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Tag: president of the United States

  • Mass. voters flock to polls ahead of election

    Mass. voters flock to polls ahead of election

    BOSTON — Massachusetts voters are flocking to the early polls, and sending and dropping off mail ballots at local election offices ahead of the presidential election Nov. 5.

    Hundreds of thousands have already voted through the mail and during the two-week early voting period that got underway Saturday, according to Secretary of State Bill Galvin’s office, which said it sent more than 1.3 million ballots to registered voters who requested them.

    As of Wednesday, at least 818,904 ballots had been cast, or roughly 16.2% of the state’s 4.9 million registered voters, Galvin’s office said. That included 154,684 in-person early voting ballots.

    Locally, many communities have already seen thousands of votes cast with 13 days until the election. As of Wednesday, voters in Beverly cast nearly 1,100 ballots while North Andover voters had cast 770 ballots, according to a tally provided by Galvin’s office.

    Salem voters had cast 756 mail ballots by Friday while Gloucester voters had turned in 428 ballots, according to the data. Newburyport voters had cast 716 votes as of Wednesday, Galvin’s office said.

    Topping the statewide ballot is the historic race for the White House between former Republican President Donald Trump and Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris, who will be on the ballot with their running mates, Ohio Republican Sen. J.D. Vance and Democratic Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz.

    Recent polls show Harris with a wide lead over Trump in deep-blue Massachusetts, but the race is tight nationally – especially in battleground states such as Georgia, Pennsylvania and Arizona, where the candidates and their running mates have been campaigning to rally their supporters and win over undecided voters.

    Besides picking a new president and deciding a handful of contested legislative and local races, voters will consider ballot questions to audit the Legislature, scrap the MCAS graduation mandate, allow ride-hailing drivers to form unions, legalize psychedelic mushrooms, and boost the wages of tipped workers.

    More than half of the state’s voters are registered as independent – not affiliated with a major party – with their ranks swelling in the months leading up to the election. Those who aren’t registered can do so until Oct. 26, Galvin’s office said.

    Galvin is urging voters to check that they are still registered and if not, make sure that they do so before the deadline Saturday to register ahead of the election. Under Massachusetts law, there is a 10-day cutoff to register before a statewide election.

    “If you want to vote for president, any other office on the ballot, or these ballot questions, you need to be registered to vote,” Galvin said in a statement. “Even if you are already a voter, if you’ve moved since the last time you voted, I urge you to check that your address is up to date before it’s too late.”

    Voters can see a full list of candidates, register to vote, and look up early voting locations and times on the secretary of state’s website: www.VoteInMA.com.

    Christian M. Wade covers the Massachusetts Statehouse for North of Boston Media Group’s newspapers and websites. Email him at cwade@cnhinews.com.

    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • Early voting begins for Mass. primary

    Early voting begins for Mass. primary

    BOSTON — Massachusetts voters can go to the polls beginning this weekend to nominate candidates for Congress and a handful of contested legislative and county races as early voting gets underway ahead of the state primary.

    From Saturday to Aug. 30, cities and towns will allow registered voters to cast early ballots ahead of the Sept. 3 primary. No excuse or justification is required to cast a ballot ahead of time. Voters can also vote by mail, but must request their ballots by a Monday deadline, according to the Secretary of State’s office. Saturday is the deadline to register to vote.

    Turnout is generally low in state primaries, but the lack of contested races means it could drop to new lows with voters more focused on the November crucial presidential election.

    Nevertheless, good government groups are urging voters to take advantage of the state’s expanded voting options to cast their ballots ahead of the primary.

    “With early voting and vote by mail, we have more options for how we choose to cast a ballot and pick our state leaders,” Geoff Foster, executive director of Common Cause Massachusetts, said in a statement. “We encourage everyone to get out and vote before the long weekend.”

    Topping the ballot are three Republican contenders — attorney and cryptocurrency advocate John Deaton, Quincy City Council President Ian Cain and researcher and engineer Bob Antonellis — who are facing off in the GOP primary for a shot at challenging incumbent Democratic U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, who has no primary challenger.

    None of the state’s nine Democratic congress members are facing primary challengers, including Reps. Seth Moulton of Salem, and Lori Trahan of Westford. Republicans didn’t field any candidates in 3rd or 6th Congressional district races, ensuring that Trahan and Moulton will win another two years in Congress.

    There are also a handful of contested state legislative primaries, including a rematch between incumbent Democratic Rep. Francisco Paulino of Methuen and Marcos A. Devers of Lawrence in the 16th Essex District race. There are no Republicans running for the House seat.

    Most of the largely Democratic state legislators representing the north of Boston region are facing no primary challengers, and few Republicans are running for the seats.

    On a county level, former Governor’s Councilor Eileen Duff of Gloucester is facing off against Navy veteran Joseph Michael Gentleman III in the Democratic primary for a six-year term as the Southern Essex County Register of Deeds. The winner will fill a vacancy left by former Register John O’Brien, a Democrat who retired on Dec. 31 after 47 years in the post.

    Incumbent Essex County Clerk of Courts Thomas Driscoll will try to fend off a challenge from former Beverly Councilor James FX Doherty on the Democratic ballot. The clerk oversees the superior courts in Salem, Lawrence and Newburyport.

    More than 4.9 million people are eligible to vote in the Sept. 3 primary, elections officials say. The majority, about 63%, are not affiliated with a political party.

    Under the Massachusetts system of open primaries, so-called “un-enrolled” or independent voters can choose a Republican or Democratic ballot.

    Registered Democrats can vote only in the Democratic primary, while Republicans can vote only on the GOP ballot. Libertarians, the state’s other major party, can only vote on their ballot.

    Secretary Of State Bill Galvin is recommending that voters check their city or town’s early voting schedule, and make a plan to vote. He noted that many local election offices have limited hours on Fridays.

    “With the primaries being held on the day after Labor Day, some voters may prefer to vote by mail or to vote early, especially if they have children going back to school that day,” Galvin said in a statement. “The early voting period gives you the chance to vote on whichever day you prefer, at your convenience.”

    Voters also can look up locations and times on the Secretary of State’s website: www.MassEarlyVote.com.

    Christian M. Wade covers the Massachusetts Statehouse for North of Boston Media Group’s newspapers and websites. Email him at cwade@cnhinews.com.

    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • Healey urges lawmakers to return for special session

    Healey urges lawmakers to return for special session

    BOSTON — Gov. Maura Healey wants state lawmakers to return to Beacon Hill to take up a multibillion-dollar economic development bill that failed to pass before the end of formal sessions last week.

    Lawmakers recessed early Thursday after concluding the formal session and pushing through bills dealing with housing, veterans and parental rights, but left dozens of major proposals on the table as they headed out the door to focus on their reelection campaigns.

    Healey said the economic development bond money and legislation are “extremely important” to supporting the state’s business industry and boosting its competitiveness. She urged lawmakers to “return as soon as possible” to take up the plan before the Dec. 31 end of the two-year session.

    ”This is absolutely essential for economic growth and development, to support critical economic sectors, and to protect our economy and businesses in the face of increasing competition from other states,” Healey, a first-term Democrat, said in a statement. “The people of Massachusetts deserve it and are counting on us.”

    The bill, a key plank of Healey’s legislative agenda, would set aside hundreds of millions of dollars in bonding and tax credits to boost the state’s competitiveness. It also would reauthorize the state’s life sciences initiative for another decade and make a parallel investment in climate technology.

    Responding to the governor’s demands, Senate President Karen Spilka, D-Ashland, issued a statement saying the Senate “is ready to return to work and pass this critical economic development bond authorization—and we are prepared to call a special formal session to get it done.”

    Last week, House Speaker Ron Mariano, a Quincy Democrat, said he hopes to revisit a stalled prescription drug bill after those measures failed to make it across the finish line last week.

    Other major pieces of legislation that failed to pass before the end of formal sessions included bills dealing with plans to improve hospital oversight and blunt the impact of climate change.

    Massachusetts was also the last state to adopt a budget, sending the $58 billion spending plan to Healey nearly a month after the July 1 beginning of the fiscal year.

    The bottleneck of major bills has led to finger-pointing and criticism of the Legislature’s Democratic leadership, whom Republicans and pundits say waited until the July 31 end of formal sessions to rush through major pieces of legislation.

    Lawmakers can still vote on bills during informal sessions after July 31, but they lack sufficient numbers to challenge any vetoes or amendments. What’s more, debate on legislation taken up during informal sessions can be blocked by objections from any lawmaker.

    But proposals that involve spending or borrowing money require roll call votes, where lawmakers register their individual votes. Those votes can only be held in a formal session.

    Christian M. Wade covers the Massachusetts Statehouse for North of Boston Media Group’s newspapers and websites. Email him at cwade@cnhinews.com

    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • Elected officials condemn Trump attack, call for calm

    Elected officials condemn Trump attack, call for calm

    Massachusetts and New Hampshire officials are condemning political violence and calling for calm after the attempted assassination of former President Donald Trump at a Pennsylvania rally.

    Trump was rushed off the stage Saturday after a bullet grazed his ear in what authorities described as an apparent assassination attempt. One spectator was killed and two others critically injured in the incident, authorities said.

    Federal authorities named Thomas Matthew Crooks, 20, of Bethel Park, Pennsylvania, as the suspect. He was shot and killed by authorities. A motive is not yet known.

    But the attack stoked fears about increasing violence in the nation’s toxic political system ahead of an already divisive presidential election, with Trump locked in a neck-and-neck race for the White House against incumbent Democratic President Joe Biden.

    Massachusetts Gov. Maura Healey condemned the attack, praised law enforcement for its “swift response,” and said she was “relieved” the former president is safe.

    “Political violence has no place in this country, and all Americans must condemn it,” the Democrat said in a statement.

    Senate President Karen Spilka, D-Ashland, and Senate Minority Leader Bruce Tarr, R-Gloucester, issued a joint statement, saying they “grieve for the families affected by Saturday’s tragedy and condemn those who would seek to use violence to further their political goals.”

    “While we may disagree on many things, we are deeply committed to this country’s ideals of settling those disagreements through public participation, debate, and respect for our colleagues regardless of their affiliation,” they said.

    Members of Massachusetts’s all-Democratic congressional delegation also denounced the violence and appealed for calm.

    “It doesn’t matter how much we might disagree in politics, violence is never acceptable,” Rep. Seth Moulton, D-Salem, said in a statement. “This is a polarized time, but we’re stronger when we’re united, not divided.”

    New Hampshire’s political leaders also voiced their outrage and appealed for calm in the November elections.

    “Political violence of any kind is never acceptable,” Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., said in a statement. “I’m appreciative of the quick efforts of law enforcement and hope the former President and anyone else injured today recovers fully.”

    Republican Gov. Chris Sununu echoed those sentiments on social media, saying in a statement that “violence of any form has no place in America” and wishing Trump a “speedy recovery” from his injuries.

    The assassination attempt on Trump was the first instance of a president or presidential candidate being targeted with violence since President Ronald Reagan survived a shooting in 1981.

    Biden used a rare White House address Sunday to condemn violence and pleaded with Americans to cool the political rhetoric ahead of the November elections, citing the attempt on Trump and other recent incidents involving elected officials.

    “A former president was shot. An American citizen was killed while simply exercising his freedom to support the candidate of his choosing. We cannot, we must not go down this road in America,” the Democrat said. “We’ve traveled it before throughout history. Violence has never been the answer.”

    Trump arrived Sunday in Milwaukee for the Republican National Convention, where he is expected to accept his party’s formal nomination in a speech later this week.

    Delegates from the state’s Republican Party, who are expected to attend the four-day convention, issued a statement wishing Trump a speedy recovery, condemning the violence and calling on Americans “to unify as a nation to condemn this horrible incident.”

    “Like every American, we are outraged, horrified and deeply concerned,” MassGOP Chairwoman Amy Carnevale and other party officials said. “Whether Democrat or Republican, despite our differences, we all desire peace and prosperity for our nation.”

    Christian M. Wade covers the Massachusetts Statehouse for North of Boston Media Group’s newspapers and websites. Email him at cwade@cnhinews.com.

    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • The Proud Boys Love a Winner

    The Proud Boys Love a Winner

    A second Trump term would validate the violent ideologies of far-right extremists—and allow them to escape legal jeopardy.

    Matt Huynh

    Editor’s Note: This article is part of “If Trump Wins,” a project considering what Donald Trump might do if reelected in 2024.

    Until the very end of his presidency, Donald Trump’s cultivation of the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers, and other violent far-right groups was usually implicit. He counted on their political support but stopped short of asking them to do anything.

    Trump had mastered a form of radicalization sometimes known as stochastic terrorism—riling up followers in ways that made bloodshed likely while preserving plausible deniability on his part.

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    But in the weeks after November 3, 2020, his language became more direct. He named the place and occasion for a “big protest”—on January 6, 2021, when Congress would be certifying his election loss—and told supporters, “Be there, will be wild!” When that day arrived, Trump told the assembled crowd, “If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.” With that, the president of the United States embraced violence as the natural extension of Americans’ democratic differences, and he has not stopped since.

    Trump continues to lash out at his perceived enemies. Yet Americans have mostly been able to treat Trump’s extremism as background noise. That’s partly because he’s no longer in office, and partly because he’s no longer using Twitter. But it’s also because the legal counteroffensive against pro-Trump extremism, along with a proliferation of court proceedings holding Trump himself to task for his misdeeds, appears to have given his fans reason to think twice before committing crimes on his behalf.

    Extremism ebbs and flows. Violent groups can grow only when they can raise money and recruit members faster than law enforcement can shut down their operations. They thrive when they are perceived to be winning; even the kind of person who might be drawn to violence makes a calculation about whether taking part in a plot to, say, overthrow an election or kidnap the governor of Michigan will be worth the risk. In the past few years, Trump’s election loss and his legal woes have made him less persuasive in this regard.

    Trump now faces both state and federal conspiracy charges for his efforts to stay in power despite losing the election. Leaders of the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers have received long prison sentences for their role in the violence of January 6. Fox News, which knowingly broadcast false statements about faulty voting machines rather than offend its pro-Trump core audience, agreed to a defamation settlement of nearly $800 million with Dominion Voting Systems. All of these proceedings have demonstrated that Trump and his supporters will be held accountable for what they do and say.

    But if Trump wins another term, both he and his most disreputable supporters will feel vindicated. The Republican Party has already given Trump a pass for exhorting a mob to break into the Capitol. In turn, Trump has promised to pardon many of the January 6 insurrectionists. His forgiveness could extend to extremist leaders convicted on federal charges.

    Federalism, to be sure, would be a check on his power. Trump’s followers, like Trump himself, may still be subject to state prosecution. But a president with firm control of the Justice Department, who wields a corps of supporters willing to use intimidation for political ends and who has maintained a considerable following among police, could overwhelm the ability of state institutions to uphold the law.

    Trump’s bullying of military leaders, journalists, and judges was never merely the ranting of an attention seeker, and that behavior—backed by the credible threat of violence from radicalized supporters—will likely become even more central to his governing style. “The extremism won’t be some side group,” Erica Chenoweth, a Harvard professor who studies political violence, told me. “It won’t be like a terror group against the state. The conditions will be different. It will be embedded into state institutions, and into the orientation of the state against perceived opponents.”

    What’s clear is that a restored Trump would have a winning narrative in which right-wing extremism, after suffering some legal setbacks during the Biden interregnum, thrives again.


    This article appears in the January/February 2024 print edition with the headline “Extremists Emboldened.”

    Juliette Kayyem

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  • Why Commander Is No Longer His Master’s Dog

    Why Commander Is No Longer His Master’s Dog

    “Dog Bites Man,” in journalism lore, is a boring headline about a predictable event—a non-news story that should never be written, let alone read. But what if the dog in question belongs to the president of the United States? And what if the president’s dog bites not one man, but many?

    Joe and Jill Biden’s two-year-old German shepherd, Commander, is that dog. After the U.S. Secret Service confirmed late last month that Commander had been involved in 11 “biting incidents” at the White House, CNN reported this week that the canine had actually been even more prolific with his canines, biting several White House staffers. At some point in the past two weeks, Commander was sent away.

    “The President and First Lady care deeply about the safety of those who work at the White House and those who protect them every day,” Elizabeth Alexander, the communications director for the first lady, said in a statement to CNN. Commander, she added, “is not presently on the White House campus while next steps are evaluated.” Woof.

    The whole situation has been traumatic. For the bite victims, of course—at least one of whom went to the hospital for treatment—but also for Commander, who now has to leave the only family he’s ever known. And for the Biden family: Not three full years into his administration, the president and the first lady have had to say goodbye to not one, but two family dogs. (The Bidens’ older dog, Major, was similarly expelled in 2021 for his own biting proclivity.)

    Banishing the Bidens’ dog is not just a matter of OSHA compliance. It’s political too.

    The flurry of really newsworthy dog-bites-man stories has been rough for the president, who comes off as both an unfeeling boss and a negligent dog owner. In the vortex of negative press—impeachment, Hunter Biden’s legal problems, inflation, dipping approval ratings—Commander’s bad behavior is practically the one negative news story that Biden can attempt to control.

    The Commander drama has been building toward a climax for months. Major bit a Secret Service agent shortly after moving into the White House, in 2021, and was subsequently sent to live with family friends in Delaware—not a euphemism, we’re told. Commander, the younger of the two, has been biting people for months. In July, reports emerged that the dog had attacked or bitten members of the Secret Service multiple times from last October to January of this year. (This pattern added injury to insult in an already tense relationship between the Biden administration and the Secret Service, many of whom are reportedly fans of Donald Trump.)

    As if that situation was not fraught enough, we now know that Commander has chomped on more arms and legs than was previously reported, including on a number of White House executive staffers’. Asked where the dog was taken, Alexander, the East Wing spokesperson, declined to comment directly. She also did not comment on how the Biden family is feeling, though that’s easy to guess: sad, sort of embarrassed, probably annoyed by all the dog coverage when Republicans in Congress are engaged in their own very public brawling.

    More than anything, though, I wonder how Commander feels—and whether things might have turned out better if more consideration had been given to that question.

    The life of a president’s dog can be stressful. The White House is a working office and a public museum as well as a home, with multitudes of people coming in and out all the time. Even on a normal day, the scene can be a chaotic sensory overload for a dog: Rotating members of the Secret Service detail, uniformed and not, stand outside every room, earpieces in, eyes darting, faces unsmiling; aides fly through doorways with varying degrees of excitement and alarm, waving papers. And the first family is always leaving on trips and official visits; sometimes they bring the dog; other times they leave him behind in the care of a butler or an operating engineer, who is on-site around the clock.

    All of this is difficult for a human to adjust to, let alone a dog with limited English comprehension who cannot understand that his owner is the most important person in the Western world.

    Presidential pets always take some time to acclimate, according to Jennifer Pickens, the author of Pets at the White House. Eventually, most White House dogs have been able to adapt to the schedule of nights in the first family’s residence, and days with the run of the building (or parts of it). They might spend time sleeping in the chief usher’s office or waiting for the president in the Outer Oval. They’ll go on regular walks through the 18-acre White House campus with Dale Haney, who has been the groundskeeper and unofficial presidential dog handler since he first tended to Richard Nixon’s Irish setter, King Timahoe. During the George W. Bush administration, the president’s squat little Scottish terrier, Barney, liked to follow the pastry chef around in the basement hallways, licking powdered sugar from his shoes, Pickens told me. Bo and Sunny Obama, the 44th president’s Portuguese water dogs, were accustomed to being paraded around for snuggles from children visiting the White House.

    But other dogs don’t settle in so easily—or they become irritated by the attention. After all, they don’t get to choose to become part of the first family: In 1961, the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev gave the Kennedy family a fluffy white puppy named Pushinka, whose mother had been shot into space on Sputnik 5. Pushinka—who went on to have her own puppies, which John F. Kennedy referred to as the “pupniks”—became “a little nippy” later in life, according to Caroline Kennedy.

    The adjustment to White House life has been a challenge for many presidential pooches. Ronald Reagan’s 65-pound Bouvier des Flandres, Lucky, was sent back to the family’s Santa Barbara ranch after a few months, because she was deemed “a little too much for the Reagan White House,” Pickens said. One of the Carter family mutts, JB—short for Jet Black—used to snap at the maids and butlers, Gary Walters, a former chief usher, told me. The dog nipped at Walters on occasion too: “We’d just say, ‘Oh, JB, shut up and go away.’” In 2008, Barney bit the finger of Jon Decker when the Reuters reporter reached out to pet him; Barney could be, as Jenna Bush put it later, “a real jerk.”

    I wish I could tell Commander all of this—that dogs act like dogs, and sometimes like real jerks, even when they live in the White House.

    Commander’s adjustment to White House life may have been more challenging than it was for other pets. Although German shepherds can be loyal and trustworthy companions, they have to be diligently trained, especially during their adolescent months, Sue Kewley, a dog behaviorist who specializes in the breed, told me. “I don’t think people realize how sensitive German shepherds can be,” she said. They’re herding dogs, and “if you don’t give them a job to do, they’ll go self-employed.”

    Young shepherds need to be taught how to behave when a visitor or stranger arrives—how to go to their “place” or grab a toy, something that desensitizes them to the constant flow of bodies coming and going. This appears to be the gap in Commander’s education. “He’s been allowed to make mistakes, which is a real shame,” Kewley said. “But I don’t blame him. It’s not his fault.”

    It probably didn’t have to be this way, in other words. With better training and more attention, Commander might have been able to stay in the White House. As with other presidential dogs, he could have been an emblem for the president, something happy and sweet for the American people to latch on to. Instead, he’s become a workplace hazard, an unfortunate headline, and now, sadly, an exile.

    Elaine Godfrey

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  • The GOP Primary Is a Field of Broken Dreams

    The GOP Primary Is a Field of Broken Dreams

    People near me at the Iowa State Fair were frantic. “Do you see him yet?” they panted. “Do you think he’ll come out into the crowd to talk?” When the presence of Secret Service officers made it clear that former President Donald Trump would appear at the Steer ’N Stein restaurant on the Grand Concourse, fairgoers formed a line whose end was out of sight.

    Not all of them could squeeze into the restaurant, so they filled the street outside, one giant blob of eager, sweating Iowans. When the former president finally appeared, the scrum was so dense that they could barely make out his silhouette through the restaurant’s open side. “You know, the other candidates came here, and they had like six people,” Trump’s giddy voice said through the speakers above us. The audience responded with hoots and cheers.

    One of the few rules of American politics to have withstood the weirdness of these past tumultuous years is that anyone who wants to be president of the United States must endure both the many splendors and the equally many ritual humiliations of the Iowa State Fair. It is an essential audition, at least for the GOP. (The Democratic Party has recently shuffled the order of its primary season, demoting the Iowa caucus from its first-in-the-nation status.)

    If a Republican candidate, drenched in sweat and stuffed with fried butter, can pique the interest of Iowa’s choosy voters, then that candidate has a real shot in the caucuses and, perhaps, the White House. Sometimes, a long-shot outsider can work the crowds and gain an unexpected edge, as Rick Santorum did in 2012, and Ted Cruz did in 2016.

    So the fair is a place to charm and be charmed. Early on in the weekend, it seemed to be working its magic.

    “He’s really very engaging,” Shirley Burgess, from Des Moines, said of Mike Pence. “I thought he delivers a much clearer message in person than what I’m getting from him on TV.” The former vice president had just wrapped one of several “Fair-Side Chats” hosted by Republican Governor Kim Reynolds. This was a new feature at the fair, at which the governor asks the candidates such hard-hitting questions as “What’s your favorite walkout song?”

    The night before, Pence had been heckled by a man who asked how he was doing “after Tucker Carlson ruined your career.” Another said, “I’m glad they didn’t hang you!”

    But on Friday morning, Pence drew a respectful crowd for his conversation with Reynolds at J.R.’s Southpork Ranch. Attendees asked him polite questions, and half a dozen people personally thanked him for his “integrity” when Trump was trying to overturn the results of the 2020 election.

    Pence had company, however. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley, and the entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy also attracted crowds at the Pork Ranch and at the Des Moines Register’s Soapbox venue. Most of the undecided Iowans who attended told me that they’d supported Trump in 2016 and in 2020. These voters appreciated his service, they said, but after eight years of idiotic rants on social media, baseless but relentless assertions of election fraud, and a string of criminal indictments, they were hankering for some new energy. You know, a leader without so much baggage, they told me; someone more … classy.

    “Everything out of his mouth is like, ‘Shut up, Donald,’” Charles Dunlap, a two-time Trump voter from Johnston, Iowa, told me. He was eager to hear from Ramaswamy and Haley, people he believed would “institute similar policies” to Trump’s—just without the drama.

    But the intimate enchantment of the fair—the promise of thoughtful, measured consideration—dissipated around 1 p.m. Saturday, when the former president arrived. What very quickly became clear was that the Trump-exhausted, change-minded Iowans I’d met that morning were in the minority. Most folks? They still love Trump.

    The former president skipped possible speaking slots at the Soapbox and with Reynolds (because of his strange beef with the governor), but showed up to mingle with his people. They packed into every fair establishment where the president might conceivably speak. Because his event wasn’t on any official schedule, everyone was kept guessing. Parts of the fairground came to a standstill. People who just wanted to slurp lemonade and admire the prize-winning steers were annoyed. “Why did we have to come on the day that all the politicians are here?” a man pushing a stroller through the throng asked his wife. (Almost every Iowan, for the record, has at one point uttered the phrase.)

    Given his commanding lead in the GOP primary polling, it’s not so shocking that Trump’s presence would create such fervor. But seeing it, feeling it, was different. By contrast, the crowds that had gathered for the other Republican candidates didn’t seem impressive at all. Suddenly, the entire GOP primary contest felt painfully futile, pathetic even. Why are they even doing this? For the also-rans—basically, the rest of the field already—was suffering the abuses of the campaign trail worth even the best-case scenario of being anointed Trump’s running mate?

    On Saturday, while Pence stood in the sun flipping pork burgers, people in the crowd whispered about him. “Look at him sweat,” someone behind me said. “He’s a dweeb, and so is DeSantis,” a young man from Cedar Rapids named Jacob, who declined to give his last name, told me. “You just want to take their lunch money. It’s instinct.” Ramaswamy, whose big personality has charmed many Republicans, apparently felt the need to put on a non-dweeb showing after his interview with the governor, and rapped confidently to the Eminem song “Lose Yourself.” A sea of silver-haired onlookers, who found themselves trapped near the front of the stage, were obliged to awkwardly bob along.

    DeSantis, more than anyone else, suffered at the fair. While he spoke with Reynolds, a plane flew in circles overhead, carrying a long sign that read Be likable, Ron! DeSantis pretended not to notice it. When the Florida governor took his turn in the Pork Tent, Trump supporters gathered behind his photo op, wearing green-and-yellow trucker hats handed out by the Trump campaign. They chanted and yelled insults as DeSantis and his wife flipped burgers.

    And when Trump finally arrived on Saturday afternoon, he brought with him a posse of Florida lawmakers who had endorsed him over DeSantis. (Representative Matt Gaetz warmed up the crowd by saying that he’d grilled burgers well done at the Pork Tent, but “the most done you can be is Ron DeSantis.”) Will the humiliation pay off in the end? DeSantis’s campaign has to hope so. At least in Iowa, the Florida governor is running somewhat closer to Trump than he is nationally.

    Earlier in the day, I’d interviewed Matt Wells, a DeSantis supporter and a county chair from Washington, Iowa, who had been following the candidate around the fair all morning. Trump’s people “don’t really know what they’re doing; it’s all an emotional thing,” he told me. Wells worked for Ted Cruz’s campaign in 2016. They’d had a strong ground game then, as DeSantis does now, he said. “Trump,” Wells added, “doesn’t have any ground game here.”

    Cruz may have won Iowa, but he quite memorably did not go on to win the 2016 election. I was about to bring up this fact when someone near us gasped. A dozen fingers pointed toward the sky, and people began to scream with excitement. There, in the bright-blue ocean above us, was a plane with TRUMP emblazoned on its side heading for the nearby airport. Someone whispered, “Did I tell you that I shook his hand twice?” The clamor grew louder.

    Trump would be here soon. The man, the myth, had landed.

    Elaine Godfrey

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