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Tag: Prisons

  • Des Moines, Iowa, public school leader detained by immigration agents, school board says

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    DES MOINES, Iowa — Federal immigration agents have detained the head administrator of Iowa’s capital city public schools, the school board said Friday.

    Des Moines Public Schools Superintendent Ian Roberts was detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcements agents Friday morning, school board president Jackie Norris said in a statement. A spokesperson for the district said they do not have additional information to share at this time.

    “We have no confirmed information as to why Dr. Roberts is being detained or the next potential steps,” Norris said in her statement.

    U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement records show Roberts in their custody at a county jail in western Iowa. But a Pottawattamie County jail employee said he is not currently at their jail. The jail in Council Bluffs is about 130 miles west of Des Moines.

    An employee at the ICE office in St. Paul, Minnesota, which oversees operations in Iowa, said he had no information on Roberts’ arrest. An email to ICE’s national media line wasn’t immediately returned, and its phone rang unanswered. Additional calls to other regional offices in Omaha, Nebraska, and Kansas City, Missouri, also went unanswered.

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  • Jury deadlocks again in trial of officer charged with sexually abusing inmates at California prison

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    OAKLAND, Calif. — A federal jury has deadlocked for the second time in a trial of a former correctional officer charged with sexually abusing four inmates at a now-closed federal women’s prison in California.

    Prosecutors said Darrell Wayne Smith, who worked at the Federal Correctional Institution in Dublin, assaulted the women in their cells and in the prison’s laundry room between 2019 and 2021. He faced 14 counts related to sexual abuse.

    Jurors, who had been deliberating since Sept. 18, could not reach a unanimous verdict and deadlocked on Wednesday, KTVU-TV reported. In March, Smith faced similar charges in a trial that also ended with a deadlock.

    Defense attorneys at both trials argued there was no DNA, no forensic evidence, no surveillance video and no diaries to prove what the government was alleging.

    Michelle Lo, a spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s Office, thanked the jury for their service but would not comment on whether prosecutors would retry Smith for a third time.

    An Associated Press investigation in 2022 revealed a culture of abuse and cover-up that had persisted for years at FCI Dublin, about 20 miles (30 kilometers) east of Oakland. That reporting led to increased scrutiny from Congress and pledges from the federal Bureau of Prisons that it would fix problems at the prison, which was eventually closed last year.

    In a statement Thursday, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners expressed disappointment at a lack of a verdict in Smith’s case. But the advocacy group pointed out that nine other FCI Dublin correctional officers all have either pleaded guilty to or been convicted by juries of various sex crimes.

    The prison’s former warden, Ray Garcia, was convicted in late 2022 of molesting inmates and forcing them to pose naked in their cells. He was sentenced to serve six years in prison.

    “We will channel our outrage by growing the movement to address the root causes of this systemic violence and bring survivors home from the abusive Bureau of Prisons,” said Emily Shapiro, an advocate with the coalition.

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  • Texas man facing execution for fatally beating 13-month-old girl during ‘exorcism’

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    HOUSTON — A Texas man faces execution Thursday for killing his girlfriend’s 13-month-old daughter during a torturous ordeal the couple said was part of an “exorcism” to expel a demon from the child’s body.

    Blaine Milam, 35, was condemned for the December 2008 murder of Amora Carson at his trailer in Rusk County in East Texas.

    Milam was scheduled to receive a lethal injection Thursday evening at the state penitentiary in Huntsville. At around the same time Milam was to be put to death, authorities in Alabama were planning to execute Geoffrey West for fatally shooting a gas station employee during a 1997 robbery.

    Milam has claimed he is innocent, blaming then-girlfriend Jesseca Carson for the killing and alleging she was the one who claimed the girl was possessed by a demon. She was tried separately from Milam and sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole after being convicted of capital murder for helping Milam. Both were 18 at the time.

    Prosecutors said Milam savagely beat the girl with a hammer and also bit, strangled, and mutilated her over a period of 30 hours.

    A forensic pathologist who performed an autopsy found the child had multiple skull fractures along with broken arms, legs, ribs and numerous bite marks. The pathologist testified at trial that he could not determine a specific cause of death because the girl had so many potentially fatal injuries.

    Milam’s attorneys have asked the U.S. Supreme Court to stop his execution, arguing his conviction was based in part on “now-discredited” bite mark evidence as well as other unreliable DNA evidence. Milam’s attorneys also argued he is intellectually disabled and therefore ineligible for execution.

    In their petition to the Supreme Court, Milam’s lawyers alleged Carson had experienced religious delusions and suffered from a neurological visual-perception disorder that caused her to see malevolent-seeming distortions in her daughter’s face, causing her to attack the child.

    “It was Carson who caused her daughter’s death. There is no credible evidence that Milam played any role in it.,” Milam’s lawyers said.

    State and federal appeals courts have previously turned down efforts by Milam’s attorneys to stay his execution. The Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles on Tuesday denied Milam’s request to commute his death sentence to a lesser penalty. Milam’s previously had executions dates in 2019 and 2021 that were stayed.

    The Texas Attorney General’s Office has said Milam’s claims that he is intellectually disabled have been rejected in previous court rulings and a recent review of DNA evidence used at his trial “continues to forensically tie him to Amora’s body.”

    The attorney general’s office also said in court documents that even if bitemark and DNA evidence were excluded, there was other evidence pointing to his guilt, including his efforts to hide evidence and a confession he made to a nurse after his arrest.

    Rusk County District Attorney Micheal Jimerson, who tried the case along with the Texas Attorney General’s Office, told The Associated Press in 2019 that authorities initially treated Milam and Carson as grieving parents.

    But Carson later told investigators Milam told her Amora was “possessed by a demon” because “God was tired of her lying to Milam,” according to court records.

    The use of bite mark evidence has been called into question in recent years, with a 2016 report by the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology saying bitemark analysis “is clearly scientifically unreliable at present.”

    Jimerson said he still couldn’t pinpoint a motive, believing the exorcism claim was just a way for Milam and Carson to cover up their crime.

    “It’s … very hard to confront the idea that someone would derive their gratification from the torture of a baby. That is really something that diminishes all of us and it’s just a very, very hard thing to face,” Jimerson had said.

    If the execution is carried out, Milam would be the fifth person put to death this year in Texas, historically the nation’s busiest capital punishment state. If both of Thursdays executions take place, that would bring this year’s total to 33 death sentences carried out nationwide. Florida leads the nation this year with a record 12 executions conducted so far in 2025 with two more scheduled in the state by mid-October.

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    Follow Juan A. Lozano: https://x.com/juanlozano70

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  • Defense tells judge Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs has served enough time behind bars

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    NEW YORK — Lawyers for music mogul Sean “Diddy” Combs urged a New York federal judge Monday to sentence him early next month to no more than 14 months in prison for his conviction on two prostitution-related charges, meaning he’d go free almost immediately if the judge agreed.

    The lawyers made their arguments in a written submission to Judge Arun Subramanian, who has already rejected a proposed $50 million bail package, signaling that he doesn’t believe the Grammy-winning artist is close to being released.

    “Mr. Combs’s celebrity status in the realms of music, fashion, spirits, media, and finance has been shattered and Mr. Combs’s legacy has been destroyed,” the lawyers wrote, saying their client has been punished enough.

    The submission provided new information about what life behind bars for nearly 13 months has been like for Combs, what’s happened to his businesses and other interests and explains why he turned down a plea-deal offer from prosecutors prior to his trial.

    Combs faces an Oct. 3 sentencing after his July conviction by a Manhattan jury on two Mann Act charges that outlaw interstate commerce related to prostitution. Each charge carries a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison.

    The Bad Boy Records founder was exonerated on more serious racketeering conspiracy and sex trafficking charges that would have required a minimum of 15 years in prison and the possibility of a life sentence.

    In their submission, Combs’ lawyers argued that a jury sent a loud message to the judge by exonerating him of the most serious charges.

    “Put simply, the jury has spoken. Its verdict represents an ‘affirmative indication of innocence,’” the lawyers said.

    “He has served over a year in one of the most notorious jails in America — yet has made the most of that punishment. It is time for Mr. Combs to go home to his family, so he can continue his treatment and try to make the most of the next chapter of his extraordinary life,” they added.

    Prosecutors, who will submit their recommendations prior to the Oct. 3 sentencing, have already said they’ll urge Combs stay imprisoned substantially longer than the four to five years they originally thought.

    Defense lawyers, though, wrote in their submission Monday that prosecutors “have lost all perspective.”

    “Mr. Combs’s career and reputation have been destroyed,” they wrote. “His life outside of jail has been systematically dismantled.”

    Among other things, they noted that he had to let go over 100 employees from his businesses and many of them have been unable to get new jobs because of their past association with Combs.

    His seven children, they said, have faced “devastating consequences,” including lost business opportunities in acting, television, fashion and concerts, with some of them being included in some of the nearly 100 civil lawsuits filed against Combs since his arrest.

    The lawyers also noted that Combs and his family were set to star in a Hulu show about their lives, but the show was cancelled once the allegations against him became public.

    Combs was removed from the boards at three charter schools he created in Harlem, the Bronx and Connecticut and was stripped of an honorary doctorate degree from Howard University, which plans to return his prior donations, they said.

    Meanwhile, Combs’s life in prison has been harrowing at times, even as it has allowed him to become sober for the first time in 25 years, his lawyers said.

    On one occasion, another inmate approached Combs with a shiv, accusing Combs of sitting on a chair that the inmate wanted to sit on, before Combs defused the situation and calmed the man and his makeshift weapon down, the lawyers said.

    They said he has been under constant suicide watch, meaning every two hours he must present his identification card to guards to show he is alive and well and is awakened from sleep in a brightly lighted cell by a guard to ensure he is well.

    He also has limited access to clean water, leaving him to heat the water that he drinks to ensure it won’t make him sick and he must sleep within two feet of other inmates in a dorm-style room containing a bathroom and no door, the lawyers wrote.

    “Mr. Combs has not breathed fresh air in nearly 13 months, or felt sunlight on his skin, often walking with a limp due to a painful knee injury that requires surgery,” they said. And the food, they added, sometimes contains maggots.

    Prior to trial, the lawyers said, prosecutors offered Combs a plea deal that would have recommended a prison sentence of at least 25 years and required him to plead guilty to crimes of which he was acquitted.

    They portrayed their client as a changed man, who had realized that his overuse of drugs, including some prescribed by doctors, had contributed to violent acts he participated in.

    “Without minimizing Mr. Combs’s conduct, this is in many ways a ‘sex, drugs, and rock n’ roll’ story,” they said. “Mr. Combs had severe substance abuse problems throughout the entirety of the offense conduct and participated in a high-octane celebrity lifestyle.”

    The music maven’s trial featured lengthy testimony from two former girlfriends of Combs who said they felt forced to participate in drug-fueled sex marathons with male sex workers as Combs watched and sometimes filmed the dayslong encounters.

    R&B singer Cassandra “Cassie” Ventura testified that she participated in hundreds of the meetups that were referred to as “freak-offs” while she was his most frequent girlfriend from 2007 to 2018.

    Another ex-girlfriend, testifying under the pseudonym “Jane,” said she also felt pressured to perform sexually with male sex workers while she dated Combs from 2021 until his arrest at a New York hotel a year ago.

    There was also extensive testimony during the trial about Combs beating his girlfriends and using violence and the fears of it to control those around him.

    Defense lawyers at trial conceded there was domestic abuse but said the charges brought by prosecutors were not proven.

    While he was once so depressed in jail that “there were days when he was unable to get out of his bed or even talk to the psychology department,” his lawyers said he looks forward to the future.

    They said he has begun teaching other inmates essential skills in business management, entrepreneurship and personal development.

    The lawyers wrote that the education program has become “one of the most impactful and important endeavors of his life” and he hopes to expand it to state-run facilities once he is released.

    “He is a humbled man who understands that the most important things in life are his devotion to and quality time with his family and his contributions for the benefit of others,” they said.

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  • Four guards plead guilty in brutal beating death of Black inmate at New York prison

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    UTICA, N.Y. — Four prison guards pleaded guilty Monday in the death of a Black inmate whose brutal beating at an upstate New York prison was captured on bodycam videos.

    The pleas came two weeks before the start of trial for a group of guards accused in the death of Robert Brooks, who was pummeled while handcuffed at the Marcy Correctional Facility on Dec. 9. The beating of the restrained 43-year-old man triggered outrage and calls for reform.

    Four of the 10 guards indicted in February are still headed to trial Oct. 6, including three accused of murder.

    Two guards facing a top charge of murder pleaded guilty in a Utica court to a lesser charge in the indictment: first-degree manslaughter. Under the agreements, Nicholas Anzalone and Anthony Farina, who have both resigned, will be sentenced to 22 years in state prison on Nov. 21.

    Brooks’ relatives welcomed what they called a measure of justice.

    “It is important to us to see my father’s killers publicly admit what they have done and face severe consequences,” Robert Brooks Jr., the victim’s son, said in a prepared release.

    Two more men charged with second-degree manslaughter also pleaded guilty. Michael Mashaw will be sentenced to three to nine years in prison. and David Walters will be sentenced to two years, four months to seven years in prison. Mashaw has resigned. Walters’ status was unclear Monday.

    Brooks had been serving a 12-year sentence for first-degree assault since 2017 and was transferred to Marcy from a nearby lockup on the night he was beaten. The videos show Brooks being struck in the chest with a shoe, lifted by his neck and then dropped.

    The first plea in the case came in May, when a guard charged with murder pleaded guilty to manslaughter under a deal with prosecutors. Christopher Walrath, who resigned, was sentenced to 15 years in prison in August.

    Another guard pleaded guilty later in May to attempted tampering with physical evidence and was sentenced to a one-year conditional discharge.

    The special prosecutor in the case is Onondaga County District Attorney William Fitzpatrick, who also is prosecuting guards in the fatal beating of Messiah Nantwi on March 1 at another Marcy lockup, the Mid-State Correctional Facility. Ten guards were indicted in April, including two who are charged with murder.

    Both prisons are about 180 miles (290 kilometers) northwest of New York City.

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  • Lawyers for firefighter ask judge to order his release from ICE facility

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    Lawyers for an Oregon firefighter who was taken into custody by U.S. Border Patrol agents while fighting a Washington state wildfire filed a petition in federal court Friday asking a judge to order his release from an immigration detention facility.

    The Oregon man, Rigoberto Hernandez Hernandez, and one other firefighter were part of a 44-person crew fighting a blaze in the Olympic National Forest on Aug. 27 when the agents took them into custody during a multiagency criminal investigation into the two contractors for whom the men were employed.

    Lawyers with the Innovation Law Lab said during a press conference that his arrest was illegal and violated U.S. Department of Homeland Security polices that say immigration enforcement must not be conducted at locations where emergency responses are happening.

    The Bear Gulch Fire, one of the largest in the state, had burned 29 square miles (75 square kilometers) by Friday and was 9% contained.

    The Border Patrol said at the time that the two workers were in the U.S. illegally so they were detained. Federal authorities did not provide information about the investigation into the contractors.

    Lawyer Rodrigo Fernandez-Ortega said they filed a petition for habeas corpus and a motion for a temporary restraining order that seeks the man’s release from the Northwest ICE detention center in Tacoma, Washington.

    Homeland Security Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs Tricia McLaughlin said in an email to The Associated Press that the two men were not firefighters — they were working in a support role cutting logs into firewood.

    “The firefighting response remained uninterrupted the entire time,” she said. “U.S. Border Patrol’s actions did not prevent or interfere with any personnel actively engaged in firefighting efforts.” A spokesperson for the Border Patrol declined to comment, saying they don’t comment on active or pending litigation.

    Six Democratic Oregon Congressional leaders sent a press release late Friday calling on the release of the firefighter. “It’s outrageous for the Trump Administration to trample on the due process rights of emergency responders who put their lives on the line to protect Oregonians’ safety,” said Sen. Ron Wyden. Sen. Jeff Merkley and four representatives said the arrests put communities in danger and stoke fear.

    After Hernandez was taken into custody in August, his lawyers were unable to locate him for 48 hours, which caused distress for his family, Fernandez-Ortega said. He has been in the Tacoma facility ever since, they said.

    Hernandez, 23, was the son of migrant farmworkers, his lawyer said. He was raised in Oregon, Washington and California as they traveled for work. He moved to Oregon three years ago and began working as a wildland firefighter.

    This was his third season working as a wildland firefighter, “doing the grueling and dangerous job of cutting down trees and clearing vegetation to manage the spread of wildfires and to protect homes, communities, and resources,” his lawyer said.

    Hernandez had received a U-Visa certification from the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Oregon in 2017 and submitted his U-Visa application with the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services the following year. The U-Visa program was established by Congress to protect victims of serious crimes who assist federal investigators.

    He has been waiting since 2018 for the immigration agency to decide on his application and should be free during the process, his lawyers said.

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  • A brutal beating by deputies was caught on tape. They were cleared anyway

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    MANSFIELD, La. — The strip search lasted just six minutes, but when it ended, Jarius Brown had a broken nose, fractured eye socket and a badly swollen face.

    Never-before-published footage shows why: Two Louisiana sheriff’s deputies pummeled the naked 25-year-old, flinging him around the DeSoto Parish Detention Center laundry room while landing a flurry of 50 punches.

    In the aftermath of the 2019 assault, one of the deputies resigned and the other was suspended. Internal records show the sheriff’s office concluded “there was no way of defending” the deputies’ actions.

    Yet, that’s just what the Louisiana State Police did, an Associated Press investigation has found. After waiting months to analyze the graphic video and more than a year to even interview Brown, the agency cleared the deputies of wrongdoing. The state police ultimately supported the deputies’ claims that Brown had been the “aggressor” in an altercation that took place after he had been arrested on charges of stealing a car.

    The case might have ended there had federal prosecutors not eventually gotten involved and come to the opposite conclusion: Brown had been the victim of excessive force.

    The graphic footage remained under wraps for six years but emerged this month in Brown’s long-running lawsuit seeking damages for his injuries. Brown, now 32, declined to comment through his attorneys.

    Gary Evans, a former DeSoto Parish district attorney, said the case underscores the safety net the Justice Department long provided in smaller communities — a role many advocates fear has been thrown into doubt as the department dials back its civil rights enforcement amid President Donald Trump’s mandate to “unleash” the police.

    “This was a great miscarriage of justice at the state level, and it shows the system has broken down and doesn’t protect citizens,” Evans said. “In a community like this, the federal government is the only avenue for anything to get done.”

    Brown’s beating was just the latest in a litany of police misconduct cases in DeSoto Parish, a rural swath of piney woods and rolling farmlands south of Shreveport, Louisiana.

    A month before Brown was pummeled, another deputy was charged with malfeasance after tackling and repeatedly punching a man walking into a grocery store. He agreed to a permanent ban from law enforcement in exchange for the charges being dismissed. In another case, a DeSoto Parish deputy was charged with third-degree rape after ordering a woman he arrested to perform oral sex on him.

    Russell Graham, a state police spokesperson, declined to explain his agency’s conclusion that there “was not sufficient evidence” the deputies in Brown’s case committed a crime. He attributed delays in the investigation to the COVID-19 pandemic, which began six months after the beating.

    “LSP remains committed to thorough, impartial investigations and working with partners to ensure accountability and uphold public trust,” Graham wrote in an email to AP, adding the agency had “conducted a thorough investigation of this matter when it was presented to them.”

    Former deputy Javarrea Pouncy pleaded guilty to using excessive force and was sentenced last year to serve about three years in federal prison. He could not be reached for comment.

    The other deputy, DeMarkes Grant, who pleaded guilty to obstructing justice, was released from prison in April after serving a 10-month sentence. Grant told AP he was still “stressed out” and had “lost a lot” as a result of his conviction. He declined to say whether he regretted the beating.

    “What has happened has happened,” he said.

    Use of force experts questioned the divergent outcomes at the state and federal level, saying Brown never posed a threat and the beating was excessive.

    The grainy footage shows a handcuffed Brown calmly walking into the jail’s laundry room before disrobing. The beating begins halfway through the search, after the deputies confront Brown for not squatting as directed so they could fully search him.

    Neither deputy sought medical care for Brown after the beating, but the warden recognized the man needed attention and ensured he was taken to the hospital.

    “I don’t know how any objective evaluator of this incident could determine this was anything but excessive,” said Charles “Joe” Key, a former Baltimore police lieutenant who typically testifies in defense of police and reviewed the footage at AP’s request.

    Andrew Scott, a former police chief of Boca Raton, Florida, said there was nothing on the video that would have justified the beating. He could only surmise the deputies were “delivering retribution.” Any police official who justified the beating after watching the video, Scott added, is “not a competent or truthful expert.”

    Within days of the beating, DeSoto Parish Sheriff Jayson Richardson suspended Grant and elicited Pouncy’s resignation. He defended the state police probe in a recent interview, saying federal and state reviews weren’t an “apples to apples” comparison due to differing criminal statutes.

    Evans, the former district attorney, said local officials repeatedly thwarted his efforts to obtain the video.

    Louisiana State Police ultimately provided the beating video to Evans’ successor, Charles Adams, who closed the investigation in 2021. Regardless of what the video shows, Adams told AP, the state police report would have made a state prosecution “very difficult, if not impossible” because it concluded there wasn’t enough evidence of a crime.

    “That report would have been brought out and beat over our head,” Adams said.

    The state police report describes Brown as the aggressor and said the man told troopers he was “probably high” when he was attacked but that officers took “appropriate action” against him.

    State investigators also concluded the footage supported the deputies’ accounts of the attack. The U.S. Justice Department, however, charged both deputies with falsifying their reports, which Grant admitted were fabricated to create a “false narrative.”

    Weeks after the September 2019 beating at the jail, Brown pleaded guilty to ”unauthorized use of a motor vehicle” and was sentenced to 18 months behind bars. State police interviewed Brown in jail in early 2021 and reported he “did not want anything done” about the beating and “was not interested in pursuing the matter criminally or civilly.”

    A local judge, Amy McCartney, dismissed the lawsuit Brown filed against the deputies, ruling in 2023 the beating did not constitute a “crime of violence.” An appeals court reversed that decision, and Brown’s lawyers are seeking damages for his injuries and medical expenses.

    “Jarius Brown survived a horrific, unprovoked beating,” said Brown’s attorney, Michael Imbroscio, adding he is “entitled to justice.” Brown also is represented by the American Civil Liberties Union of Louisiana, which fought a lengthy legal battle related to the state’s statute of limitations on civil claims stemming from police violence.

    Brown’s father, Derek Washington, said the attack sent his son’s already unstable mental capacity “into a more severe case of schizophrenia and anxiety.” Today, Brown is fearful of crowds and closed-in spaces, he said, and “cannot function in society.”

    “He always thinks someone is trying to harm him physically,” Washington said. “Right now, my son is just a stranger, and I just want to get some semblance of him back.”

    ___

    Brook reported from New Orleans.

    ___

    Contact the AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or https://www.ap.org/tips/

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  • As officials searched for Charlie Kirk’s shooter, suspect confessed to his partner, prosecutor says

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    PROVO, Utah — As authorities worked feverishly to find the person who assassinated Charlie Kirk at Utah Valley University last week, the 22-year-old man now charged with the crime was texting with his romantic partner and acknowledging he was the shooter, court documents revealed.

    Tyler Robinson fired a single fatal shot from the rooftop of a building overlooking the outdoor venue where Kirk was speaking to about 3,000 people on Sept. 10, investigators say. Afterward, prosecutors say he texted with the partner, who he lived with near St. George, Utah, about 240 miles (387 kilometers) southwest of the campus.

    He said to look under his keyboard at their home. There was a note that said, “I had the opportunity to take out Charlie Kirk and I’m going to take it.”

    After expressing shock, his partner asked Robinson if he was the shooter. Robinson responded, “I am, I’m sorry.”

    The partner apparently never went to law enforcement with the information. Robinson remained on the run until the next night, when his parents recognized he was the person in a photo released by authorities as they searched for the shooter. They helped organize Robinson’s peaceful surrender.

    The partner was not named in the charging documents that contained the narrative of the shooting and were made public Tuesday when authorities charged Robinson with capital murder and other counts. He could face the death penalty.

    Law enforcement officials say they are looking at whether others knew about or aided Robinson in the assassination. They have not said if the partner is among those being investigated but have publicly expressed appreciation for the partner sharing information.

    Prosecutors allege Robinson used a bolt-action rifle to shoot Kirk in the neck on the campus in Orem, about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south of Salt Lake City. DNA on the trigger of the rifle matched Robinson, according to Utah County Attorney Jeff Gray. The rifle had been Robinson’s grandfather’s.

    Robinson appeared briefly Tuesday before a judge by video from jail. He nodded slightly at times but mostly stared ahead as the judge read the charges and said he would appoint an attorney to represent him. Robinson’s family has declined to comment to The Associated Press since his arrest.

    Kirk, a 31-year-old father of two, was a prominent force in politics credited with energizing the Republican youth movement and helping Donald Trump win back the White House in 2024. He gained a large following through social media, his podcast and campus events that featured him responding to a line of questioners who could query and debate him on any topic.

    Authorities have not revealed a clear motive in the shooting, but Gray said that Robinson wrote in a text about Kirk to his partner: “I had enough of his hatred. Some hate can’t be negotiated out.”

    The prosecutor said Robinson also wrote in one text that he spent more than a week planning the attack on Kirk. Authorities have not said what they believe the planning entailed.

    Gray declined to answer whether Robinson targeted Kirk for his anti-transgender views. Kirk was shot while taking a question that touched on mass shootings, gun violence and transgender people.

    “That is for a jury to decide,” Gray said.

    Robinson was involved in a romantic relationship with his roommate, who investigators say is transgender.

    While authorities say Robinson hasn’t been cooperating with investigators, they say his family and friends have been sharing information.

    Robinson’s mother told investigators that their son had turned hard left politically in the last year and became more supportive of gay and transgender rights, Gray said.

    Those decisions prompted several conversations in the household, especially between Robinson and his father. They had different political views and Robinson told his partner in a text that his dad had become a “diehard MAGA” since Trump was elected.

    Robinson’s mother recognized him when authorities released a picture of the suspect and his parents confronted him, at which time Robinson said he wanted to kill himself, Gray said.

    The family persuaded him to meet with a family friend who is a retired sheriff’s deputy. That person was able to get Robinson to turn himself in, the prosecutor said.

    Robinson was arrested late Thursday near St. George, where he grew up.

    In a text exchange with his partner released by authorities, Robinson wrote about planning to get his rifle from his “drop point,” but that the area was “locked down.”

    Later he sent: “I can get close to it but there is a squad car parked right by it. I think they already swept that spot, but I don’t wanna chance it.” The texts cited in court documents did not include timestamps and it was unclear how long after the shooting Robinson was texting.

    “To be honest I had hoped to keep this secret till I died of old age. I am sorry to involve you,” Robinson wrote in another text to his partner.

    Robinson discarded the rifle and clothing and asked his roommate to conceal evidence, Gray said.

    Robinson also was charged with felony discharge of a firearm, punishable by up to life in prison, and obstructing justice, punishable by up to 15 years in prison.

    He also was charged with witness tampering because he had directed his partner to delete their text messages and told his partner to stay silent if questioned by police, Gray said.

    FBI Director Kash Patel said Tuesday that agents are looking at “anyone and everyone” who was involved in a gaming chatroom on the social media platform Discord with Robinson. The chatroom involved “a lot more” than 20 people, he said during a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing in Washington.

    The charges filed Tuesday carry two enhancements, including committing several of the crimes in front of or close to children and carrying out violence based on the subject’s political beliefs.

    Kirk, a dominant figure in conservative politics, became a confidant of President Donald Trump after founding Arizona-based Turning Point USA, one of the nation’s largest political organizations. He brought young, conservative evangelical Christians into politics.

    In the days since Kirk’s assassination, Americans have found themselves facing questions about rising political violence, the deep divisions that brought the nation here and whether anything can change.

    Despite calls for greater civility, some who opposed Kirk’s provocative statements about gender, race and politics criticized him after his death. Many Republicans have led the push to punish anyone they believe dishonored him, causing both public and private workers to lose their jobs or face other consequences at work.

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    Seewer reported from Toledo, Ohio.

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  • Record 12th execution set in Florida this year for man convicted of killing family

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    STARKE, Fla. — A Florida man convicted of killing his estranged wife’s sister and parents and setting their house on fire is scheduled to put to death Wednesday, which would be a record 12th execution in the state in 2025.

    David Pittman, 63, is set to receive a lethal injection starting at 6 p.m. at Florida State Prison near Starke under a death warrant signed by Gov. Ron DeSantis. The Republican governor has signed more death warrants this year than any of his predecessors.

    Pittman’s final appeal was rejected Tuesday by the U.S. Supreme Court.

    So far, two more Florida executions are scheduled for this fall. Victor Tony Jones is set to die on Sept. 30 for the 1990 killings of two people during a robbery and Samuel Lee Smithers is scheduled for execution on Oct. 14 for the murders of two women in 1996.

    Pittman was convicted and sentenced to death in 1991 on three counts of first-degree murder, according to court records. Jurors also found him guilty of arson and grand theft.

    Pittman and his wife, Marie, were going through a contentious divorce in May 1990, when the killings occurred, and investigators say he had threatened to harm her family several times.

    Trial testimony showed Pittman cut a phone line at the Mulberry, Florida home of his wife’s parents, Clarence Knowles, 60, and his wife, 50-year-old Barbara Knowles. Pittman stabbed the couple to death as well as their other daughter, 21-year-old Bonnie Knowles. Pittman then set their house on fire and stole Bonnie Knowles’ car, which he also set ablaze. The family was found dead on May 15 of that year.

    A witness during his 1991 trial identified Pittman as the person running away from the burning car. A jailhouse informant also testified that Pittman had admitted to the killings. Jurors recommended the death penalty on a 9-3 vote.

    Pittman’s most recent appeals focused on recent evidence indicating he suffers from intellectual disabilities, including an IQ in the low 70s, that was apparent at the time of the killings. His lawyers say his execution would violate the Constitution’s protection against putting to death a person with severe mental problems.

    Lawyers for the state disagreed, contending it is now too late for Pittman to claim mental impairment from years earlier. The Florida Supreme Court, reversing a previous decision, ruled in 2020 that such claims cannot apply retroactively.

    “Pittman’s underlying intellectual disability claim is meritless. He was not intellectually disabled when he murdered the three victims in 1990 or when he went to trial in 1991,” the state attorneys told the U.S. Supreme Court.

    Before Pittman, 30 people have been executed in the U.S. in 2025, with Florida leading the way behind the flurry of death warrants signed by DeSantis. The last execution in Florida was the Aug. 28 lethal injection of 59-year-old Curtis Windom, convicted of the 1992 murders of his girlfriend, her mother and another man.

    Florida executions are carried out via a three-drug injection — a sedative, a paralytic and a drug that stops the heart, according to the state Department of Corrections.

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  • Prosecutor: Suspect left note saying he would kill Kirk

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    PROVO, Utah — Prosecutors brought a murder charge Tuesday against the man accused of assassinating Charlie Kirk and outlined evidence, including a text message confession to his partner and a note left beforehand saying he had the opportunity to kill one of the nation’s leading conservative voices “and I’m going to take it.”

    DNA on the trigger of the rifle that killed Kirk also matched that of Tyler Robinson, Utah County Attorney Jeff Gray said while outlining the evidence and announcing charges that could result in the death penalty if Robinson is convicted.


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    Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.

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    By JESSE BEDAYN, HANNAH SCHOENBAUM and JOHN SEEWER – Associated Press

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  • ‘Alligator Alcatraz’ detainees continue to face obstacles to meet with lawyers, court papers allege

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    ORLANDO, Fla. — There still are no protocols for attorneys to get in touch with clients at the immigration detention center known as “Alligator Alcatraz,” and detainees are often transferred just before scheduled lawyer visits, according to new court papers alleging continued unconstitutional obstacles for meeting with legal representatives.

    Thursday’s court papers were filed in response to a transfer from Miami to Fort Myers of the federal lawsuit claiming detainees have been denied private meetings with immigration attorneys while being held at the facility built by the state of Florida in the Everglades wilderness.

    It also comes a week after a federal appellate court panel, in a separate environmental lawsuit, allowed operations to continue at the detention center by putting on hold a lower court’s preliminary injunction ordering the facility to wind down by the end of October. A third federal lawsuit challenging practices at the facility claims immigration is a federal issue and Florida agencies and the private contractors hired by the state have no authority to operate the facility.

    “Detained individuals have a First Amendment right to communicate with their attorneys in confidence,” lawyers said Thursday in the legal rights case.

    U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement continues to omit information about detainees at the facility from its online locator system “so attorneys cannot confirm whether detained clients are held at the facility.” During videoconferences with their lawyers, detainees are placed in cages that aren’t soundproof with staff in earshot, and documents for clients are subject to review by staff, the attorneys said.

    Unlike other detention facilities which don’t require prior appointments, at the Everglades facility, if lawyers want to meet in-person with their clients, they must schedule a meeting three days in advance. That gives the facility the opportunity to transfer out detainees, denying them legal access, they lawyers said.

    Republican Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ administration in late June raced to build the facility on an isolated airstrip surrounded by wetlands to aid President Donald Trump’s efforts to deport people living in the U.S. illegally. Trump toured the facility in July and suggested it could be a model for future lockups around the nation as his administration pushes to expand the infrastructure needed to increase deportations.

    The center has been plagued by reports of unsanitary conditions and detainees being cut off from the legal system. Other states have since announced plans to open their own immigration detention centers.

    As part of the legal rights lawsuit, the attorneys for the detainees want to make a visit to the facility in mid-October, but the federal and state government defendants said it wasn’t necessary. The detainees’ attorneys also asked for permission to keep their clients anonymous in public court filings and to use pseudonyms instead.

    “At a time of increasingly violent anti-immigrant rhetoric in Florida and across the country, immigrants detained at Alligator Alcatraz are subjected to extreme vitriol, including from officials at the highest levels of government,” they wrote.

    ___

    Follow Mike Schneider on the social platform Bluesky: @mikeysid.bsky.social

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  • South Korean workers detained in immigration raid headed to Atlanta for flight home

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    ATLANTA — Buses carrying workers from South Korea who were detained last week in an immigration raid at a battery factory were traveling Thursday from a detention center in southeast Georgia to Atlanta, where a charter plane was waiting to take them home.

    More than 300 Koreans were among about 475 workers detained during last week’s raid at the battery factory under construction on the campus of Hyundai’s sprawling auto plant west of Savannah. South Korea’s foreign ministry has said that a Korean Air Boeing 747-8i that arrived in Atlanta on Wednesday will depart at noon Thursday with the workers on board.

    The workers had been held at an immigration detention center in Folkston, 285 miles (460 kilometers) southeast of Atlanta. South Korea’s Foreign Ministry confirmed that U.S. authorities have released the 330 detainees — 316 of them Koreans — and that they were being driven by bus to Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport, where they will board a charter flight scheduled to arrive in South Korea on Friday afternoon. The group also includes 10 Chinese nationals, three Japanese nationals and one Indonesian.

    South Korea’s President Lee Jae Myung called Thursday for improvements to the United States’ visa system, saying Korean companies will likely hesitate to make new investments in the U.S. until that happens.

    South Korean officials have said they were negotiating with the U.S. to win “voluntary” departures for the workers, rather than deportations, which could make them ineligible to return to the U.S. for up to 10 years.

    During a visit to Washington, South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Hyun met with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and told him that his people were left with “big pains and shocks” because the video of the workers’ arrests was publicly disclosed, the ministry said in a statement.

    Cho called for the U.S. administration to help the workers leave as soon as possible — without being handcuffed — and to ensure they do not face problems in future reentry to the U.S., the statement said.

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  • Appeals court hears from US military contractor ordered to pay $42M to former Abu Ghraib detainees

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    RICHMOND, Va. — A federal appeals court was scheduled to hear oral arguments Tuesday about an appeal from a U.S. military contractor ordered to pay $42 million for contributing to the torture and mistreatment of three former detainees at Iraq’s notorious Abu Ghraib prison two decades ago.

    Reston, Virginia-based CACI appealed last year’s civil lawsuit verdict to the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.

    Suhail Al Shimari, Salah Al-Ejaili and Asa’ad Al-Zubae testified at last year’s trial that that they were subjected to beatings, sexual abuse, forced nudity and other cruel treatment at the prison during the U.S. occupation of Iraq. A jury awarded them $3 million each in compensatory damages and $11 million each in punitive damages.

    The three did not allege that CACI’s interrogators explicitly inflicted the abuse themselves, but argued CACI was complicit because its interrogators conspired with military police to “soften up” detainees for questioning with harsh treatment.

    CACI supplied the interrogators who worked at the prison. It has denied any wrongdoing and has emphasized throughout 17 years of litigation that its employees are not alleged to have inflicted any abuse on the plaintiffs in the case.

    Photos of the abuse released in 2004 showed naked prisoners stacked into pyramids or dragged by leashes. Photos included a soldier smiling and giving a thumbs-up while posing next to a corpse, detainees being threatened with dogs, and a detainee hooded and attached to electrical wires.

    Military police seen in the photos smiling and laughing as they directed the abuse were convicted in military courts-martial. But none of the civilian interrogators from CACI ever faced criminal charges, even though military investigations concluded that several CACI interrogators had engaged in wrongdoing.

    Last year’s civil trial and subsequent retrial were the first time a U.S. jury heard claims brought by Abu Ghraib detainees in the 20 years since the photos shocked the world.

    None of the three plaintiffs were in any of photos but they described treatment very similar to what was depicted.

    The $42 million they were awarded fully matches the amount sought by the plaintiffs. It’s also more than the $31 million that the plaintiffs said CACI was paid to supply interrogators to Abu Ghraib.

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  • Kenya Uses U.S.-Funded Antiterrorism Courts for Political Crackdown

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    NAIROBI, Kenya—The Kenyan government is using special antiterrorism courts—established with U.S. money to combat al Qaeda—to threaten political dissidents with decades in prison.

    Prosecutors have charged 75 Kenyans with terrorism in recent weeks, the majority for allegedly destroying government property during street demonstrations against President William Ruto.

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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    Caroline Kimeu

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  • A walk through a Smithsonian museum reveals American genius and cruelty as Trump presses for change

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    WASHINGTON — In an afternoon’s walk through ground zero of Americana — the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History — objects around every corner invite one question: What could possibly be more American than this?

    What could be more American than that enormous Star-Spangled Banner in all its timeworn glory? Or more American than Dorothy’s ruby slippers from “The Wizard of Oz”?

    And what could be more American than a reckoning with the nation’s sins, as illustrated by shackles representing slavery and photos of Japanese Americans confined to detention camps in World War II? It’s in authoritarian countries, like Russia, where history is scrubbed.

    In myriad ways, the museum explores “the complexity of our past,” in accord with its mission statement. President Donald Trump wants a simpler tale told. He wants this and the other Smithsonian museums to mirror American pride, power and achievement without all the darkness, and he threatens to hold back money if they don’t get with that program.

    On social media, Trump complained that at the Smithsonian museums, which are free to visit and get most of their money from the government, “everything discussed is how horrible our Country is, how bad Slavery was, and how unaccomplished the downtrodden have been — Nothing about Success, nothing about Brightness, nothing about the Future.”

    In fact, the history museum reflects bountiful successes, whether on the battlefield, from the kitchens and factories of food pioneers, on the musical stage, in the movies or on other fronts of creativity and industriousness. The American Enterprise exhibit, for one, has a wall filled with the stories of successful Americans.

    On this wandering tour you can see navigational implements used by Blackbeard, the terrifying pirate, from his early 1700s raids on the Atlantic coast. You see the hat Abraham Lincoln wore to Ford’s Theatre the night of his assassination, George Washington’s ceremonial uniform, Warren Harding’s fine red silk pajamas from the early 1900s, the first car to travel across the country, and a $100,000 bill.

    You can see the original light bulbs of the American genius, Thomas Edison. A much earlier genius, the founding father Benjamin Franklin, is presented both as a gifted inventor and a slave owner who publicly came to denounce slavery yet never freed his own.

    Those nuances and ambiguities may not be long for this world. Still on display at the history museum are artifacts and documents of American ingenuity, subjugation, generosity, racism, grit, cruelty, verve, playfulness, corruption, heroism, and cultural appropriation.

    Like most museums, the focus is not on the future.

    Even so, there is plenty to provoke the Republican president.

    In the “Great Debate” of an American democracy exhibition, a wall is emblazoned with large words such as “Privilege” and “Slavery.” The museum presents fulsome tributes to the contributions of immigrants and narratives about the racist landscape that many encountered.

    Exhibits address “food justice,” the exploitation of Filipinos after the United States annexed their land and the network of oppressive Native American boarding schools from which Jim Thorpe emerged and became one of the greatest athletes of all time.

    Hawaii’s last sovereign before its annexation by the U..S. in the 1890s, Queen Lili‘uokalani, is quoted on a banner as asking: “Is the AMERICAN REPUBLIC of STATES to DEGENERATE and become a COLONIZER?”

    A ukulele on display was made around 1890 by a sugar laborer who worked on the kingdom’s American plantations before a U.S.-backed coup overthrew the monarchy. Museum visitors are told the new instrument was held up by the monarchs as a symbol of anti-colonial independence.

    “Ukuleles are both a product of U.S. imperialism and a potent symbol of Native Hawaiian resistance,” says the accompanying text.

    At the Greek-godlike statue of George Washington, the text hints at his complexities and stops short of the total reverence that totalitarian leaders get.

    Noting that “modern scholarship focuses on the fallible man rather than the marble hero,” the text says Washington’s image “is still used for inspiration, patriotism and commercial gain” and that “he continues to hold a place for many as a symbolic ‘father’ of the country.”

    On this visit, conservators behind a big window are seen sweeping tiny brushes on ancient wooden pieces. Their patriotic work proceeds at a snail’s pace.

    The team is restoring the gunboat Philadelphia, part of a small fleet that engaged the British navy at the Battle of Valcour Island in Lake Champlain in 1776, delaying Britain’s effort to cut off the New England colonies and buying time for the Continental Army to prepare for its decisive victory at Saratoga.

    The commander of the gunboats in the Valcour battle later became America’s greatest traitor, Benedict Arnold. The British damaged the Philadelphia so badly it sank an hour after the battle, then lay underwater for 160 years. It’s being restored for next year’s celebrations of America’s 250th year.

    “The Philadelphia is a symbol of how citizens of a newly formed nation came together, despite overwhelming odds against their success,” said Jennifer Jones, the project’s director. “This boat’s fragile condition is symbolic of our democracy; it requires the nation’s attention and vigilance to preserve it for future generations.”

    Democracy’s fragility is considered in a section of the museum about the limits of presidential power. That’s where references to Trump’s two impeachments were removed in July for updating, and were restored this month.

    “On December 18, 2019, the House impeached Donald Trump for abuse of power and obstruction of Congress,” one label now states. “On January 13, 2021, Donald Trump became the first president to be impeached twice,” says another. “The charge was incitement of insurrection based on his challenge of the 2020 election results and on his speech on January 6.” His Senate acquittals are duly noted.

    It’s a just-the-facts take on a matter that has driven the country so deeply apart. The history museum doesn’t offer answers for that predicament. Instead, it asks questions throughout its halls on the fundamentals of Americanism.

    “How should Americans remember their Revolution and the founding of the nation?”

    “What does patriotism look like?”

    “How diverse should the citizenry be?”

    “Do we need to share a common national story?”

    ___

    Associated Press writer Lynn Berry contributed to this report.

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  • Mystery surrounds $1.2B Army contract to build huge detention tent camp in Texas

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    WASHINGTON — When President Donald Trump’s administration last month awarded a contract worth up to $1.2 billion to build and operate what it says will become the nation’s largest immigration detention complex, it didn’t turn to a large government contractor or even a firm that specializes in private prisons.

    Instead, it handed the project on a military base to Acquisition Logistics LLC, a small business that has no listed experience running a correction facility and had never won a federal contract worth more than $16 million. The company also lacks a functioning website and lists as its address a modest home in suburban Virginia owned by a 77-year-old retired Navy flight officer.

    The mystery over the award only deepened last week as the new facility began to accept its first detainees. The Pentagon has refused to release the contract or explain why it selected Acquisition Logistics over a dozen other bidders to build the massive tent camp at Fort Bliss in west Texas. At least one competitor has filed a complaint.

    The secretive — and brisk — contracting process is emblematic, experts said, of the government’s broader rush to fulfill the Republican president’s pledge to arrest and deport an estimated 10 million migrants living in the U.S. without permanent legal status. As part of that push, the government is turning increasingly to the military to handle tasks that had traditionally been left to civilian agencies.

    A member of Congress who recently toured the camp said she was concerned that such a small and inexperienced firm had been entrusted to build and run a facility expected to house up to 5,000 migrants.

    “It’s far too easy for standards to slip,” said Rep. Veronica Escobar, a Democrat whose district includes Fort Bliss. “Private facilities far too frequently operate with a profit margin in mind as opposed to a governmental facility.”

    Attorney Joshua Schnell, who specializes in federal contracting law, said he was troubled that the Trump administration has provided so little information about the facility.

    “The lack of transparency about this contract leads to legitimate questions about why the Army would award such a large contract to a company without a website or any other publicly available information demonstrating its ability to perform such a complicated project,” he said.

    Ken A. Wagner, the president and CEO of Acquisition Logistics, did not respond to phone messages or emails. No one answered the door at his three-bedroom house listed as his company’s headquarters. Virginia records list Wagner as an owner of the business, though it’s unclear whether he might have partners.

    Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth approved using Fort Bliss for the new detention center, and the administration has hopes to build more at other bases. A spokesperson for the Army declined to discuss its deal with Acquisition Logistics or reveal details about the camp’s construction, citing the litigation over the company’s qualifications.

    The Department of Homeland Security, which includes U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, declined to answer questions about the detention camp it oversees.

    Named Camp East Montana for the closest road, the facility is being built in the sand and scrub Chihuahuan Desert, where summertime temperatures can exceed 100 degrees Fahrenheit and heat-related deaths are common. The 60-acre (24-hectare) site is near the U.S.-Mexico border and the El Paso International Airport, a key hub for deportation flights.

    The camp has drawn comparisons to “Alligator Alcatraz,” a $245 million tent complex erected to hold ICE detainees in the Florida Everglades. That facility has been the subject of complaints about unsanitary conditions and lawsuits. A federal judge recently ordered that facility to be shut down.

    The vast majority of the roughly 57,000 migrants detained by ICE are housed at private prisons operated by companies like Florida’s Geo Group and Tennessee-based CoreCivic. As those facilities fill up, ICE is also exploring temporary options at military bases in California, New York and Utah.

    At Fort Bliss, construction began within days of the Army issuing the contract on July 18. Site work began months earlier, before Congress had passed Trump’s big tax and spending cuts bill, which includes a record $45 billion for immigration enforcement. The Defense Department announcement specified only that the Army was financing the initial $232 million for the first 1,000 beds at the complex.

    Three white tents, each about 810 feet (250 meters) long, have been erected, according to satellite imagery examined by The Associated Press. A half dozen smaller buildings surround them.

    Setareh Ghandehari, a spokesperson for the advocacy group Detention Watch, said the use of military bases hearkens back to World War II, when Japanese Americans were imprisoned at Army camps including Fort Bliss. She said military facilities are especially prone to abuse and neglect because families and loved ones have difficulty accessing them.

    “Conditions at all detention facilities are inherently awful,” Ghandehari said. “But when there’s less access and oversight, it creates the potential for even more abuse.”

    A June 9 solicitation notice for the Fort Bliss project specified the contractor will be responsible for building and operating the detention center, including providing security and medical care. The document also requires strict secrecy, ordering the contractor inform ICE to respond to any calls from members of Congress or the news media.

    The bidding was open only to small firms such as Acquisition Logistics, which receives preferential status because it’s classified as a veteran and Hispanic-owned small disadvantaged business.

    Though Trump’s administration has fought to ban diversity, equity and inclusion programs, federal contracting rules include set-asides for small businesses owned by women or minorities. For a firm to compete for such contracts, at least 51% of it must be owned by people belonging to a federally designated disadvantaged racial or ethnic group.

    One of the losing bidders, Texas-based Gemini Tech Services, filed a protest challenging the award and the Army’s rushed construction timeline with the U.S. Government Accountability Office, Congress’ independent oversight arm that resolves such disputes.

    Gemini alleges Acquisition Logistics lacks the experience, staffing and resources to perform the work, according to a person familiar with the complaint who wasn’t authorized to discuss the matter and spoke on the condition of anonymity. Acquisition Logistics’ past jobs include repairing small boats for the Air Force, providing information technology support to the Defense Department and building temporary offices to aid with immigration enforcement, federal records show.

    Gemini and its lawyer didn’t respond to messages seeking comment.

    A ruling by the GAO on whether to sustain, dismiss or require corrective action is not expected before November. A legal appeal is also pending with a U.S. federal court in Washington.

    Schnell, the contracting lawyer, said Acquisitions Logistics may be working with a larger company. Geo Group Inc. and CoreCivic Corp., the nation’s biggest for-profit prison operators, have expressed interest in contracting with the Pentagon to house migrants.

    In an earnings call this month, Geo Group CEO George Zoley said his company had teamed up with an established Pentagon contractor. Zoley didn’t name the company, and Geo Group didn’t respond to repeated requests asking with whom it had partnered.

    A spokesperson for CoreCivic said it wasn’t partnering with Acquisition Logistics or Gemini.

    ___

    Goodman reported from Miami. Associated Press writer Alan Suderman in Richmond, Va., and Morgan Lee in Santa Fe, N.M., contributed to this report.

    ___

    Contact the AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or https://www.ap.org/tips/.

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  • Mystery surrounds $1.2 billion Army contract to build huge detention tent camp in Texas desert

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    WASHINGTON — When President Donald Trump’s administration last month awarded a contract worth up to $1.2 billion to build and operate what it says will become the nation’s largest immigration detention complex, it didn’t turn to a large government contractor or even a firm that specializes in private prisons.

    Instead, it handed the project on a military base to Acquisition Logistics LLC, a small business that has no listed experience running a correction facility and had never won a federal contract worth more than $16 million. The company also lacks a functioning website and lists as its address a modest home in suburban Virginia owned by a 77-year-old retired Navy flight officer.

    The mystery over the award only deepened last week as the new facility began to accept its first detainees. The Pentagon has refused to release the contract or explain why it selected Acquisition Logistics over a dozen other bidders to build the massive tent camp at Fort Bliss in west Texas. At least one competitor has filed a complaint.

    The secretive — and brisk — contracting process is emblematic, experts said, of the government’s broader rush to fulfill the Republican president’s pledge to arrest and deport an estimated 10 million migrants living in the U.S. without permanent legal status. As part of that push, the government is turning increasingly to the military to handle tasks that had traditionally been left to civilian agencies.

    A member of Congress who recently toured the camp said she was concerned that such a small and inexperienced firm had been entrusted to build and run a facility expected to house up to 5,000 migrants.

    “It’s far too easy for standards to slip,” said Rep. Veronica Escobar, a Democrat whose district includes Fort Bliss. “Private facilities far too frequently operate with a profit margin in mind as opposed to a governmental facility.”

    Attorney Joshua Schnell, who specializes in federal contracting law, said he was troubled that the Trump administration has provided so little information about the facility.

    “The lack of transparency about this contract leads to legitimate questions about why the Army would award such a large contract to a company without a website or any other publicly available information demonstrating its ability to perform such a complicated project,” he said.

    Ken A. Wagner, the president and CEO of Acquisition Logistics, did not respond to phone messages or emails. No one answered the door at his three-bedroom house listed as his company’s headquarters. Virginia records list Wagner as an owner of the business, though it’s unclear whether he might have partners.

    Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth approved using Fort Bliss for the new detention center, and the administration has hopes to build more at other bases. A spokesperson for the Army declined to discuss its deal with Acquisition Logistics or reveal details about the camp’s construction, citing the litigation over the company’s qualifications.

    The Department of Homeland Security, which includes U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, declined to answer questions about the detention camp it oversees.

    Named Camp East Montana for the closest road, the facility is being built in the sand and scrub Chihuahuan Desert, where summertime temperatures can exceed 100 degrees Fahrenheit and heat-related deaths are common. The 60-acre (24-hectare) site is near the U.S.-Mexico border and the El Paso International Airport, a key hub for deportation flights.

    The camp has drawn comparisons to “Alligator Alcatraz,” a $245 million tent complex erected to hold ICE detainees in the Florida Everglades. That facility has been the subject of complaints about unsanitary conditions and lawsuits. A federal judge recently ordered that facility to be shut down.

    The vast majority of the roughly 57,000 migrants detained by ICE are housed at private prisons operated by companies like Florida’s Geo Group and Tennessee-based CoreCivic. As those facilities fill up, ICE is also exploring temporary options at military bases in California, New York and Utah.

    At Fort Bliss, construction began within days of the Army issuing the contract on July 18. Site work began months earlier, before Congress had passed Trump’s big tax and spending cuts bill, which includes a record $45 billion for immigration enforcement. The Defense Department announcement specified only that the Army was financing the initial $232 million for the first 1,000 beds at the complex.

    Three white tents, each about 810 feet (250 meters) long, have been erected, according to satellite imagery examined by The Associated Press. A half dozen smaller buildings surround them.

    Setareh Ghandehari, a spokesperson for the advocacy group Detention Watch, said the use of military bases harkens back to World War II, when Japanese Americans were imprisoned at Army camps including Fort Bliss. She said military facilities are especially prone to abuse and neglect because families and loved ones have difficulty accessing them.

    “Conditions at all detention facilities are inherently awful,” Ghandehari said. “But when there’s less access and oversight, it creates the potential for even more abuse.”

    A June 9 solicitation notice for the Fort Bliss project specified the contractor will be responsible for building and operating the detention center, including providing security and medical care. The document also requires strict secrecy, ordering the contractor inform ICE to respond to any calls from members of Congress or the news media.

    The bidding was open only to small firms such as Acquisition Logistics, which receives preferential status because it’s classified as a veteran and Hispanic-owned small disadvantaged business.

    Though Trump’s administration has fought to ban diversity, equity and inclusion programs, federal contracting rules include set-asides for small businesses owned by women or minorities. For a firm to compete for such contracts, at least 51% of it must be owned by people belonging to a federally designated disadvantaged racial or ethnic group.

    One of the losing bidders, Texas-based Gemini Tech Services, filed a protest challenging the award and the Army’s rushed construction timeline with the U.S. Government Accountability Office, Congress’ independent oversight arm that resolves such disputes.

    Gemini alleges Acquisition Logistics lacks the experience, staffing and resources to perform the work, according to a person familiar with the complaint who wasn’t authorized to discuss the matter and spoke on the condition of anonymity. Acquisition Logistics’ past jobs include repairing small boats for the Air Force, providing information technology support to the Defense Department and building temporary offices to aid with immigration enforcement, federal records show.

    Gemini and its lawyer didn’t respond to messages seeking comment.

    A ruling by the GAO on whether to sustain, dismiss or require corrective action is not expected before November. A legal appeal is also pending with a U.S. federal court in Washington.

    Schnell, the contracting lawyer, said Acquisitions Logistics may be working with a larger company. Geo Group Inc. and CoreCivic Corp., the nation’s biggest for-profit prison operators, have expressed interest in contracting with the Pentagon to house migrants.

    In an earnings call this month, Geo Group CEO George Zoley said his company had teamed up with an established Pentagon contractor. Zoley didn’t name the company, and Geo Group didn’t respond to repeated requests asking with whom it had partnered.

    A spokesperson for CoreCivic said it wasn’t partnering with Acquisition Logistics or Gemini.

    ___

    Goodman reported from Miami. AP reporter Alan Suderman in Richmond, Va., contributed to this report.

    ___

    Contact the AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or https://www.ap.org/tips/.

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  • Are the Most Dangerous Words in Criminal Justice About to Disappear?

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    As an erstwhile drummer, I was drawn to the movie Whiplash, in which an abusive music instructor played by J.K. Simmons pushes his promising drum student nearly over the brink in his pursuit of perfection. At one point Simmons tells him, “There are no two words in the English language more harmful than ‘good job.’”

    You may take issue with that harsh approach to behavior motivation, but when it comes to criminal justice, the two most dangerous words are undoubtedly “early release.” The fear that someone released “early” from custody will commit a violent crime is one of the biggest drivers of the restrictive policies that fueled the historic rise in American imprisonment starting in the 1970s.

    A basketball hangs in razor wire in the maximum security yard of the Lansing Correctional Facility on April 18, 2023, in Lansing, Kansas.

    John Moore/Getty Images

    But recent actions at the most senior levels of the federal justice system could go a long way toward easing that phobia by acknowledging that giving people incentives to earn their way out before the very last day of their prison sentence is an important tool for public safety.

    In a June interview with Forbes, the Trump administration’s newly appointed director of the federal Bureau of Prisons, William Marshall, made clear his agency’s mission is “safely incarcerating those who are dangerous and returning others to society sooner.” He also issued a policy directive that will help many incarcerated people leave prison and rejoin their families more quickly.

    “Early release” is used casually and nearly universally—by journalists and by reform advocates and opponents alike—to describe anyone who gets out of prison at anything shy of 100 percent of the maximum possible sentence. Google “early release” and click the News tab to see just how common this is.

    Its potency reflects the legacy of Willie Horton, the convicted murderer who was released from a Massachusetts prison on a weekend furlough and committed a rape. This was in 1988, and Horton’s case, used against the Massachusetts governor and presidential candidate Michael Dukakis in that year’s election, became an incinerator for policies characterized as “soft on crime.”

    Yet the phrase “early release” is fundamentally inaccurate and misleading. As anyone involved in the criminal justice process will tell you—victims and survivors included—all states and the federal government have laws and policies that not only permit people to earn release prior to the expiration of their sentence, they encourage it.

    In fact, that’s the central thrust of the First Step Act, which Congress passed with bipartisan support and President Donald Trump signed during his first term. That landmark legislation allows people in federal prison who are considered low risk, and who complete rehabilitative programs, to earn time credits that can trim their sentence or allow them to serve the final portion in home confinement or residential reentry centers.

    The point is that it matters far more to public safety that people succeed after release than whether they get out in June or July. Analysis of recidivism under the First Step Act by the Council on Criminal Justice offers evidence that it’s working. People released under the act have come back to prison 55 percent less than similarly situated people released before it took effect. The concept of earned release enjoys broad public support as well, winning large majorities in both older and more recent polls.

    The state and federal system each have their own complex set of rules that determine the minimum and maximum boundaries of prison terms, and they vary tremendously. In Arkansas, people may serve as little as 17 percent of their possible maximum sentence, while in Arizona, they must serve 85 percent of the maximum before release. But whether that “release window” is large or small, judges and lawyers—and reporters—understand that the various release mechanisms mean defendants are highly unlikely to serve every day of their maximum sentence behind bars.

    As such, there’s nothing “early” about the release of people who have completed certain programs, avoided disciplinary infractions, and/or convinced a parole board that they are ready to return home. Nor is there anything untoward and deceptive about it. It’s the law, and everyone knows it, including the new head of the federal prison system.

    While the policy and linguistic effects of Marshall’s declarations are yet to be seen, the demise of the “early release” boogeyman can’t come soon enough. The phrase strongly implies that the system has failed to deliver what it promised. It said it was going to do one thing, but then it turned around and did another. It cheated. It endangered the public. “Early release” breeds mistrust and cynicism. It does immense damage to the credibility of the justice system, and to the government in general.

    People have tried through the years to come up with an alternative. “Accelerated” and “expedited” release are among them. “Earned” release is gaining popularity but so far, nothing’s really stuck outside the community of reformers.

    Finding a phrase that does stick isn’t a matter of political messaging or spin. It’s about acknowledging that when someone goes home before they max out their prison sentence, the system isn’t pulling one over on the public. It’s not whiplash. It’s functioning exactly as designed.

    Adam Gelb is the president and CEO of the Council on Criminal Justice, a nonpartisan think tank and invitational membership organization that advances understanding of the criminal justice policy choices facing the nation and builds consensus for solutions that enhance safety and justice for all.

    The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.

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  • The Menendez brothers were denied parole. They have to wait at least 18 months for their next chance

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    LOS ANGELES — Erik and Lyle Menendez were denied parole by a California board this week after decades in prison for killing their parents in 1989 at their Beverly Hills mansion.

    During two days of hearings, the brothers were each questioned by panels of two commissioners and asked to speak with complete candor on the abuse they suffered in childhood, their mindsets leading up to and after the murders and various prison transgressions.

    The brothers were sentenced to life in prison in 1996 for fatally shooting Jose and Kitty Menendez. The case has long captivated true crime enthusiasts, with the brothers amassing public support in the past year after shows on Netflix renewed interest.

    The hearings marked the closest they have come to freedom since their convictions. Despite each receiving three-year denials, they will be eligible to request an administrative review in one year. If granted, they could appear before the parole board again as early as 18 months from now.

    Here are takeaways from the hearings:

    While it might not seem like a big deal to the nonincarcerated public, commissioners emphasized to the brothers that their use of illicit cellphones cast a shadow on their positive achievements while behind bars.

    Cellphones can be used to order hits, move drugs in prison and coordinate attacks on officers, they noted. Their presence meant a correctional officer had to smuggle them in, and a prison gang may have benefited by charging a tax on it, commissioner Robert Barton told Erik Menendez.

    “What I got in terms of the phone and my connection with the outside world was far greater than the consequences of me getting caught with the phone,” Erik Menendez said. He said he used it to speak with his wife, watch YouTube, listen to music and watch pornography.

    In denying him parole, Barton said his behavior was “selfish,” a sign he believes the rules do not apply to him and the “ends justify the means.”

    Lyle Menendez also had two recent cellphone infractions, including one in March.

    He said correctional staffers were monitoring his communications with his wife and family and selling their content to tabloids, so he saw cellphones as a privacy measure.

    There was “a lot of stress” in his marriage around the time he transferred to the prison in San Diego, and he wanted to stay in touch with his wife, he said.

    “I had convinced myself that this wasn’t a means that was harming anyone but myself in a rule violation,” Lyle Menendez said. “I didn’t think it really disrupted prison management very much.”

    Of the two, Erik Menendez committed more serious rules infractions.

    Commissioners questioned why he associated himself with a prison gang called the Two Fivers and helped them with a tax scheme around 2013.

    Menendez said he was trying to survive an “extremely violent yard” where close friends were stabbed or raped.

    “I was in tremendous fear,” he said. “When the Two Fivers came and asked for help, I thought this was a great opportunity to align myself with them and to survive.”

    Menendez told commissioners that he prioritized protecting himself over the rules because at the time, he had no hope of ever getting out.

    He used drugs and alcohol in his early years behind bars but became sober in 2013 on his mother’s birthday, he said.

    While Lyle Menendez committed fewer violations, commissioner Julie Garland said he still demonstrated “antisocial personality traits like deception, minimization and rule breaking that lie beneath that positive surface.”

    Prisoners who break rules are more likely to do so in society as well, she said.

    Commissioners expressed concerns over the killing of Kitty Menendez, with Barton saying he found that it showed Erik Menendez was “devoid of human compassion” at the time.

    “I can’t put myself in your place. I don’t know that I’ve ever had rage to that level, ever,” Barton said. “But that is still concerning, especially since it seems she was also a victim herself of the domestic violence.”

    Barton said the brothers were not in imminent fear for their lives and should have sought help from other family members or gone to the police.

    As for Lyle Menendez, Garland said shooting Kitty Menendea one final time was extremely “callous.” She also highlighted his actions in covering up the crime, such as lying to the police and trying to avoid prosecution.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom previously ordered the California parole board to conduct a risk assessment of the brothers in response to a clemency request.

    While it was never made public, LA County District Attorney Nathan Hochman revealed in May that both brothers were deemed “moderate risk.”

    Barton said he deemed that assessment to be neutral, as far as he considered it at all.

    A 2022 analysis by the Prison Policy Initiative showed that California prisoners with “moderate risk” were granted parole 22% of the time. The nonprofit ranked the state as among the most difficult for obtaining parole.

    More than a dozen relatives spoke at the two hearings to advocate for their release.

    Aunt Teresita Menendez-Baralt, Jose Menendez’s sister, said she is dying from Stage 4 cancer and wishes to welcome them home.

    “I want to make clear that although I love my brother, I have fully forgiven Erik,” she said. “Erik carries himself with kindness, integrity and strength that comes from patience and grace.”

    Natascha Leonardo, Kitty Menendez’s great-niece, promised the parole board that she would provide a home of “unconditional love and stability” for him in Colorado, where he could spend time with family and nature.

    Family members said in a statement that while they are disappointed parole was denied, they are not discouraged.

    “We know they are good men who have done the work to rehabilitate and are remorseful,” they said. “We love them unconditionally and will continue to stand by them on the journey ahead.”

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  • First Erik Menendez, then Lyle denied parole by California board that says they pose safety risk

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    LOS ANGELES — Lyle Menendez was denied parole Friday by the same board that a day earlier rejected his brother Erik’s appeal for freedom after serving decades in prison for killing their parents in 1989 at their Beverly Hills mansion. The reason was the same: misbehavior behind bars.

    A panel of two commissioners denied Lyle Menendez parole for three years after a daylong hearing. Commissioners noted the older brother still displayed “anti-social personality traits like deception, minimization and rule-breaking that lie beneath that positive surface.”

    “We do understand that you had very little hope of being released for years,” said commissioner Julie Garland. “Citizens are expected to follow the rules whether or not there is some incentive to do so.”

    She also said the panel found his remorse genuine and that he has been a “model inmate in many ways who has demonstrated the potential for change.”

    “Don’t ever not have hope,” she told Menendez.

    The brothers were sentenced to life in prison in 1996 for fatally shooting their father, Jose Menendez, and mother, Kitty Menendez, in their Beverly Hills mansion almost exactly 36 years ago on Aug. 20, 1989. While defense attorneys argued that the brothers acted out of self-defense after years of sexual abuse by their father, prosecutors said the brothers sought a multimillion-dollar inheritance.

    A judge reduced their sentences in May, and they became immediately eligible for parole. The parole hearings marked the closest they have come to winning freedom since their convictions almost 30 years ago.

    Erik Menendez, who is being held at the same prison in San Diego, was denied parole Thursday after commissioners determined his misbehavior in prison made him still a risk to public safety.

    A day later, Lyle Menendez told the parole board details about the abuse he suffered under his parents. He cried, face reddened, while delivering his closing statement. He seemed to still want to protect his “baby brother,” telling commissioners he took sole responsibility for the murders.

    “I will never be able to make up for the harm and grief I caused everyone in my family,” he said. “I am so sorry to everyone, and I will be forever sorry.”

    The state corrections department chose a single reporter to watch the videoconference and share details with the rest of the press.

    The panel began by asking how abuse impacted decision-making in his life.

    The older brother described how his father physically abused him by choking, punching and hurting him using a belt.

    “I was the special son in my family. My brother was the castaway,” he said. “The physical abuse was focused on me because I was more important to him, I felt.”

    He also said his mother also sexually abused him. He appeared uncomfortable discussing this with the panel, who asked why he didn’t disclose his mother’s abuse in a risk assessment conducted earlier this year.

    Commissioners asked if one death made him more sorrowful than the other.

    “My mother. Because I loved her and couldn’t imagine harming her in any way,” he said. “I think also I learned a lot after about her life, her childhood, reflecting on how much fear maybe she felt.”

    Later, he broke down in tears when recounting how they confronted their mother about Jose Menendez’s abuse of his younger brother.

    “I couldn’t wrap my mind around the fact that she knew,” he said.

    Lyle Menendez’s parole lawyer, Heidi Rummel, was more outspoken during his hearing than the one for Erik Menendez on Thursday.

    She quarreled with the commissioners over several lines of questioning and whether the panel had access to trial evidence in the case.

    The panel asked Lyle Menendez whether the murders were planned, and about the brothers buying guns.

    “There was zero planning. There was no way to know it was going to happen Sunday,” he said, referring to buying the guns as “the biggest mistake.”

    “I no longer believe that they were going to kill us in that moment,” he said. “At the time, I had that honest belief.”

    Garland asked him about the “sophistication of the web of lies and manipulation you demonstrated afterward,” referring to having witnesses lie for them in court — and attempts to destroy his father’s will.

    Menendez maintained that there was no plan, only that he was “flailing in what was happening” and didn’t want to go to prison and be separated from his brother.

    In closing, Rummel expressed frustration that the hearing spent almost no time on Menendez’s achievements in prison or his efforts to build positive relationships with correctional staff. She noted he never touched drugs or alcohol inside.

    “How many people with an LWOP sentence come in front of this board with zero violence, despite getting attacked, getting bullied, and choose to do something different?” she said.

    More than a dozen of their relatives attended Friday’s hearing via videoconference, but many did not testify citing privacy concerns after learning audio from Erik Menendez’s hearing Thursday was published online.

    “I want my nephew to hear how much I love him, and believe in him,” said his aunt, Teresita Menendez-Baralt. “I’m very proud of him and I want him to come home.”

    Similar to his brother’s hearing the day before, the panel zeroed in on Menendez’s use of cellphones in prison as recent as March 2025.

    “I had convinced myself that this wasn’t a means that was harming anyone but myself in a rule violation,” Menendez said.

    He said correctional staff were monitoring his communications with his wife and family and selling them to tabloids, so he saw cellphones as a way to protect his privacy. There was “a lot of stress in his marriage” around the time he transferred to the prison in San Diego, and he wanted to stay in close touch with his wife, he said.

    Commissioner Patrick Reardon applauded him for starting a prison beautification project and mentorship programs. However, he questioned if the cellphone violations tainted those accomplishments.

    “I would never call myself a model incarcerated person,” Menendez said. “I would say that I’m a good person, that I spent my time helping people. … I’m the guy that officers will come to to resolve conflicts.”

    The panel noted that a psychologist found that Menendez is at “very low” risk for violence upon release.

    According to previous court documents, Menendez has not gotten into any fights in his time in prison. He said nonviolence was a promise he made to his grandmother.

    “My life has been defined by extreme violence,” he said. “I wanted to be defined by something else.”

    The brothers still have a pending habeas corpus petition filed in May 2023 seeking a review of their convictions based on new evidence supporting their claims of sexual abuse by their father.

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