ReportWire

Tag: presidential candidates

  • Can J.D. Vance stop a MAGA civil war?

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    This week, editors Peter SudermanKatherine Mangu-Ward, and Matt Welch are joined by Reason reporter Eric Boehm to discuss Turning Point USA’s AmericaFest and the GOP coalescing around Vice President J.D. Vance as President Donald Trump’s successor. They analyze Sen. Rand Paul’s (R–Ky.) opposition to endorsing Vance as the party’s next standard-bearer, and whether this signals he will challenge Vance for the nomination in 2028. Katherine also shares what it was like attending the conference, plus her debate over marijuana legalization as the Trump administration moves to reclassify marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule III.

    The editors then turn to the bipartisan backlash over the latest Jeffrey Epstein file release, in which more than 500 pages were completely redacted, prompting Reps. Thomas Massie (R–Ky.) and Ro Khanna (D–Calif.) to threaten charges of “inherent contempt” against Attorney General Pam Bondi. The panel also discusses the Trump administration’s seizure of additional Venezuelan oil tankers, plus the announcement of new military strikes in Syria. They dig into Minnesota’s widening welfare fraud scandal, and whether conservative media is using it to scapegoat Somali immigrants. A listener asks whether Christmas expands our “socialist bubble” of family and community and what that says about capitalism, socialism, and human nature.

     

    0:00—Debating marijuana at Turning Point USA

    4:10—J.D. Vance is the MAGA heir apparent

    14:47—Massie and Khanna react to Epstein file release

    25:14—U.S. foreign policy in Venezuela and Syria

    38:09—Listener question on socialism and Christmas

    47:59—Minnesota welfare fraud scandal

    1:01:28—Weekly cultural recommendations

     

    Mentioned in This Podcast

    Cannavictory,” by Liz Wolfe

    Trump Orders the ‘Expeditious’ Reclassification of Marijuana,” by Jacob Sullum

    Heritage Foundation Undergoes Mass Staff Exodus as Cracks Open on the New Right,” by Stephanie Slade

    Epstein Wanted To Turn His Island Into a Resort for Paying Customers,” by Matthew Petti

    Oil Tanker Seized,” by Liz Wolfe

    If the Syrian War Is Over, Why Are Americans Still Getting Killed in Syria?” by Matthew Petti

    Trump’s Somali Insults Are a Disgrace,” by Steven Greenhut

    The Real Villain in Minnesota’s $1.5 Billion Fraud Scandal Isn’t Somalis—It’s the Feds,” by Jack Nicastro

    Medicare Whac-A-Mole,” by Peter Suderman

    What We Get Wrong About the American Revolution,” by Nick Gillespie

    Avatar: Fire and Ash Is Part Spectacle, Part Retread,” by Peter Suderman


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    Peter Suderman

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  • Cameroon awaits presidential election result

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    Vote counting is under way in Cameroon following Sunday’s presidential election in which incumbent Paul Biya is seeking to extend his 43 years in power.

    Biya, who at 92 is the world’s oldest head of state, is being challenged by nine candidates. If he wins, it will be his eighth consecutive term in office, with the next election due in 2032.

    No official results have been announced, but one of Biya’s main rivals, former government spokesperson Issa Tchiroma Bakary, has claimed victory.

    His declaration flouts a government warning that any unilateral publication of results would amount to “high treason”. The Constitutional Council has to announce the election outcome within 15 days of the vote.

    In the run-up to the poll there were complaints from the opposition of attempts to suppress their support.

    In August, the Constitutional Council barred 71-year old Maurice Kamto, widely viewed as the main challenger, from taking part.

    Interior Minister Paul Atanga Nji said on Sunday that voting had taken place “hitch-free” across the country. But there was a call for a boycott in the English-speaking regions in the west and there were reports of clashes in the north.

    In the two restive Anglophone regions, where separatists attempted to bar residents from voting, some did turn out at the polling stations. But many others stayed away for fear of reprisals.

    On Sunday, angry Tchiroma supporters took to the streets in his stronghold of Garoua. They clashed with security forces, who fired tear gas, after his residence was cordoned off.

    Earlier in the day, the former Biya ally had said he was the subject of threats.

    “It is not Tchiroma who is the problem, he told reporters, adding that he “places himself under the protection of God and the Cameroonian people”.

    “I am at home; I will not move. If they intend to come and take me away from home, I will not move,” he declared.

    Despite this Interior Minister Nji said the polls were held without major incidents in all 10 regions of the country.

    He did not comment on the situation in Garoua but rather repeated previous statements that some presidential candidates were planning to publish the results of the election ahead of the official declaration.

    Nji described this as a major red line, threatening action against anyone suspected of breaking the law.

    More from the BBC on Cameroon’s election:

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  • Who Can Lead the Democrats?

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    Kamala Harris almost won in 2024. So why does her new book feel like another defeat?

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    Amy Davidson Sorkin

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  • Malawi – where the petrol queue might overshadow the queue to vote

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    The queue to get fuel rather than the queue to vote is what is on the mind of many Malawians as Tuesday’s general election approaches.

    Prolonged petrol shortages, along with regular power cuts, the rising cost of living, hunger, poverty, inequality and youth unemployment, add to the tangible frustration here.

    The presidential, parliamentary and local council candidates are competing for votes against a background of cynicism about what might actually change.

    In a sign that money is tight, electioneering has been somewhat muted compared to the past. This is despite the presidential race being seen as a rematch between the incumbent, Lazarus Chakwera, and the man he beat in 2020, then-President Peter Mutharika.

    There are 15 other candidates.

    But the usual colourful campaign carnival is missing. The free T-shirts usually doled out with abandon to whip up enthusiasm are more limited.

    There are fewer giant election billboards on the nation’s main roads.

    Back in the snaking petrol lines, patience runs thin, which has at times led to fist fights.

    Peter Mutharika (L) and Lazarus Chakwera (R) have been political rivals for the past decade [BBC / AFP via Getty Images]

    Sensing the fuel shortage was becoming an election issue, Chakwera has tried to tackle it head on.

    In a televised address, eight days before polls open, he acknowledged the frustration and apologised. The president then turned his fire on allegedly corrupt officials who he accused of deliberately sabotaging the oil market.

    Like fuel, new job opportunities are also hard to come by.

    To put food on the table, young men have been selling petrol and diesel using small plastic containers at five times the official price.

    In the southern town of Mangochi, they refused to be interviewed except to say, as they walked away, that preying on desperate motorists was the only way to survive.

    With food costs rising at more than 30% in the past year, and wages not keeping pace, things are becoming harder to afford.

    The high inflation rate has been partly put down to a shortage of foreign currency, which has forced some importers to buy US dollars on the more expensive black market. The costs have then been passed on to the consumer.

    "When young people cast their ballots next week, they should think about the poverty crisis"", Source: Monica Chinoko, Source description: Malawian voter, Image: A head shot of a Malawian voter taken on the roadside. She has short hair and is wearing a pink T-shirt.

    “When young people cast their ballots next week, they should think about the poverty crisis””, Source: Monica Chinoko, Source description: Malawian voter, Image: A head shot of a Malawian voter taken on the roadside. She has short hair and is wearing a pink T-shirt.

    The effect of the economic troubles on young people could be particularly significant in this election – as around half of registered voters are under the age of 35.

    And yet the two leading presidential candidates are considerably older. Chakwera is 70 and Mutharika is 85.

    “When young people cast their ballots next week, they should think about the poverty crisis. The coming president should fix the employment rate because many of the young people are unemployed,” said 33-year-old Monica Chinoko, who works in the capital, Lilongwe.

    Many younger voters have told the BBC that these continuous problems have dampened enthusiasm for the elections.

    “Looking at the candidates – it’s really a tough choice to make because hope has been lost. We’ve been voting and voting but things haven’t gotten better,” said Ashley Phiri, 35. “But I’m hoping that this time around, the next leader will radically transform Malawi.”

    A large crowd of people at an election rally waving their hands in the air. Some - in the background - are raised above the rest on the back of a lorry.

    Supporters of opposition candidate Peter Mutharika argue that things were better when he was in State House [BBC]

    Mutharika’s election convoy has made several stops in the villages along the Bakili Muluzi highway.

    In one place, a supporter held up a sign saying “back to state house” and said life was better when the former president was in office.

    At a Mutharika rally in Machinga, an elderly woman wearing a colourful headscarf and sarong held up a huge bucket and shouted “fertiliser”.

    She was highlighting the crucial issue for the 80% of the population who live in rural areas. Many of these people survive on what they grow on their smallholdings and make money from what is left over.

    Chakwera had promised to reduce the cost of the vital farming input – but the price has gone in the opposite direction. It is now six times more than it was in 2019.

    The president has “accused some opposition parties of working with private traders to distort fertiliser prices”, his office said. He has pledged to smallholder farmers that the price will come back down under a targeted programme due to start next month.

    Supporters of Lazarus Chakwera's MCP on the roadside. The main figure in the centre is holding his fist up and wearing a green party T-shirt and red beret. Others are waving party flags.

    Supporters of Lazarus Chakwera are confident he will be re-elected [BBC]

    Chakwera has had a tough five years at the helm but remains optimistic.

    He says he is investing in the future of the country and as a headline policy he has pledged that the state will deposit 500,000 Malawi kwacha ($290; £210) in individual accounts for every child born after the general election. They will be able to access it once they reach 18.

    Another former president, Joyce Banda – the country’s only female head of state – is also running again. She has pledged to fight corruption, transform the economy and improve rural infrastructure.

    The other presidential candidates, including Atupele Muluzi, Dalitso Kabambe and current Vice-President Michael Usi, have all promised radical change in one of the world’s poorest countries.

    There is no shortage of choice on the ballot paper, but Malawians will be hoping that whoever emerges as the winner – after Tuesday’s vote or a possible second round – will be able to put more food on the table and more fuel in the tank.

    More BBC stories about Malawi:

    A woman looking at her mobile phone and the graphic BBC News Africa

    [Getty Images/BBC]

    Go to BBCAfrica.com for more news from the African continent.

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  • No Labels is no más for the 2024 election

    No Labels is no más for the 2024 election

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    After years of heavy-breathing hints about giving polarization-fatigued Americans a bipartisan presidential choice, and months of painstakingly obtaining ballot access in nearly two dozen states, the 14-year-old centrist nonprofit No Labels has decided to not act like a political party after all.

    “Americans remain more open to an independent presidential run and hungrier for unifying national leadership than ever before,” founding CEO Nancy Jacobson said in a press release Thursday afternoon. “But No Labels has always said we would only offer our ballot line to a ticket if we could identify candidates with a credible path to winning the White House. No such candidates emerged, so the responsible course of action is for us to stand down.”

    According to The Wall Street Journal, which broke the news, Jacobson had recently told supporters that the group went 0 for 30 in reaching out to potential “unity ticket” candidates. Among the refuseniks: Former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (I.–Ariz.), runner-up 2024 GOP contender Nikki Haley, vanquished Democratic challenger Dean Phillips (D–Minn.), former Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan, and Sen. Joe Manchin (D–W.Va.).

    Besides confronting the cruel math of third party/independent presidential politics, the organization is still reeling from the sudden death on March 27 of founding chairman Joe Lieberman, the longtime former senator (both Democratic and independent), who made history as Al Gore’s running mate in the razor-thin 2000 election.

    This latest failure of establishment/moneyed centrism in presidential politics follows the derailed ambitions of Haley, Bill Weld, Michael Bloomberg, Howard SchultzEvan McMullin, and plenty of others. Those with longer memories may recall the 2012 flash-in-the-pan Americans Elect, an internet-based third party that obtained ballot access in 29 states before abruptly closing shop.

    Jacobson in her statement tried to put a brave face on things, but it’s hard to imagine the organization doing much more than pushing its bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus on Capitol Hill.

    “We will…remain engaged over the next year during what is likely to be the most divisive presidential election of our lives. We will promote dialogue around major policy challenges and call out both sides when they speak and act in bad faith,” she vowed. “Like many Americans, we are concerned that the division and strife gripping the country will reach a critical point after this election, regardless of who wins. Post-election, No Labels will be prepared to champion and defend the values and interests of America’s commonsense majority.”

    The group’s mushy, hawkish, 30-point Common Sense Policy agenda will now have to be championed mostly outside the presidential race. Why? Because the people gaining traction on the political margins are not D.C. lifers repackaging ancient Reaganism. They are outsiders; even the one with the famous name.

    In five-way national polling, independent Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is averaging 10.5 percent—numbers not seen since the days of Ross Perot—and fellow independent Cornel West is at 2 percent, with presumptive Green Party nominee Jill Stein at 1.7 percent. Most polls as of yet do not include anyone from the Libertarian Party, whose nominating convention is in late May, with no clear front-runner. The L.P. is coming off three consecutive third-place presidential finishes.

    Kennedy, Stein, and the Libertarian nominee are all good bets to qualify for a majority of state ballots, with the L.P. currently in the lead, though Kennedy has plenty of money to throw at the problem. Notably, and very unlike No Labels, those three candidates plus West are all considerably more dovish on foreign policy than either President Joe Biden or former President Donald Trump.

    With American public opinion souring on Israel’s war against Hamas, the anti-interventionist vote, which is constantly underrated by the more hawkish journalistic class, has plenty of alternative candidates to choose from. No Labels may be over, but third party sentiment in 2024 is alive and well.

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    Matt Welch

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  • Biden and Trump clinch nominations, setting the stage for a grueling general election rematch

    Biden and Trump clinch nominations, setting the stage for a grueling general election rematch

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    WASHINGTON — President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump clinched their parties’ presidential nominations Tuesday with decisive victories in a slate of low-profile primaries, setting up a general election rematch that many voters do not want.

    The outcome of contests across Georgia, Mississippi and Washington State was never in doubt. Neither Biden, a Democrat, nor Trump, a Republican, faced major opposition. But the magnitude of their wins gave each man the delegate majority he needed to claim his party’s nomination at the summertime national conventions.

    Not even halfway through the presidential primary calendar, Tuesday marked a crystalizing moment for a nation uneasy with its choices in 2024.

    There is no longer any doubt that the fall election will feature a rematch between two flawed and unpopular presidents. At 81, Biden is already the oldest president in U.S. history, while the 77-year-old Trump is facing decades in prison as a defendant in four criminal cases. Their rematch – the first featuring two U.S. presidents since 1912 – will almost certainly deepen the nation’s searing political and cultural divides over the eight-month grind that lies ahead.

    In a statement, Biden celebrated the nomination while casting Trump as a serious threat to democracy.

    Trump, Biden said, “is running a campaign of resentment, revenge, and retribution that threatens the very idea of America.”

    He continued, “I am honored that the broad coalition of voters representing the rich diversity of the Democratic Party across the country have put their faith in me once again to lead our party – and our country – in a moment when the threat Trump poses is greater than ever.”

    On the eve of Tuesday’s primaries, Trump acknowledged that Biden would be the Democratic nominee, even as seized on the president’s age.

    “I assume he’s going to be the candidate,” Trump said of Biden on CNBC. “I’m his only opponent other than life, life itself.”

    Both candidates dominated Tuesday’s primaries in swing-state Georgia, deep-red Mississippi and Democratic-leaning Washington. Voting was taking place later in Hawaii’s Republican caucus.

    Despite their tough talk, the road ahead will not be easy for either presumptive nominee.

    Trump is facing 91 felony counts in four criminal cases involving his handling of classified documents and his attempt to overturn the 2020 election, among other alleged crimes. He’s also facing increasingly pointed questions about his policy plans and relationships with some of the world’s most dangerous dictators. Trump met privately on Friday with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who has rolled back democracy in his country.

    Biden, who would be 86 years old at the end of his next term, is working to assure a skeptical electorate that he’s still physically and mentally able to thrive in the world’s most important job. Voters in both parties are unhappy with his handling of immigration and inflation.

    And he’s dealing with additional dissension within his party’s progressive base, furious that he hasn’t done more to stop Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza. Activists and religious leaders in Washington encouraged Democrats to vote “uncommitted” to signal their outrage.

    In Seattle, 26-year-old voter Bella Rivera said they hoped their “uncommitted” vote would would serve as a wakeup call for the Democratic party.

    “If you really want our votes, if you want to win this election, you’re going to have to show a little bit more either support of Palestinian liberation – that’s something that’s very important to us – and ceasing funds to Israel,” said Rivera, a preschool teacher who uses they/them pronouns.

    Almost 3,000 miles away in Georgia, retiree Donna Graham said she would have preferred another Republican nominee over Trump, but she said there’s no way she’d ever vote for Biden in the general election.

    “He wasn’t my first choice, but he’s the next best thing,” Graham said of Trump. “It’s sad that it’s the same old matchup as four years ago.”

    Copyright © 2024 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

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    AP

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  • Trump Repeats Obama’s Mistake

    Trump Repeats Obama’s Mistake

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    Donald Trump has long detested Barack Obama and sought to present himself as the opposite of his presidential predecessor in every way. But in his takeover of the Republican National Committee, he risks echoing one of Obama’s biggest political mistakes.

    Last night, Trump’s handpicked leadership of the RNC took charge and conducted a purge. The new regime, led by the new chair, Michael Whatley; the vice chair, Lara Trump; and the chief of staff, Chris LaCivita, fired about 60 employees—about a quarter of the staff—as part of “streamlining.” The “bloodbath” includes members of the communications, data, and political departments. Insiders told Politico they anticipate that existing contracts with vendors will be voided.

    When the new leaders were announced last month, I suggested that the GOP was ceasing to function as a political party, and becoming another subsidiary of Trump Inc. But there is another way to view it. For years now, the RNC has struggled. Republicans might have lost the 2016 presidential election if not for the emergence of Trump, who shook up the party’s longtime platform and forged a new coalition, turning out voters no other recent candidate had. Since then, however, Republicans have continued to lag, even with Trump juicing turnout. Republicans got slammed in the 2018 midterms, lost the 2020 presidential race, and missed expectations in 2022. Special elections have been a Democratic playground. The RNC is entering the 2024 election with a third of the Democratic National Committee’s reserves.

    From this perspective, it’s about time that Trump took charge and cleared out the deadwood. Allies such as Charlie Kirk and Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene were jubilant at the overhaul. Although Trump’s appointments of his daughter-in-law and a top campaign aide are unusual, nominees typically take over the campaign apparatus ahead of a presidential election, the better to align aims.

    Truth be told, Trump can’t really distance himself from the recent mismanagement. The deposed chair, Ronna McDaniel, was Trump’s pick in 2017, and his main complaint about her is that she was insufficiently compliant. If Trump just wants more of the same, that’s bad news for the party. Trump critics within the GOP also fear that he intends to use the party coffers as a personal defense fund, underwriting his substantial legal bills. Last week, the committee pointedly rejected a proposal by an old-line member to prevent that.

    Let’s take the best-case scenario for Republicans, though. In the past, the RNC seemed like the professionals compared with the chaotic, amateurish Trump campaigns of 2016 and 2020. (There’s a reason Trump resorted to appointing RNC Chair Reince Priebus as his first White House chief of staff, despite Priebus representing the establishment Trump hated.) This year, however, the Trump campaign has seemed organized and disciplined, and LaCivita is reportedly a big part of that. National committees tend to be bloated and old-fashioned. A more focused, streamlined operation could fix what ails the GOP.

    The problem is that Trump sees his own success and the success of the Republican Party as bound up together. But some things that are good for Trump are not good for the Republican Party over the long run. This is where Obama offers a cautionary tale.

    When he won the Democratic presidential nomination in 2008, Obama was an insurgent; the DNC had long been dominated by allies of Hillary Clinton, whom he defeated in the primary. He wasn’t as deeply embedded in the old way of doing things. Obama viewed the Democratic Party as essentially a national organization, with the goal of supporting his political goals and his reelection. Upon winning the presidency, he moved key DNC functions to Chicago, his hometown and political base, despite the protests of party insiders who worried that downballot efforts would be overshadowed by Obama’s reelection campaign. He also created a group outside the DNC, Organizing for America, to support his political movement.

    The result was a badly weakened DNC. The national focus led to a neglect of other elections. After Senator Ted Kennedy died, Democrats managed to lose a 2010 special election for his seat in Massachusetts, of all places—a failure that some Democrats blamed on the national party. The loss delayed the passage of the Affordable Care Act and required congressional Democrats to water it down to pass it.

    The Bay State special was a harbinger. As Matt Yglesias calculated in 2017, the Obama years saw Democrats lose 11 Senate seats, 62 House seats, and 12 governorships. The damage was especially bad at the state level. Democrats lost nearly 1,000 seats in state legislatures, the worst loss since Herbert Hoover dragged down the GOP. Republicans captured 29 separate chambers and gained 10 new trifectas—control of both chambers of the legislature and the governor’s mansion. All of this happened at the same time that Democratic presidential candidates won the national popular vote in the 2008, 2012, and 2016 presidential elections (as they would again in 2020).

    Democrats, including Obama, suffered for their missteps. As the Obamacare experience shows, it’s harder to push a policy agenda when you lose elections. Losing control of the Senate makes it difficult to confirm judges, especially to crucial spots such as the Supreme Court—just ask Justice Merrick Garland. And implementing policy is challenging if governors and state Houses are working against you.

    An excessive focus on presidential races is also the danger of Trump’s RNC takeover. He and his aides have announced that, like Obama, they see the party committee as basically an instrument for the presidential election. “Our mission is straightforward: maximize the Republican Party’s resources to get President Trump elected,” LaCivita told The New York Times last month. Echoing Obama’s Chicago move, the RNC is reportedly already moving most of its operations to Palm Beach, Florida, near Trump’s Mar-a-Lago headquarters. All of this makes sense. Trump is a narcissist who can’t and won’t separate his self-interest from the party’s or the nation’s.

    Slashing the national footprint of the RNC may weaken the party at lower levels. Several state parties are already a mess. The chair of the Florida GOP was recently ousted amid a sex scandal. Michigan’s GOP chair, a fervent Trump backer, was also deposed after a tumultuous stint, and the state party is reportedly broke. The Arizona GOP also recently lost its chair and has been racked by feuds. But more MAGA is unlikely to be the solution to these problems, because infighting and obsession with Trump’s election denial have been at the center of several blowups. The most effective wing of the GOP apparatus right now, the National Republican Senatorial Committee, has succeeded by managing to create some insulation from Trump, allowing it to select strong candidates. In 2020, Republican congressional candidates mostly ran ahead of Trump.

    And even if Trump’s theory of the RNC works out in 2024, what happens next? Trump will not always be the president or the nominee. Someday, Republicans will need to choose a new leader, and they may be left with only a shell of a party committee, gutted and stretched to be part of Trump’s personal election apparatus. It’s a hard and long road to rebuilding from there. Just ask a Democrat.

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    David A. Graham

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  • Mike Pence exits 2024 presidential race: ‘It’s become clear to me: This is not my time’

    Mike Pence exits 2024 presidential race: ‘It’s become clear to me: This is not my time’

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    Former Vice President Mike Pence on Saturday dropped his bid for the Republican presidential nomination, ending his campaign for the White House after struggling to raise money and gain traction in the polls.

    “It’s become clear to me: This is not my time,” Pence said at the Republican Jewish Coalition’s annual gathering in Las Vegas. “So after much prayer and deliberation, I have decided to suspend my campaign for president effective today.”

    “We always knew this would be an uphill battle, but I have no regrets,” Pence went on to tell the friendly audience, which reacted with audible surprise to the announcement and gave him multiple standing ovations.

    Pence is the first major candidate to leave a race that has been dominated by his former boss-turned-rival, Donald Trump, and his struggles underscore just how much Trump has transformed the party. A former vice president would typically be seen as a formidable challenger in any primary, but Pence has struggled to find a base of support.

    He chose the Las Vegas event to announce his decision, in part so he could continue to voice his support for Israel and to make his case one last time as a candidate that the isolationist and populist tides that have swept the Republican Party pose a danger to its future and embolden the nation’s enemies, according to two people close to Pence who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss his thinking.

    Pence’s decision, more than two months before the Iowa caucuses that he had staked his campaign on, saves him from accumulating additional debt, as well as the embarrassment of potentially failing to qualify for the third Republican primary debate, on Nov. 8 in Miami.

    But his withdrawal is a huge blow for a politician who spent years biding his time as Trump’s most loyal lieutenant, only to be scapegoated during their final days in office when Trump became convinced that Pence somehow had the power to overturn the results of the 2020 election and keep both men in office — a power Pence did not possess.

    While Pence averted a constitutional crisis by rejecting the scheme, he drew Trump’s fury, as well as the wrath of many of Trump’s supporters, who still believed his lies about the election and see Pence as a traitor.

    Among Trump critics, meanwhile, Pence was seen as an enabler who defended the former president at every turn and refused to criticize even Trump’s most indefensible actions time and again.

    As a result, an Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research from August found that the majority of U.S. adults, 57%, viewed Pence negatively, with only 28% having a positive view.

    Throughout his campaign, the former Indiana governor and congressman had insisted that while he was well-known by voters, he was not “known well” and set out to change that with an aggressive schedule that included numerous stops at diners and Pizza Ranch restaurants.

    Pence had been betting on Iowa, a state with a large white Evangelical population that has a long history of elevating religious and socially conservative candidates such as former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee and former Pennsylvania Rick Santorum. Pence often campaigned with his wife, Karen, a Christian school teacher, and emphasized his hard-line views on issues such as abortion, which he opposes even in cases when a pregnancy is unviable. He repeatedly called on his fellow candidates to support a minimum 15-week national ban and he pushed to ban drugs used as alternatives to surgical procedures.

    He tried to confront head-on his actions on Jan. 6, 2021 , explaining to voters over and over that he had done his constitutional duty that day, knowing full well the political consequences. It was a strategy his campaign and outside supporters believed would help defuse the issue and earn Pence the respect of a majority of Republicans, whom they were were convinced did not agree with Trump’s actions.

    But even in Iowa, Pence struggled to gain traction.

    He had an equally uphill climb raising money, despite yearslong relationships with donors. Pence ended September with just $1.18 million in the bank and $621,000 in debt, according to his most recent campaign filing. That debt had grown in the weeks since and adding to it would have taken Pence, who is not independently wealthy, years pay off.

    The Associated Press first reported earlier this month that people close to Pence had begun to feel that remaining a candidate risked diminishing his long-term standing in the party, given Trump’s dominating lead in the race for the 2024 nomination. While they said Pence could stick it out until the Jan. 15 Iowa caucuses if he wanted — campaigning on a shoestring budget and accumulating debt — he would have to consider how that might affect his ability to remain a leading voice in the conservative movement, as he hopes.

    Some said that Hamas’ attack on Israel in October, which pushed foreign policy to the forefront of the campaign, had provided Pence a renewed sense of purpose given his warnings throughout the campaign against the growing tide of isolationism in the Republican Party. Pence had argued that he was the race’s most experienced candidate and decried “voices of appeasement” among Republican, arguing they had emboldened groups such as Hamas.

    But ultimately, Pence concluded that he could still speak out on the issue without continuing the campaign.

    He did not immediately endorse any of his rivals, but continued to echo language he has used to criticize Trump.

    “I urge all my fellow Republicans here, give our country a Republican standard-bearer that will, as Lincoln said, appeal to the better angels of our nature,” he said, “and not only lead us to victory, but lead our nation with civility.”

    Trump did not acknowledge Pence’s announcement in his own remarks at the same event.

    Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who spoke immediately after Pence, also made no mention of Pence in his speech, but later praised him on social media as a “principled man of faith who has worked tirelessly to advance the conservative cause.” Former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, in contrast, began her speech by saying the country owed Pence “a debt of gratitude.” South Carolina Gov. Tim Scott in a statement called him ”a man of integrity and deep conviction.”

    Pence is expected to remain engaged, in part through Advancing American Freedom, the conservative think tank he founded after leaving the vice presidency and that he envisions it as an alternative to The Heritage Foundation. He also has a book coming out next month that offers advice on balancing work and family.

    Pence’s group is expected to continued to advocate for policies that he supported in his run, including pushing for more U.S. support for Ukraine’s defense against the Russian invasion and proposed cuts to Social Security and Medicare to rein in the debt. Such ideas were once the bread-and-butter of Republican establishment orthodoxy but have fallen out of a favor as the party has embraced Trump’s isolationist and populist views.

    —Associated Press writer Michelle L. Price in Las Vegas contributed to this report.

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    Jill Colvin, The Associated Press

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  • Trump Has Become the Thing He Never Wanted to Be

    Trump Has Become the Thing He Never Wanted to Be

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    One thing can be said for the proprietors of the MAGA Mall: They know their brand.

    The right-wing-merch retailer’s setup was among the most impressive at this year’s Conservative Political Action Conference—a gargantuan display of apparel and tchotchkes meticulously curated to appeal to every segment of the Donald Trump–loving clientele. There were the MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN hats in “classic” red for those who prefer a timeless look, and the ULTRA MAGA 45 hats for the more trend-conscious. There were T-shirts with Trump as Superman and T-shirts with Trump as the Terminator and—because even the most patriotic T-shirt designers eventually run out of ideas—T-shirts with Trump as the Geico lizard. (You can save 40% off everything by switching to Trump.)

    When I stopped by the booth on Friday afternoon, I noticed a smattering of non-Trump-branded products in the mix and thought I’d spotted a clever angle for a story.

    “How’s the Ron DeSantis stuff selling?” I asked two people running the booth.

    “Oh, good, another one,” the woman mumbled. “You’re the third one to ask today. You media?”

    I nodded, feeling somewhat less certain of my cleverness, and sheepishly confirmed that I was a reporter. She seemed to stifle a sigh. “Not great,” she said, gesturing toward a cap that read MAKE AMERICA FLORIDA: DESANTIS 2024. “It’s about 50 to one Trump.”

    As I turned to go, I heard her add, “But, I mean, we have a lot more Trump stuff …”

    It was a perfect microcosm for CPAC’s strange vibe in 2023. Billed as the conservative movement’s marquee annual gathering, the conference was once known for its ability to draw together the right’s various factions and force them to compete noisily for supremacy. In the 1990s, Pat Buchanan rallied paleoconservative activists against the Bob Dole wing of the GOP. In the early 2010s, Tea Partiers in Revolutionary-era garb roamed the premises while scruffy libertarians hustled to win the straw poll for Ron Paul. Yes, the speakers would say controversial things, and yes, presidential candidates would give sporadically newsworthy speeches. But more than anything, it was the friction that gave the proceedings their electric, carnivalesque quality—that rare, sometimes frightening sense that anything could happen.

    This year, that friction was notably absent. Trump, who jump-started his career as a political celebrity with a speech at CPAC in 2011, has so thoroughly captured the institution that many of the GOP’s other stars didn’t even bother to show up. Everything about the conference—the speakers, the swag, the media personalities broadcasting from outside the ballroom—suggested that it was little more than a three-day MAGA pep rally.

    The result: In my decade of covering the event, I’d never seen it more dead.

    I wasn’t the only one who noticed. Eddie Scarry, a conservative writer and longtime CPAC attendee, tweeted that the conference had devolved into a parade of “peripheral figures, grifters, and aging Fox News personalities who show up like they’re rock stars. Not to mention, 80% of it remains a tribute to Trump. Who is that still fun for?” Sponsors grumbled to Rolling Stone that turnout had dropped off from past years. My colleague John Hendrickson, who attended on Saturday, wrote that the conference had a “1 a.m. at the party” vibe, and wondered if 2023 would be remembered as “the last gasp of CPAC.”

    The relative dearth of Republican star power this year could be attributed to the scandal surrounding CPAC’s chairman Matt Schlapp, who was recently accused of fondling a male campaign aide against his will. (Schlapp has denied the allegation.) But in an interview with NBC News, one anonymous GOP operative said that top Republicans had already come to view the conference as a chore in recent years. “Someone said to me, ‘We all wanted an excuse not to go, and Schlapp gave it to us,’” the operative said.

    The apparent decline in interest isn’t just about CPAC. It speaks to a serious problem for Trump’s 2024 campaign: His shtick has gotten stale. Which makes it awkward that so many party leaders continue to treat him like he’s still the generational political phenomenon who galvanized the right in 2016—the natural center of attention.

    Writing last year in National Review, the conservative commentator Michael Brendan Dougherty noted that Trump’s appeal in 2016 resided largely in his image as a disruptive outsider who said shocking, outlandish things. To recapture that magic, Dougherty wrote, “Trump needs to re-create the iconoclastic thrill of supporting him, the empowering sense that he is an instrument for crushing the establishment in both parties.”

    Instead, Trump has followed a different trajectory. His CPAC speech on Saturday night, like so many of his recent appearances, felt predictable and devoid of vitality as he rambled past the 90-minute mark in front of a not-quite-full ballroom. Trump, in other words, has become the establishment—and the establishment, by definition, is boring. He might as well attach an exclamation point to his campaign slogan and start asking voters to “please clap.”

    Jack Malin, a freshman at Florida Gulf Coast University, traveled to CPAC this year for the first time, with a group of college Republicans. When I asked him what he thought of Trump, Malin talked about the transgressive excitement he felt as a high-school kid following the 2016 election. Trump got him interested in politics. But Malin is not so into Trump anymore. “I would say, as much as people love him, his four years have come and gone,” Malin told me. For 2024, he likes DeSantis, the Florida governor, and so do most of his friends.

    As Malin spoke, I glanced past him at a crowd of onlookers that had formed around Donald Trump Jr., who was recording an interview with Steve Bannon. There was a time when these two men were seen—by critics and supporters alike—as dangerous provocateurs. Spellbound fans would hang on their every word; indignant journalists would live-tweet their speeches and interviews. Now their rhetoric about “deconstructing the administrative state” and “draining the swamp” just sounded like white noise. (As Trump and Bannon ranted, I watched some spectators turn their interest toward a baby and mom at the edge of the crowd.)

    Nowhere was the general ennui at CPAC more palpable than in Exhibit Hall D, on the ground floor of the convention center in National Harbor, Maryland. In some ways, the scene was the same as in years past: nicely dressed conservatives perusing rows of booths set up by think tanks, lobbyists, and vendors. There were, as ever, exhibits for niche companies such as The Right Stuff, a dating app for Republicans, and Patriot Mobile, “America’s only Christian conservative wireless provider” (for those tired of relying on godless liberals for Wi-Fi.) The aforementioned MAGA Mall occupied one corner of the room, competing with at least two other booths peddling Trump-branded paraphernalia. And a mock Oval Office—adorned with various photos of Trump—was available for selfies.

    But there was something perfunctory and rote about all the ostentatious Trump worship. At one booth, a group called the Conservative Caucus was showing off an oversize scroll topped with the message Thank You for Your Service President Trump! (Followed by a disclaimer in much smaller print: Not an endorsement, just a BIG thank you!)

    A friendly guy working the booth, Art Harman, told me proudly about how the scroll contained more than 100,000 signatures and ran 135 feet long when fully unfurled. Once we started talking politics, though, Trump seemed to slip from his mind. When I asked him who he thought of when he pictured the future of conservatism, he answered quickly: DeSantis.

    “He’s a more youthful guy. He’s energizing people a lot,” Harman said, going on to extol the Florida governor’s many virtues. He paused for a moment to think. “He’s kind of the only one who comes to mind offhand.”

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    McKay Coppins

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