the workings of neoliberalism for the longest, but until I had a word for it, most of the conversation was taken up just trying to describe what’s going on (it’s complicated).

    Once I learned a word for the pattern, I started noting how everyone else’s work was feeding neoliberalism – performing radicalism for the purposes of gaining social or economic capital without real radical substance.

    And maybe some of it was feeding this reality (okay, a lot of it was), but what should have been more important in discovering the term and what it meant was how it could be used to describe all the pressures I felt for my work to be capitalized – not only to use it to criticize those around me.

    I could use it to explore the pressures to punch down more than up, to find only those who have standing worth citing, to forget about access in favor of money or other returns. Neoliberalism describes so much of the problems discussed in this piece, and here I am still struggle with them.

    And maybe it’s always inescapable on some level, but the important part is to try. Using newly learned language immediately to demonize others may indicate a desire to use knowledge to prove superiority, rather than to grow in your work.

    And if your work is to liberate folks, this should be the main goal.

    5. Rarely Mentioning Class and Disability

    Increased engagement with the politics of oppressed identities has complicated our ideas about oppression, helping to explain how it isn’t a linear process. At the same time, this type of engagement can very easily give discussions of certain systems of oppression credence and marketability over others.

    For example, race and gender conversations dominate so many activist spaces. This would be more or less fine – if we emphasized those at these margins who would necessarily also have other identities as well (like gender non-conforming Indigenous people with disabilities, for example).

    But even “inclusive” spaces that claim to be intersectional have a habit of just tacking on other identities that are rarely acknowledged, especially disability, to their mission statements without actively engaging with the issues specific to those communities.

    This comes from the encouragement to deal with multiple issues at once, which is great. But the problem comes when we’re not actually being given the tools to tackle them.

    I can’t write on physical disabilities from a first-person perspective because I have none, but I can go out and seek writers and artists who have that experience if I’m serious about including them in my work. At the very least, I can consider how disability affects the issues I’m engaging with at the time.

    More Radical Reads: 5 Ways Ableism Looks in Queer Spaces

    I point out economic conditions and disability specifically because they explicitly bar entire populations from physical spaces – and if we aren’t addressing those forms of oppression, they’re probably barring those populations from our work as well.

    6. Spending Little Time Engaging with the Communities Your Work Is Intended to Serve

    Recently, a good friend gave a talk on sexual violence that had no way to be viewed without going to the place where the talk was being held.

    Important to the discussion of sexual violence, though, is that many folks who experience it don’t have the ability to “leave” a place, being that most violence is at the hand of someone close to them who may have control over their whereabouts.

    My friend is more committed to work around sexual violence than anyone I know, but the pressures to forget to consider these factors are intense in these spaces where more presentations, more publications, and more panels give a person more of a platform.

    And that platform, which provides more money, might actually be necessary to survive when you’re not making it anywhere else.

    It may not always be possible to provide access to everyone. But at the very least, we should consider these things and push for more access whenever we can.

    Without regularly engaging with all of those affected by our work, it’s easy to patronize and miss when the needs of communities evolve (and they constantly do).

    If they aren’t there (or, importantly, you aren’t in their communities), you’re not receiving the feedback necessary to inform your work.

    7. Using Your Resume Instead of Addressing Criticisms

    When you’ve worked in an area for a while, like many of us in these spaces, it’s easy to believe you know all there is to know about the topic.

    In truth, I probably do know more than the average person about race, gender, and sexuality – but I can never know everything (or I wouldn’t still be reading, studying, and going to talks).

    But the understanding that we know more can give folks who have had the access and opportunity to build a resume the feeling of invulnerability if we are not careful.

    I remember once, in response to someone’s critiques on a post of mine, posting more links to my work. I told myself that I did this because I didn’t feel like re-explaining, but what if it was more (or at least also) because I felt like I didn’t have to explain? That I was above it?

    It turns out the other person was digging much deeper than what I’d covered before, and thankfully, they were graceful enough not to be put off by my display of arrogant untouchability – and I ended up learning something new.

    But feelings and assertions of invulnerability against critique is usually a telltale sign of oppressive spaces.

    8. Monetizing Everything You Do

    This is tricky. Obviously I want to get paid for my work – and I believe that others should, too.

    Being in these spaces with others who recognize the value of this work encourages us to demand others recognize it, too. Writing and other activist pursuits takes time, skill, and is emotionally expensive.

    But when monetary payment is the primary concern in every situation, those who can’t economically compensate don’t get access.

    We should all be compensated for labor, but if we’re serious about addressing the ills of capitalism, we need to also look at less capitalistic forms of assessing compensation.

    It might be worth it to parse out those who deserve to give us financial compensation (capitalist institutions) from those who may not (everyday economically disenfranchised people), and see what else, if anything, might be more appropriate payment.

    Can people reciprocate with time? a trade of skills? some form of advertisement?

    9. But Not Compensating Others for the Work They Contribute to Your Projects

    I wouldn’t have the connections and opportunities to make money writing, speaking, and teaching were it not for all of the amazing writers who have helped me build a platform in RaceBaitR.

    For the longest time, I wasn’t paying for contributions. I make no money from the site itself, after all, and it has a relatively tiny audience. For many of us doing this work, it can be fruitless, and if we do make anything, it’s barely enough to get by.

    But that site was listed on resumes and bios that got me paying gigs – and so it made no sense to continue asking folks to write for free.

    This isn’t a call for everyone with a blog to pay people when your site only nets a couple thousand views a month.

    But compensation doesn’t have to look like money. Many people who published me and couldn’t offer monetary compensation, for example, worked hard to get my name and work out there in ways that paid back tenfold.

    But if you’re profiting off of the labor of others and not sharing those profits in any way (or only in a very limited way), you’re participating in an oppressive labor system.

    When people with platforms take without giving back, they’re setting up a power structure that’s for the benefit of those with platform and no one else.

    It’s easy to forget this when we’re still struggling to get by, which so many of us are forced to do once we commit to this work.

    10. Doing Work with Institutions That Have Explicitly Worked Against Your Causes

    Many institutions that have no real interest in social justice will offer enticing opportunities to those considered activists for their own malicious purposes (to satisfy diversity concerns, for the appearance of philanthropy, or because they truly are interested in justice for some, but not all).

    These are often institutions with money that we might need, being as it’s hard to make money in these fields, and they may pad that resume which benefits us so much. But sometimes it’s not worth the cost.

    Transgender activist and writer Janet Mock recently experienced this when she pulled out of a talk on LGBTQIA+ issues at Brown University Hillel after protestors pointed out what they felt was participation in pinkwashing, the strategy of using the a progressive image around LGBTQIA+ issues to mask Israel’s human rights abuses of Palestinians.

    Spending a lot of time in these spaces and racking up talks and speaking engagements sometimes obscures what that cost really is. When it becomes routine and its benefits are always salient, the detriments are hard to keep in mind.

    I have done all of these things, sometimes often, many even recently, and will likely fall into the trap of doing them again in the future.

    But this is part of the reason why my work was sometimes becoming inaccessible. And if these ten experiences apply to you, they may be hindering your work as well.

    They truly are traps – designed to be as unavoidable as possible. But my hope is that awareness helps us keep ourselves and each other accountable so that we can continue doing what we’ve dedicated our work to do.

    Hari Ziyad is a Contributing Writer for Everyday Feminism and a Brooklyn-based storyteller. They are the Editor in Chief of RaceBaitR, a space dedicated to imagining and working toward a world outside of the white supremacist cisheteropatriarchal capitalistic gaze, and their work has been featured on Gawker, The Guardian, Out, Ebony, Mic, Colorlines, Paste Magazine, Black Girl Dangerous, Young Colored and Angry, The Feminist Wire, and The Each Other Project. They are also an assistant editor for Vinyl Poetry & Prose. You can find them (mostly) ignoring racists on Twitter @RaceBaitR and Facebook.

    [Feature Image: A black and white image of a person with brown skin and medium-length dark curly hair sitting on a couch indoors. They are staring straight ahead while resting on the couch. Source: Flickr.com/J]


    TBINAA is an independent, queer, Black woman run digital media and education organization promoting radical self love as the foundation for a more just, equitable and compassionate world. If you believe in our mission, please contribute to this necessary work at PRESSPATRON.com/TBINAA 

    We can’t do this work without you!

    As a thank you gift, supporters who contribute $10+ (monthly) will receive a copy of our ebook, Shed Every Lie: Black and Brown Femmes on Healing As Liberation. Supporters contributing $20+ (monthly) will receive a copy of founder Sonya Renee Taylor’s book, The Body is Not An Apology: The Power of Radical Self Love delivered to your home. 

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    Chelcee

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    October 19, 2020
  • Long Island Group Focuses on Bias in Healthcare to Improve Patient Outcomes

    Long Island Group Focuses on Bias in Healthcare to Improve Patient Outcomes

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    Raising awareness about implicit racial bias and unequal treatment.

    Press Release
    –


    updated: Oct 20, 2017


    WANTAGH, N.Y., October 20, 2017 (Newswire.com)
    –
    Pulse Center for Patient Safety Education & Advocacy (formerly PULSE of NY), a community-based grassroots patient safety organization, has been addressing racial disparities in healthcare across Long Island and New York. And they do exist: according to healthcare accrediting organization The Joint Commission, “There is extensive evidence and research that finds unconscious biases can lead to differential treatment of patients by race, gender, weight, age, language, income and insurance status.”

    Founded in 1996, Pulse began listening to and sharing patients’ stories of obstacles to safe care following the founder’s year-long training in patient safety through the National Patient Safety Foundation/American Hospital Association.

    We all have biases. If we acknowledge that, we can address it.

    Ilene Corina, President, PULSE Center for Patient Safety Education & Advocacy

    Pulse founder and president Ilene Corina found unequal treatment of people belonging to a wide range of groups — treatment that affected outcomes and was an obstacle to “patient-centered care.” Today, Pulse has several programs that seek to remove those obstacles.

    The Healthcare Equality Project

    The Healthcare Equality Project gives patients an outlet to discuss some of the challenges that may be unique to the group they represent. People with HIV/AIDS found that the stigma was a heavy, stressful burden, and people who have lupus often are misdiagnosed. Those who are disabled, transgender, or Hispanic are also affected. Pulse finds the problem and addresses it using the information shared by the people representing each group.

    Perceptions about race are also important. Pulse’s ASK For Your Life Campaign was developed to raise awareness about implicit racial bias and unequal treatment, which has been studied and confirmed in public health research for decades. It creates and distributes workshops, videos, brochures and handouts to educate the Black community, patients, and families of patients, about the steps they can take to advocate for themselves and partner with their healthcare providers for better outcomes.

    100,000 lives per year lost

    “We all have biases,” explains Pulse CPSEA’s Ilene Corina. “If we acknowledge that, we can address it.” Dr. Leslie Farrington, a retired African-American OB/GYN from Freeport, Long Island and board chair of Pulse, started the ASK For Your Life Campaign in 2016. Farrington says, “I always knew there were racial disparities, but it wasn’t until I began studying the public health literature that I recognized the magnitude of the problem — 100,000 lives per year lost due to inequality.”

    There is a team of volunteers who are traveling Long Island to hold workshops empowering people of color to be active partners in their care. They are available to speak to groups about disparities in care and how all patients can address discrimination in healthcare settings. To contact the ASK for Your Life campaign or to request a workshop or become a volunteer, please contact: 516-579-4711 or icorina@pulsecenterforpatientsafety.org.

    This program is made possible with a grant from the Long Island Unitarian Universalist Fund.

    Source: Pulse Center for Patient Safety Education & Advocacy

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    October 20, 2017
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