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Tag: presidency

  • Jeffrey Epstein, Marjorie Taylor Greene, and the Future of American Politics

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    Imagine, for a moment, that you first heard the name Larry Summers last week, when he showed up on what I’ve called Planet Epstein. That planet is an information ecosystem where all major global events are connected to the sex-trafficking conspiracy that supposedly rules the world. This is a metaphorical place, but not an imaginary one—you can find it on YouTube and in certain corners of TikTok and other social-media platforms. As a moderately informed citizen of Planet Epstein, you have recently learned that Summers set much of the economic policy for three Presidents, including Bill Clinton, whom you already suspected had his own list of mentions in the Epstein files, which you are impatiently, if not optimistically, waiting for the government to fully disclose. You have also learned that Summers, who corresponded with Epstein as late as July, 2019, was previously the president of Harvard University and used his considerable influence not only to bring in money for pet projects—including a poetry initiative spearheaded by his wife—but to help shape the direction of higher education in this country more generally. You learned that this lifelong liberal appeared to be seeking a romantic relationship with a mentee and was asking Jeffrey Epstein for advice about it. You learned that the woman he seemed to be chasing is the daughter of China’s former vice-minister of finance. You even heard that Summers and Epstein had a code name for this Asian woman, Peril—possibly in reference to “Yellow Peril.” (After the exchange between Summers and Epstein was made public, Summers released a statement saying that he was “deeply ashamed” of his relationship with Epstein.) And what have you learned about Summers’s more recent activities? Well, until last week, he was on the board of OpenAI, the company that you believe will shape the entire future of America. And, above all, you learned that the most powerful men in this country are more pathetic, predatory, and corrupt than you or any of your friends.

    What conclusions do you draw from your quick introduction to Summers, which, presumably, you stitched together from YouTube Shorts, Wikipedia, and ChatGPT? More to the point, if you believe yourself to be a rational person who draws inferences based on the evidence in front of you, what should you believe?

    In the past few months, I have been trying to gauge how much of the American public is now convinced that a cabal of pedophiles runs the world. Polls have shown that a significant majority of the country believes that the government has been hiding information about Epstein’s clients and about his death. But there is a difference between suspecting a coverup and going full Pizzagate-conspiracy mode, drawing connections among Summers, Epstein, Trump, Bill Clinton, Mossad, and the sudden rise of the A.I. industry, which now seems to be propping up a large part of the world economy—and then concluding that some shadowy group of oligarchs rules us all.

    There are some indicators, however, that Planet Epstein has begun to eclipse our previous home. Congress, for example, voted 427–1 to mandate that the Department of Justice publish “all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials” linked to its investigation and prosecution of Epstein. That result owed a good deal to Marjorie Taylor Greene, who used to garner national attention primarily as the butt of jokes, but who, prior to her surprise announcement on Friday that she will resign from office in January, had become one of the most visible—and, yes, increasingly respected—politicians in the country. And the fall of powerful figures such as Summers, who escaped scrutiny in the earlier flareups of the Epstein story, suggests that there is a capitulation taking place. Anecdotally, I do not know a single person in my life who truly thinks that this is the end of the story or that every guilty party has been revealed. More crucially, Trump, who can usually count on a third of the country to accept whatever version of the truth he offers, found almost zero audience for his claim of an “Epstein Hoax”—the narrative that continued attention to Epstein is a Democratic plot to embroil his great Administration in scandal and distract from the “greatness” that Republicans are accomplishing. At the very least, elected officials—including those, such as Greene, who have spent the past decade serving as faithful Trump acolytes—have begun to fear the public’s wrath on this issue.

    I believe we are in the middle of a quietly revolutionary moment in this country, which began with the pandemic and the protests stemming from the murder of George Floyd by a police officer. (I suppose that this column is, more than anything, an attempt to chronicle that revolution.) The precipitating factors can be traced back as far as you like, but the shift became evident during the lockdowns, with the sight of millions of people taking to the streets and the displays of supposed capitulation from members of Congress kneeling at the Capitol and major corporations meekly putting out “social-justice” messages on social media—which, of course, occurred alongside red-state fights about quarantines and, later, vaccine mandates. That moment did not lead to a change in the world order, but it decimated whatever authority “the establishment” had left in this country. The subsequent unrest has taken on a variety of forms, including a continued and drastic decline in trust of the traditional news media and attacks on universities from both the left and the right. It was also channelled into Trump’s 2024 campaign, which was less about any one issue than it was about a renewed and utterly hollow promise to drain the swamp all over again.

    What that insurrectionary energy sought was a single theory of the world, ideally one that did not rely on partisan leanings—or, really, on politics at all. Epstein has provided that. Lest we forget, Epstein died more than six years ago now, and although the story certainly had not been forgotten by the public, it had at least been moved to a low-heat back burner when Greene; Thomas Massie, a U.S. representative from Kentucky; and a handful of other politicians began to talk about the Epstein files again. The ham-fisted response from the Trump Administration certainly didn’t quiet things. The fact that an increasing number of Americans, spurred on by the war in Gaza and by new-media commentators across the political spectrum, were starting to question the influence that Israel had on Washington, D.C., has also played a role.

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    Jay Caspian Kang

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  • Column: Newsom gets no California love for his political ambitions. Maybe he should try elsewhere

    Column: Newsom gets no California love for his political ambitions. Maybe he should try elsewhere

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    Bill Clinton was a man of large appetite and no small ambition when he served as Arkansas governor, a job he assumed at the age of 32.

    So it was hardly a surprise when, 14 years later, Clinton launched a bid for president.

    There was skepticism at the time and some carping of the too-big-for-his-britches variety. But that soon faded with the growing excitement of the 1992 election and the opening of Clinton’s Little Rock campaign headquarters, as Skip Rutherford, an old confidant, recalled.

    Gavin Newsom can only sigh with envy.

    California’s governor is not running for president. Take him at his word.

    Filing deadlines have passed in the key early-voting states of Nevada and New Hampshire, and Newsom must know that a run against President Biden — his fellow Democrat — would almost surely fail, destroying Newsom’s political future in the process.

    Still, the gallivanting governor has acted very much like a presidential candidate, striding the global stage and trolling the GOP’s White House contestants whenever he has the chance. Maybe he’s positioning himself for a run after his term ends in January 2027.

    Either way, California voters are not pleased.

    A Los Angeles Times/UC Berkeley poll released this week found Newsom’s approval rating sinking to the lowest point of his nearly five years in office, with 44% of respondents having a favorable view of his job performance and 49% disapproving.

    There may be several explanations; like barnacles on a ship, negatives tend to accumulate the longer a politician stays in office.

    Some on the left are disappointed with Newsom’s approach to the state’s homelessness and mental health crises. Some environmentalists are unhappy with the governor’s water policy. (Republicans never could stand Newsom.)

    But probably the biggest reason for voter discontent is the governor’s political wandering eye.

    “A lot of people don’t think California is doing well,” said Mark DiCamillo, who oversaw the poll for The Times and Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies.

    “There’s homelessness and now the budget deficit,” DiCamillo went on. “There’s a lot of issues that need attention and they seem to be getting worse — or at least not better — and he’s off doing his own thing.”

    The ill will is nothing new. Govs. Jerry Brown and Pete Wilson both sagged in the polls when they stinted on their day job to run off and seek the presidency.

    Maybe it’s a California thing.

    Nationwide, two sitting governors have been elected president in the last 90-plus years: Clinton and Texas’ George W. Bush. Both ran with the blessing of the folks back home.

    Rutherford, who oversaw the planning of Clinton’s presidential library, said Arkansas voters were captivated as they watched “all the people who came in to work” for the campaign, “all the national press coming in and out,” and “it became a source of, ‘Wow, we got a guy who now has a shot to win this thing.’”

    Bush, whose father had been president, was coy even as he used his 1998 gubernatorial reelection campaign to position himself for a White House bid. He won his second term in a landslide and soon enough was traveling the country in pursuit of the presidency.

    Texans didn’t seem to mind.

    A November 1999 poll, conducted by the Scripps Howard news service, found 72% of those surveyed approved of Bush’s performance as governor. The state’s most powerful Democrat, Lt. Gov. Bob Bullock, even endorsed Bush for president in 2000, burnishing the Republican’s bipartisan credentials in a way that’s unimaginable in today’s age of impermeable partisanship.

    “He was just a chatty, friendly character,” said Bruce Buchanan, a longtime Bush watcher and presidential scholar at the University of Texas at Austin. “Everybody who got close to him came away feeling that way, whether they happened to agree with his politics or not.”

    Maybe Californians aren’t all that excited about installing one of their own in the Oval Office.

    After yielding two presidents in the last half-century, Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, and two House speakers of recent vintage, Nancy Pelosi and Kevin McCarthy, perhaps national political celebrity isn’t what it used to be.

    Things may be different in Florida, which has never produced a president.

    Even though Ron DeSantis is struggling there — a recent poll put him a whopping 39 percentage points behind former President Trump in Florida’s Republican primary — voters haven’t necessarily soured on their governor, now in his second and final term.

    In a recent trial heat for the 2026 gubernatorial race, DeSantis’ wife, Casey, had more than twice the support of any other potential candidate tested, said Mike Binder, a political science professor and pollster at the University of North Florida in Jacksonville.

    “Clearly, the DeSantis name brand still has a lot of value to it,” Binder said.

    Maybe Newsom can ask Florida’s governor for pointers on running for president without alienating his home state when the two archrivals — one seeking the presidency, the other kinda-sorta but not really — debate at the end of the month.

    Either that or Newsom could start over someplace else like, say, Democratic-leaning Rhode Island. There has never been a president elected from the Ocean State.

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    Mark Z. Barabak

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  • Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter Entering “Final Days” In Health Update

    Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter Entering “Final Days” In Health Update

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    Former President Jimmy Carter and former First Lady Rosalynn Carter are entering their “final chapter” together, their grandson said in a brief health update Saturday.

    After a series of brief hospital stays in late 2022, the former governor of Georgia decided to forego medical treatment and enter hospice, The Carter Center in Atlanta announced in February. The 39th U.S. president, who served from 1977 to 1981, had dealt with repeated falls and several health crises in recent years, including an extended bout with metastatic melanoma in 2015, but did not say what had caused his recent hospital visits.

    “He’s still fully Jimmy Carter,” Josh Carter, 39, told People magazine. “He’s just tired. I mean, he’s almost 99 years old, but he fully understands [how many well wishes he’s received] and has felt the love.”

    Since Carter began hospice care, “there’s always somebody” at the modest Plains, Georgia ranch house that the couple built in 1961, said Josh. “My grandparents have always been the entertainers,” he said. “But now we’re kind of the ones having to entertain. It’s different, it’s just a different era.”

    The former first lady, whose dementia diagnosis was revealed in May, just celebrated her 96th birthday on Friday.

    Just as the former president earned public praise for his forthrightness about his cancer, which brought attention to new, life-saving treatments, the center said it hoped that “sharing our family’s news [about dementia] will increase important conversations at kitchen tables and in doctor’s offices around the country.” 

    Josh said his grandmother “still knows who we are, for the most part — that we are family,” and that she was able to sign off on the press release that announced her condition in May. And though he said it’s “gotta be hard” for the 39th president to see his wife’s health deteriorate, he added that “they are still holding hands … it’s just amazing.”

    “They’ve experienced everything that you can together,” he said. “I think the beautiful thing is that they are still together.” Last month, the Carters celebrated their 77th wedding anniversary.

    “Odds are I’m gonna lose my grandfather before my grandmother,” Josh said. “He’s in hospice care and she’s not, and it’s just math.”

    Carter endorsed President Joe Biden in 2020, calling him his “first and most effective” supporter in the Senate and noting their longstanding friendship. In March, Biden revealed that his predecessor had asked him to deliver his eulogy.

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    Jack McCordick

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  • Lionel Messi and Gift Cards: GOP Presidential Candidates Are Desperate to Make the Debate Stage

    Lionel Messi and Gift Cards: GOP Presidential Candidates Are Desperate to Make the Debate Stage

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    Doug Burgum needed donors more than the actual donations. So for the last couple weeks, the North Dakota governor’s presidential campaign started offering $20 gift cards—or as Burgum calls them, “Biden economic relief cards”—to the first 50,000 people who donated $1 to his fledgling campaign. Fully paid out, the gambit would cost the campaign a million dollars, but it also achieved its goal: On Wednesday, the North Dakota governor announced that his campaign surpassed the donor threshold to make it on the debate stage in the GOP presidential primary. ​​“We passed the 40,000 mark today. We’ve got more gift cards to give out. We’re going to keep on going,” Burgum said in an interview with CNN, adding that his campaign has received donations from individuals in all 50 states.

    As for criticism that he is paying to play, Burgum turned to some campaign spin: “I think that’s funny actually,” he said. “This is about a smart strategy, it’s about an entrepreneur with a business attitude.”

    Burgum is not the only Republican presidential candidate desperate for individual donors. As Donald Trump dominates poll after poll of likely Republican voters in the presidential primary, little-known contenders are scrambling to get on the Fox News–hosted debate stage next month to make their mark. In order to make the cut, the candidates are put through the Republican National Committee’s campaigning tests: They need to hit specific polling numbers (candidates need to hit at least 1% support in three national polls, or 1% in two national polls and 1% in an early-state poll from two separate states: either Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada, or South Carolina), and bring in 40,000 unique donors total, as well as 200 unique donors each in at least 20 states.

    For just a $1 donation to his campaign, Miami mayor Francis Suarez offered supporters the chance to enter a raffle to attend Lionel Messi’s first soccer game with Inter Miami. Similarly, Perry Johnson—a Republican businessman and failed Michigan gubernatorial candidate—offered a T-shirt emblazoned with a slogan supportive of Tucker Carlson in exchange for a $1 donation to his campaign, per Politico. Vivek Ramaswamy, whose campaign has said it hit the donor threshold, launched the “Vivek’s Kitchen Cabinet,” in which the biotech entrepreneur offered supporters who help raise campaign funds 10% of the money they bring in—a trick critics have said resembles a multi-level marketing scheme. “I found out that most professional political fundraisers get a cut of the money they raise,” Ramaswamy told Politico in explanation of his strategy. “Why should they monopolize political fundraising? They shouldn’t.”

    Forcing candidates to meet a donor threshold is not a novel idea; the Democratic Party imposed a similar standard in 2020, which initially locked out billionaire Michael Bloomberg, among other candidates, from early debates before the qualifying standard was ultimately dropped. But Republican presidential hopefuls certainly seem to be pushing the boundaries of legal tactics.

    Brendan Fischer, the executive director of political watchdog group Documented, explains that these ploys to get grassroots donors could set a “bad precedent, because campaign funds are not supposed to be used as a piggy bank to hand out financial benefits to friends and supporters.” Federal campaign laws prohibit straw donors—in other words, it’s illegal to reimburse someone for making campaign donations. Some legal experts question whether this is what these Republicans are essentially doing: “Giving a donor a $20 gift card for donating seems a bit like that,” Michael S. Kang, a professor at Northwestern University’s Pritzker School of Law, told NPR. If not illegal, it seems at the very least a bit unethical. Fischer echoed the sentiment. Burgum’s gift card scheme “raises a number of potential legal issues,” he says. “Burgum’s campaign should likely have asked the FTC for an advisory opinion before proceeding—questions about whether it might violate the straw donor ban or whether it might violate the personal use ban.” (Vanity Fair has reached out to Burgum’s campaign for comment.)

    So far, Trump, Ron DeSantis, Nikki Haley, Chris Christie, Tim Scott, and Ramaswamy are on track to qualify for the debates, based upon their standing in recent polls and donations, as reported by Politico. But other pretty notable names have not. Reportedly among them is former vice president Mike Pence. In an interview with Fox News on Tuesday morning, Pence addressed that his campaign was still short on donors—and also seemed to take a shot at his opponents adopting, shall we say, interesting tactics to entice donors. “From a polling standpoint, we’ll easily qualify. But getting 40,000 donors in just a matter of a few short weeks is a bit of a challenge,” he said. “We’re not offering gift cards, we’re not offering kickbacks, we’re not offering tickets to soccer games, we’re just traveling.”

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    Abigail Tracy

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