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Tag: Poverty

  • Ahead of Dutch elections, food banks highlight the cost-of-living crisis, a major campaign theme

    Ahead of Dutch elections, food banks highlight the cost-of-living crisis, a major campaign theme

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    VOORBURG, Netherlands — Cans of fish, jars of pasta sauce and bags of beans are stacked in blue crates. Meat, dairy and bread are kept cold in a huge freezer and a walk-in refrigerator in this affluent Dutch town. The supplies are on hand to feed the new poor in one of the richest nations in the world.

    Needy families are lining up for free handouts at food banks across the Netherlands, underscoring how poverty is taking root even in lower middle-class families and why tackling it has become a major theme in next Wednesday’s parliamentary election.

    If it gets any worse, “then it really becomes a scandal for society,” said Rob Kuipers, a 70-year-old retired senior civil servant who is the chairman of the local food bank in Leidschendam-Voorburg, within easy cycling distance of the parliament in The Hague.

    The cost-of-living crisis, a chronic shortage of social and affordable housing and limits on access to affordable healthcare have combined to become known by the catch-all title “security of existence” in election campaigning and it’s a topic all parties are addressing in their election programs.

    “We, for a long time, had people living in poverty but this was always, relatively speaking, a smaller group and a quite marginal group and now this has spread to the lower middle class. And that, I think, is the reason why we are talking so much about it now,” said Maurice Crul, a professor of sociology at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam.

    “This was always a topic that the progressive or the left-wing parties put on the agenda,” he added. “But now you see that also populist right wing parties and the middle party is putting this on the agenda big time, too.”

    That centrist “middle party” is personified by Pieter Omtzigt, a former Christian Democrat who set up the New Social Contract over the summer. It is already polling so high that he will play a key role in coalition talks once the votes have been counted.

    After years campaigning on behalf of marginalized members of society and uncovering government scandals, tackling poverty is one of his two main campaign themes.

    “There is a long list of things we need to do to challenge that cost-of-living crisis,” he told reporters at a campaign event. “We will make the primary necessities of life affordable,” his party’s manifesto says, with measures including reforming taxation and welfare rules to give people more disposable income.

    The center-right People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy, or VVD, of outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte — traditionally seen as a party for the wealthy and a supporter of the free-market economy — is also pledging to help.

    “To make sure people who work full-time can make ends meet, we will raise the minimum wage,” the party’s manifesto pledges. “To tackle childhood poverty, we will give targeted support to families with children.”

    Underscoring how the issue cuts across traditional party lines, a center-left two-party bloc led by former European Union climate chief Frans Timmermans proposes some of the same solutions. It advocates raising the Dutch minimum wage to 16 euros ($17.40) per hour. For employees aged over 21 years, the current minimum is 12.79 euros for a 36-hour work week.

    For some workers and for others living on welfare benefits, that is not enough.

    The national umbrella organization for 176 Dutch food banks says that they serve a total of 38,000 households — 100,000 people — each week and that 1.2 million people live below the poverty line. The number is down slightly from a year ago when inflation was soaring in the Netherlands and across the world.

    Just 18 months ago, the food bank in Leidschendam-Voorburg, a municipality of some 78,000 people that recently ranked fifth in a survey of the most “livable” towns in the the Netherlands, had 140 clients. That shot up to 250 as a cost-of-living crisis swept across the world and did not spare the wealthy Netherlands. Those 250 households amount to up to 700 people, Kuipers said.

    The true number of people on the breadline may be much higher. The Leidschendam-Voorburg food bank Kuipers oversees estimates that the true number of people eligible for food aid could be two to three times higher.

    Now he is waiting to see how the election plays out and the new constellation of parties joining forces to run the country.

    Party programs “are full of beautiful words and relatively few precise actions,” he said.

    He’s watching to see “how those beautiful words will be translated into concrete actions” after the election.

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  • ‘My number one enemy’: The hidden financial aid hurdle derailing college students

    ‘My number one enemy’: The hidden financial aid hurdle derailing college students

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    SANTA CRUZ, Calif. — At 19, Elizabeth Clews knew attending community college while balancing a full-time job and caring for a newborn would be hard. But she wanted to give it a shot.

    After a few months, the single mom, who had just exited the foster care system, realized she wasn’t doing well enough to pass her classes at Ventura College. “All I could really focus on was taking care of my baby and making sure that I kept a roof over our heads,” she said.

    Clews thought her performance would improve if she quit work. But when she logged into the school’s online portal to register for a second semester, a message popped up that she described as saying, “You can enroll for classes, but you’re not gonna get financial aid.” Clews was in danger of failing to meet a standard called SAP, or “satisfactory academic progress,” which is attached to nearly all federal financial aid for higher education — including grants, loans and work study — and most state aid too.

    “I didn’t really know it was a thing,” Clews said, “I didn’t understand any of the financial aid terminology.” But one thing she knew with utter clarity: She couldn’t pay tuition and fees out of pocket. So, she dropped out.

    Advocates are seeking changes to the rules around “satisfactory academic progress” that they say will benefit students like Elizabeth Clews. She dropped out of Ventura College after receiving a warning that she wasn’t meeting the standard. Credit: Talia Herman for The Hechinger Report

    The number of students across the U.S. affected by satisfactory academic progress requirements each year likely runs in the hundreds of thousands, yet until recently the issue garnered almost no attention from news media, academics and policy makers. “It’s not a noisy problem” because it doesn’t impact people with social capital and power, said Christina Tangalakis, associate dean of financial aid at Glendale Community College in Southern California.

    Now, a loose coalition of nonprofits, legislators and financial aid administrators are trying to reform what they describe as overly punitive, vague standards that keep many students capable of earning a degree from obtaining one. The state of Indiana was an early actor, creating a grant in 2016 for returning students who had “SAP-ed out” of federal funding. Last month, California enacted legislation to make all colleges align their requirements for “satisfactory academic progress” with the federal minimum standard.

    At the federal level, 39 nonprofit organizations sent a letter in August asking the U.S. Department of Education to clarify the rules around the SAP minimum requirements. And in Congress, Sen. Cory Booker, a Democrat, is expected to re-introduce SAP-related legislation that would give students a second chance at aid.

    Related: ‘Revolutionary housing’: How colleges aim to support formerly incarcerated students

    The logic behind satisfactory academic progress rules is that giving aid to students who are unlikely to graduate is a bad investment, wasting students’ time and taxpayers’ dollars.

    The policy was created in 1976, and at first, each college or university was left to set its own standards. Then, in a 1981 report to the Senate, the General Accounting Office said tougher ones were needed. Citing little evidence, the agency asserted that $1.28 million had been accessed inappropriately.

    “It was Reaganomics and welfare reform and this idea of deserving and undeserving poor,” said Debbie Raucher, the director of education for John Burton Advocates for Youth, or JBAY, a California nonprofit. The stance was “if a student isn’t pulling their weight, they don’t deserve our help,” she said.

    Under current federal rules, students must maintain a 2.0 GPA or higher, complete at least 67 percent of credits attempted and stay on track to finish a degree in no more than 150 percent of the time it usually takes (for example, six years for a four-year degree). During the Obama administration, SAP regulations were further tightened in an attempt to prevent low-performing for-profit institutions from lining their pockets with taxpayer dollars.

    “SAP is my number one enemy, my arch nemesis.”

    Elizabeth Clews, University of California, Santa Cruz student who was kicked off financial aid because of SAP requirements when attending community college

    Once a student becomes ineligible for financial aid after failing to make SAP, that status stays with them forever.

    Some students appeal, but that process can be complicated and riddled with inconsistencies. Campuses aren’t required to offer appeals. Those that do  grounds to “the death of a relative, an injury or illness of the student, or other special circumstances,” according to federal regulations. What circumstances qualify as “special” varies tremendously. For example, some schools explicitly allow students to appeal if they are struggling to balance school and work demands, while others explicitly disallow appeals on the same grounds, according to a 2023 analysis by JBAY.

    At 20, Clews didn’t know anything about an appeal, but two years later, she felt “this itch to try again,” and attempted to re-enroll at Ventura. When she got a similar notification, a more mature Clews “decided to do some investigating.” She had experienced homelessness and food insecurity, but didn’t see those circumstances on the appeals list. Her takeaway was: “Oh, well you didn’t die, you didn’t get your leg cut off, so there’s no reason that you shouldn’t have been successful.”

    So Clews worked as a waitress and in retail for the next five years.

    “It was Reaganomics and welfare reform and this idea of deserving and undeserving poor.”

    Debbie Raucher, the director of education for John Burton Advocates for Youth

    This turn of events was, in part, the luck of the draw. Some schools are more stringent than the federal rules require: For example, JBAY identified 10 colleges in California that mandate a course completion rate between 70 and 80 percent, not 67. Some institutions require a 2.0 GPA every term, while others consider SAP satisfied if a student’s cumulative GPA is above the threshold. In deciding whether students are progressing fast enough, some colleges include remedial coursework and classes taken in pursuit of an old major, while others don’t. Raucher, of JBAY, said Ventura’s currently posted policy isn’t significantly stricter than average, but wouldn’t have offered Clews “the full leniency allowed by federal regs.” (A Ventura representative said in an email that the school follows federal and state guidelines.)

    Fearful of government audits, financial aid administrators tend to take a conservative view of the regulations, Raucher said.

    Both JBAY’s analysis and a 2016 study place the number of students who don’t meet SAP requirements at more than 20 percent of Pell grant aid recipients, with that share higher for community college students.

    “This is not a fringe issue that 1 percent of students are facing,” Raucher said.

    Related: Overdue tuition and fees — as little as $41 — derail hundreds of thousands of California college students

    Glendale Community College’s Tangalakis, who has served at four different colleges in her 22-year career, said the policy can undermine colleges’ equity efforts. Institutions must demand rigor, she said, and that’s why they have an “academic progress” requirement for all students that is distinct from SAP.

    But since SAP standards are sometimes stricter than the schools’ individual policies, Tangalakis said, low-income students “have to meet a higher standard simply because they have financial need.” The appeals process also often results in staff laying “a lot of unnecessary judgment” on students, she said, and may retraumatize students, who can be asked to prove hardships such as domestic violence.

    “Ultimately, it’s just a very powerful message that says you don’t belong here,” Tangalakis said.

    Two analyses place the number of students who don’t meet SAP requirements at more than 20 percent of aid recipients, with that share higher for community college students

    After taking on a senior role at Glendale, she made changes. Tangalakis instructed her team to assess SAP using the most liberal interpretation of the federal regulations and to handle appeals generously, allowing consideration of anything a student thinks relevant and accepting a statement completed online or via phone (rather than demanding documentation from third parties as some schools do).

    The result has been striking: According to Tangalakis, the share of students who lost aid for failing to make SAP fell from 9.3 percent in 2017 to 6.4 percent in 2021. And she found that students who failed SAP in 2021 went on to complete degrees and certificates at a significantly higher rate than those who’d failed in 2017. These gains were even larger for students from traditionally disadvantaged backgrounds. 

    Other research confirms SAP’s disparate impact along racial lines: In 2021, for example, JBAY found that Black students, Native American students and foster youth who received a Pell Grant ran afoul of SAP provisions at more than twice the rate of white, Filipino and Asian students.

    In theory, if students who “SAP-out” find another way to pay for college, they can requalify for aid if they improve academically. But for most students, that creates a Catch-22, Raucher said: They can’t re-enroll without financial aid, and they can’t get financial aid without re-enrolling. State aid that bypasses SAP status can springboard adults returning to college out of that Catch-22. But most don’t offer it.

    “Ultimately, it’s just a very powerful message that says you don’t belong here.”

    Christina Tangalakis, associate dean of financial aid at Glendale Community College in Southern California

    In practice, this means that students who fall short of SAP standards are significantly more likely to drop out. In the 2016 study of one unnamed community college system, for example, the majority of those who failed SAP, approximately 60 percent, dropped out. For many students, “there is no plan B,” Tangalakis said, and SAP is “just a de facto end to their academic journey a lot of times.”

    Even just receiving a SAP warning can produce that result: An analysis of data from Minnesota community colleges, for example, showed that only half of students who received a notice that they were in danger of failing to make SAP in the fall of 2013 tried to return that spring.

    That, it turns out, is what happened to Clews. The message she initially received from Ventura was a warning, not notice that she was already ineligible. A financial aid deposit for what would have been her second semester showed up in her bank account, but by then she’d left the area to try to find reliable shelter and employment. Of course, when she didn’t show up for those classes, she officially failed SAP. (The money was taken out of her tax refund.)

    Related: Is California saving higher education?

    Years later, the pandemic hit and Clews found herself in an unusual position – with free time. Yes, she was home-schooling two kids, but with restaurants and stores closed, she couldn’t work. She said she filed an appeal letter but couldn’t receive aid while it was pending. Normally, that would have meant no school, but like millions of Americans that year, Clews received pandemic stimulus checks from the federal government.

    After reenrolling with that money, her GPA shot up. Clews said, “I was doing really well, and I realized, ‘Oh, it wasn’t that I wasn’t smart enough, I just didn’t have the resources and the support that I needed to be successful.’ ”

    That jibes with a small 2021 interview study that did not detect a difference in motivation between Pell-eligible students who were meeting SAP and those who weren’t. The study suggests that students who fail SAP requirements often do so because their life circumstances are different, not because they’re less “cut out” to succeed academically. Other research shows that students who SAP-out stop pursuing a degree more often than their peers with similarly low GPAs who aren’t subject to SAP.

    “What SAP policies end up doing is targeting students who are coming in with the biggest existing barriers, and then doubling down,” said Raucher, whose organization helped develop the California SAP reform bill.

    That legislation, which passed unanimously, requires that colleges use the least stringent definition of SAP allowed by the federal regulations for state financial aid, in effect dictating how all aid is administered. It also encourages colleges to better communicate the policy to students and mandates changes to the appeal system, including creating a review process for denied appeals, and prohibits institutions from disenrolling a student for nonpayment of tuition while an appeal is pending.

    After graduating from Ventura College, Elizabeth Clews transferred to the University of California, Santa Cruz. She plans to become a teacher. Credit: Talia Herman for The Hechinger Report

    The federal legislation Booker, the Democratic senator, is expected to introduce would be similar to a bill he proposed in 2020, allowing a renewal of SAP eligibility when a student “stops out” for two years or more. The 2020 bill didn’t advance in Congress, but Booker may have a co-sponsor this time around, as talks with several Republican senators are in progress.

    “The satisfactory academic progress standard is not without its flaws,” said Virginia Foxx, a Republican congresswoman from North Carolina who serves as chairwoman of the House Committee on Education and the Workforce. “Senator Booker’s bill isn’t perfect, but I am always willing to find common ground to improve policies and outcomes for students.”

    In the meantime, organizations including JBAY and the national nonprofit Higher Learning Advocates have asked Education Secretary Miguel Cardona to encourage schools to make the appeals process more user-friendly, among other changes. Tanya Ang, managing director of Higher Learning Advocates, said reforming SAP has bipartisan support because eliminating “unnecessary hoops” for degree completion helps more people gain skills they can use in the workforce.  

    In theory, stringent SAP requirements tell students where they stand and force them to improve. But the 2016 study didn’t find that SAP policies had much of an incentivizing effect, on average.

    The message Clews received was the opposite: Don’t try. Because if at first you don’t succeed, there’s no chance to try, try again.

    In 2022, she completed her classwork at Ventura and transferred to the University of California, Santa Cruz. Clews plans to become a teacher. “I’m thankful to be where I’m at,” she said, “but I definitely feel like it shouldn’t have been so hard to get back to school.”

    This story about satisfactory academic progress was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn't mean it's free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

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  • PROOF POINTS: With dental care, shelter and adult ed, the pandemic prompted a shift in schools’ mission

    PROOF POINTS: With dental care, shelter and adult ed, the pandemic prompted a shift in schools’ mission

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    The Buena Vista Horace Mann K-8 Community School in San Francisco opened its gymnasium to homeless students and their families as part of its Stay Over Program in 2022. It is one example of the many community services that a majority of public schools are now providing, according to a federal survey. Credit: Marissa Leshnov for The Hechinger Report

    Much attention in the post-pandemic era has been on what students have lost – days of school, psychological health, knowledge and skills. But now we have evidence that they may also have gained something: schools that address more of their needs. A majority of public schools have begun providing services that are far afield from traditional academics, including healthcare, housing assistance, childcare and food aid. 

    In a Department of Education survey released in October 2023 of more than 1,300 public schools, 60 percent said they were partnering with community organizations to provide non-educational services. That’s up from 45 percent a year earlier in 2022, the first time the department surveyed schools about their involvement in these services. They include access to medical, dental, and mental health providers as well as social workers. Adult education is also often part of the package; the extras are not just for kids. 

    “It is a shift,” said Marguerite Roza, director of the Edunomics Lab at Georgetown University, where she tracks school spending. “We’ve seen partnering with the YMCA and with health groups for medical services and psychological evaluations.”

    Deeper involvement in the community started as an emergency response to the coronavirus pandemic. As schools shuttered their classrooms, many became hubs where families obtained food or internet access. Months later, many schools opened their doors to become vaccine centers. 

    New community alliances were further fueled by more than $200 billion in federal pandemic recovery funds that have flowed to schools. “Schools have a lot of money now and they’re trying to spend it down,” said Roza. Federal regulations encourage schools to spend recovery funds on nonprofit community services, and unspent funds will eventually be forfeited.

    The term “community school” generally refers to schools that provide a cluster of wraparound services under one roof. The hope is that students living in poverty will learn more if their basic needs are met. Schools that provide only one or two services are likely among the 60 percent of schools that said they were using a community school or wraparound services model, but they aren’t necessarily full-fledged community schools, Department of Education officials said.

    The wording of the question on the federal School Pulse Panel survey administered in August 2023 allowed for a broad interpretation of what it means to be a community school. The question posed to a sample of schools across all 50 states was this: “Does your school use a “community school” or “wraparound services” model? A community school or wraparound services model is when a school partners with other government agencies and/or local nonprofits to support and engage with the local community (e.g., providing mental and physical health care, nutrition, housing assistance, etc.).” 

    The most common service provided was mental health (66 percent of schools) followed by food assistance (55 percent). Less common were medical clinics and adult education, but many more schools said they were providing these services than in the past.

    A national survey of more than 1,300 public schools conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics indicates that a majority are providing a range of non-educational wraparound services to the community. Source: PowerPoint slide from an online briefing in October 2023 by the National Center for Education Statistics.

    The number of full-fledged community schools is also believed to be growing, according to education officials and researchers. Federal funding for community schools tripled during the pandemic to $75 million in 2021-22 from $25 million in 2019-20. According to the  education department, the federal community schools program now serves more than 700,000 students in about 250 school districts, but there are additional state and private funding sources too. 

    Whether it’s a good idea for most schools to expand their mission and adopt aspects of the community school model depends on one’s view of the purpose of school. Some argue that schools are taking on too many functions and should not attempt to create outposts for outside services. Others argue that strong community engagement is an important aspect of education and can improve daily attendance and learning. Research studies conducted before the pandemic have found that academic benefits from full-fledged community schools can take several years to materialize. It’s a big investment without an instant payoff.

    Meanwhile, it’s unclear whether schools will continue to embrace their expanded mission after federal pandemic funds expire in March 2026. That’s when the last payments to contractors and outside organizations for services rendered can be made. Contracts must be signed by September 2024.

    Edunomics’s Roza thinks many of these community services will be the first to go as schools face future budget cuts. But she also predicts that some will endure as schools raise money from state governments and philanthropies to continue popular programs.

    If that happens, it will be an example of another unexpected consequence of the pandemic. Even as pundits decry how the pandemic has eroded support for public education, it may have profoundly transformed the role of schools and made them even more vital.

    This story about wraparound services was written by Jill Barshay and produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

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    Jill Barshay

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  • Transit for toddlers: More bus stops needed near Head Start Centers

    Transit for toddlers: More bus stops needed near Head Start Centers

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    Editor’s note: This story led off this week’s Early Childhood newsletter, which is delivered free to subscribers’ inboxes every other Wednesday with trends and top stories about early learning. 

    Transportation to centers is one of the biggest barriers for families accessing Head Start programs, according to a survey from the National Head Start Association — distances that might be manageable for adults on their own can be insurmountable with a baby or toddler in tow.

    A new awareness campaign sponsored by the association, which represents Head Start providers, and a philanthropic group called the Civic Mapping Initiative, is hoping to ease that burden by encouraging local transit agencies to add bus stops closer to Head Start centers.

    As a kickoff to the effort, the Memphis Area Transit Authority added three bus stops to its existing routes to bring them closer to Head Start programs in the community.

    A lot of parents who send their children to the Porter-Leath Early Head Start programs in Memphis rely on families and friends to help them get there, said Sheronda Smith, director of Early Head Start at Porter-Leath and president of the Tennessee Head Start Association.

    Often when families can’t get a ride, their children simply don’t attend that day.

    “We have had families who we’ve had to place back on the waiting list because they make the decision that it’s too hard to get to the center,” Smith said.

    There are more than 16,400 Head Start centers across the United States that provide federally funded pre-K and school readiness programs for low-income families. About 42 percent of those programs are within 0.2 miles of public transit, or what the National Head Start Association considers a walkable distance for families with toddlers.

    Another 29 percent of centers are not near any public transit, or more than five miles away. It makes sense that some centers are far from transit because many Head Start programs serve rural areas, said Abigail Seldin, co-founder of the Civic Mapping Initiative.

    The rest of the nation’s centers, nearly 30 percent, fall somewhere in the middle: between 0.2 and five miles away from public transportation.

    The Head Start association and the mapping initiative are focusing their efforts on a smaller subset of those centers –- the 19 percent that have a bus stop within a mile of their location. Simply adding a bus stop can make the distance walkable for families with toddlers, Seldin said.

    “In those cases, the ask of a transit agency is to move a stop perhaps 2,000 feet,” Seldin said. “Anyone who has walked 1,000 feet with a toddler understands viscerally why this concept is so important and why these changes are essential.”

    In some of these areas, local transit authorities can add bus stops without significantly changing routes or adding to their costs. In Memphis, buses were driving right past the Head Start centers before the transit agency added three stops as part of this mapping campaign.

    “It’s a low-cost solution that makes a big difference for families and for early childcare workers who are commuting,” Seldin said.

    Smith, with the Porter-Leath program in Memphis, hopes the added stops will help stabilize attendance for students whose families don’t have reliable transportation.

    “Moving this closer to the centers and making it more accessible to them is important because now they don’t have to depend on someone else,” Smith said.

    This story about child care transportation was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

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    Ariel Gilreath

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  • Haiti bans charter flights to Nicaragua in blow to migrants fleeing poverty and violence

    Haiti bans charter flights to Nicaragua in blow to migrants fleeing poverty and violence

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    PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — Haiti’s government has banned all charter flights to Nicaragua that migrants fleeing poverty and violence had been increasingly using in their quest to reach the United States, according to a bulletin issued Monday that The Associated Press obtained.

    Haiti’s government did not provide an explanation for the decision in its bulletin, which was first reported by The Miami Herald. Civil aviation authorities in Haiti did not respond to a message seeking comment.

    The move left a couple of thousand angry and bewildered travelers stranded in a parking lot facing Haiti’s main international airport in the capital of Port-au-Prince surrounded by their luggage, with some holding babies.

    “I have to seek a better life elsewhere because Haiti doesn’t offer my generation anything,” said 29-year-old Jean-Marc Antoine. “It’s either hold a gun and be involved with a gang, be killed, or leave the country.”

    His brother in Chile had loaned him $4,000 for the plane ticket, and like many of the stranded people, he fretted about whether he would get his money back.

    Nearby, Marie-Ange Solomon, 58, said she had been calling the charter company repeatedly to no avail. She had paid $7,000 total to leave Haiti with her son.

    “After gathering money to get me and my son out of this fragile country, now all of a sudden they stop everything,” she said. “I thought I was going to be freed today.”

    Solomon kept an eye on their bags as her 28-year-old son ran to the airport repeatedly in case someone called their names.

    More than 260 flights departing Haiti and believed to have carried up to 31,000 migrants have landed in the Central American country of Nicaragua since early August as Haiti’s crisis deepens, with gangs estimated to now control up to 80% of Port-au-Prince. The number of migrants represent nearly 60% of all U.S.-Mexico border Haitian arrivals, said Manuel Orozco, director of the migration, remittances and development program at the Inter-American Dialogue.

    Experts have said that seats on charter flights to Nicaragua can range from $3,000 to $5,000, with Nicaragua a popular destination because it does not require visas for certain migrants.

    “The magnitude of the flights are just completely unusual … and it represents a security risk,” Orozco said in a phone interview.

    He questioned whether the suspension of the charter flights was prompted by outside pressure, adding that he did not know if the U.S. government was involved.

    Orozco noted that there were no charter flights from Port-au-Prince to Nicaragua last January and that the three daily flights that began in late July had grown to 11 flights a day.

    Nicaragua Vice President Rosario Murrillo did not respond to a request for comment on the change in Haitian policy. Some Nicaraguans had benefitted from the influx of migrants, offering them guide services to Honduras.

    The suspension of charter flights could prompt Haitian migrants to seek other ways to flee their country, he said.

    “I think Dominicans will probably at this point organize themselves or cross their fingers that there is not a cross-over,” Orozco said.

    The two countries share the island of Hispaniola, but are now in a dispute over construction of a canal in Haiti that would divert water from a river that runs along the border. Dominican President Luis Abinader announced last month that his government would stop issuing visas to Haitians and he closed the border to all Haitians seeking to cross for work, education, medical issues or other purposes.

    With another migration route popular with Haitians closing on Monday, frustration began to build among the stranded Haitians at the airport.

    “Can you imagine that I spent all this money? I sold everything that I had,” Jean Erode Louis-Saint, 25, whose flight was scheduled for mid-afternoon Monday but never received a boarding pass. “I cannot stay in this country because of the lack of security. Gangs are everywhere.”

    He used to work along the border that Haiti shares with the Dominican Republic exchanging currencies, but has struggled to find another job.

    “I cannot do anything in Haiti anymore,” he said as he stood with a backpack on his back surrounded by thousands of others.

    Many were reluctant to leave in case there was a sudden change in plans, but by late afternoon, the crowd began to thin out.

    Among them was 35-year-old Saint-Ville Etienne, a civil engineer who was hoping for a better life so he could care for the 14-year-old son he would have left behind.

    “Haiti is in a state of war among its own people,” he said. “I don’t know why they are fighting. It’s only causing everybody to leave the country.”

    ___

    Associated Press videographer Pierre-Richard Luxama in Port-au-Prince and AP writer Gabriela Selser in Mexico City contributed to this report. Coto reported from San Juan, Puerto Rico.

    ___

    Follow AP’s global migration coverage at https://apnews.com/hub/migration

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  • OPINION: Historically underserved school districts in Mississippi were hit hard in the pandemic and need immediate help   – The Hechinger Report

    OPINION: Historically underserved school districts in Mississippi were hit hard in the pandemic and need immediate help   – The Hechinger Report

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    In the heart of the Deep South, Mississippi has wrestled with enduring educational disparities, a profoundly rooted challenge passed down through generations.

    The pandemic exacerbated preexisting funding inequities for high-need, under-resourced school districts, a longstanding challenge for the Magnolia State. Evidence of this persistent struggle is the distressing fact that 32 school districts remain under federal desegregation orders.

    To delve deeper into how chronically under-resourced schools fared during the pandemic, the Mississippi Center for Justice (MCJ) spent over a year conducting parent focus groups and examining educational testing data in 12 predominantly Black and economically disadvantaged communities in the rural Delta, the northwestern section of the state, one of the poorest regions in the U.S.

    Sadly, what we discovered was not surprising. Mississippi’s past, marked by a legacy of racial segregation and educational inequality, continues to cast a long shadow on its present and future.

    Our extensive work at MCJ culminated in a report that showcased an unsettling reality: Affordability and availability are formidable barriers to internet access, while reading and math proficiency rates are significantly below the state averages in grades 3-8. In addition, special education programs and staff remain woefully under-resourced, while access to mental health professionals and support is often limited or, in some cases, entirely nonexistent. Past excuses by the state to avoid addressing these disparities are no longer acceptable.

    It is past time for lawmakers to make education in Mississippi a priority for all students.

    These issues, among others, further widen the chasm between the haves and have-nots in Mississippi and are creating a new generation of students failed by the system. The evidence of this gap is glaring according to the School Finance Indicators Database.

    Spending in Mississippi’s highest-poverty districts is 55 percent below the estimated “adequate” level and 18 percent below adequate in the state’s wealthiest districts, according to the Database.

    A significant challenge for Delta communities is the ever-growing digital divide. During the pandemic, students in better-resourced school districts had greater access to high-speed internet connections for a relatively seamless transition to remote learning, while students throughout the Delta struggled with internet accessibility, which contributed to significant learning loss.

    While most students across the state received devices for virtual learning, many couldn’t use them due to poor, limited or no internet access. Our report found that this left them at a severe disadvantage.

    Related: Homework in a McDonald’s parking lot: Inside one mother’s fight to help her kids get an education during coronavirus

    Mississippi has one of the largest populations of K-12 students who lack broadband access; its sparsely populated rural communities are often redlined by internet service providers, leaving them grossly unserved or underserved. But it’s not just a Mississippi trend. According to a national study of the Black Rural South, nearly three-quarters, or 72.6 percent, of households in the Black Rural South do not have broadband of at least 25 Mbps — the minimum standard for broadband internet.

    Compounding these challenges is the stark lack of access to mental health care, a formidable barrier for Mississippi students. According to our report, while parents described the immense toll the pandemic had on their family’s mental health, few of them sought help or had access to mental health professionals. Over 70 percent of children in Mississippi with major depression disorder do not receive treatment, surpassing the national average of 60 percent.

    Unfortunately, the pandemic exacerbated this issue, with many students grappling with losing loved ones, economic instability and the social isolation imposed by remote learning. The student-to-counselor ratio in Mississippi is 398 to 1, almost 60 percent higher than the American School Counselor Association recommendation of 250 to 1, according to an analysis done by Charlie Health.

    Our report also found that students with disabilities were acutely affected during the pandemic. Although Covid guidelines mandated compliance with the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, many districts consistently failed to support students and their parents.

    Mississippi now confronts a moral imperative to fortify its historically underserved school districts, especially those most severely impacted by the pandemic. With a $3.9 billion surplus of state revenue in 2023, legislators finally have the means to fully fund the Mississippi Adequate Education Program (MAEP) for the first time since 2008. Yet they have chosen not to do so during a time when schools need investment and support the most.

    Related: OPINION: Lessons from Mississippi: Is there really a miracle here we can all learn from?

    It is past time for lawmakers to make education in Mississippi a priority for all students, especially those in historically under-resourced districts. The state must begin investing in education to overcome historical inequities and post-pandemic challenges. This is the only viable path toward dismantling the systemic barriers that have perpetuated disparities for far too long.

    Until then, Mississippi’s commitment to the well-being and success of all its residents, regardless of their ZIP code, will remain in question.

    The time for unwavering action is now.

    Kim L. Wiley is a former educator who serves as the Education Analyst & Project Coordinator for the Mississippi Center for Justice, a nonprofit, public-interest law firm committed to advancing racial and economic justice.

    This story about Mississippi education inequality was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Hechinger’s newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

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  • OPINION: We need targeted funding for racial equity in our public schools. California may have some lessons for all of us

    OPINION: We need targeted funding for racial equity in our public schools. California may have some lessons for all of us

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    House Republicans recently returned to one of their favorite targets for spending cuts: the country’s most vulnerable youth and the schools that serve them. Their plan would represent a major setback to efforts to achieve racial equity in our nation’s public schools.

    During the latest battle over preventing a government shutdown, Republicans called for cutting Title 1 education grants earmarked for low-income students by 80 percent, which would mean a loss of nearly $15 billion in funding for schools with sizeable populations of these students, disproportionately affecting schools that serve more children of color.

    We already see this racial logic playing out in the efforts of red states to use school funding as a political football. In Tennessee, the house speaker and lieutenant governor have teamed up to explore rejecting federal education funds altogether. They hope to shirk federal oversight on matters related to inequality, including civil rights protections based on race.

    Given the patterns in funding schemes across the country, it is clear that we need to set aside targeted school funding on both the state and local levels with the express purpose of remedying injustices inflicted upon particular groups of students.

    Yet the reality is that government funding decisions about education have long been a way to install and preserve racial inequality in our society. And since these inequalities have origins in funding malpractice, to remedy them, the government must use targeted funding for racial equity going forward.

    Related: ‘Kids who have less, need more’: The fight over school funding

    School funding stems from three major sources: federal, state and local. Looking at average breakdowns from recent data, we see that U.S. schools receive about 47 percent of their funds from their state government, 45 percent from local and 8 percent from federal.

    This means that states and districts can counteract any proposed federal cuts with concerted efforts to reinvest in vulnerable youth. But even states with Democratic leadership have struggled to do so.

    For example, in Pennsylvania, where I call home, the state’s funding scheme has been found unconstitutional for providing inadequate and unequal funding. Recent investigations have revealed how damaging the effects of this system have been on districts where a majority of students are students of color; one study, from the advocacy group The Education Trust, found that “districts with the most students of color on average receive substantially less (16 percent) state and local revenue than districts with the fewest students of color, equating to approximately $13.5 million for a 5,000-student district.”

    Related: OPINION: Pennsylvania’s school funding is a case study in the future of inequality

    The state of California, and its largest city, Los Angeles, however, have initiated thoughtful and large-scale efforts to right the wrongs of governments past. California’s funding formula and Los Angeles’ program to holistically support Black students are both concrete efforts to tinker with school funding to move towardequity, rather than away from it. In a nutshell, these programs exemplify meaningful, targeted investments in marginalized populations and represent a significant course reversal from much of United States history.

    Though these two programs in California have flaws, which I detail below, there are real lessons that leaders across the country can glean from them in order to make real, lasting change in their own locales.

    I spent the previous five years in California training teachers and studying school improvement. This year, we are arriving at the 10th anniversary of the state’s Local Control Funding Formula, which changed how schools were funded and allows for greater flexibility in how local education agencies meet the needs of three targeted student populations: low-income, foster youth and English learners.

    These programs exemplify meaningful, targeted investments in marginalized populations and represent a significant course reversal from much of United States history.

    Results so far include a demonstrable gain in test scores for these “high-need” students, including a 13 percentage point increase in the number of students meeting or exceeding standards on state tests in districts where 95 percent of students are high-need.

    These numbers could have been even higher, however, had there been greater compliance at the district level. The same report noted that roughly 60 percent of districts reported spending “less money on high-need students than they were allocated for these students. Nearly 20 percent spent about half or less.”

    Further, advocates argue that California’s funding formula does not do enough to target the needs of Black students in the state, who continue to face an accumulation of disadvantages both in and out of school. This was one impetus for even more targeted funding in California’s largest district: Los Angeles Unified.

    In February 2021, Los Angeles approved a reform initiative known as the Black Student Achievement Plan. This plan set out to address rampant racial disparities in the district, pulling together $36.5 million in funds from the school police department budget and the district’s general fund.

    The money went toward many important endeavors, including reforms of school discipline and curriculums and hiring support staff such as counselors, school climate coaches and nurses.

    Additional resources were provided according to need, with schools serving the highest number of Black students also receiving psychiatric social workers, attendance counselors and funding for restorative justice programs.

    Early data found some notable gains, including increases in graduation rates, completion of courses required for admission to California State universities, enrollment in Advanced Placement courses and attendance. These successes, while modest, provide evidence that targeted funding for Black students can improve how schools serve them.

    But the problems with LA’s program are also instructive. An April report found that, similar to the deployment of the state funding formula, nearly 40 percent of the allocated funds were not used after the first year of the program, while the rollout and follow-through varied greatly across school campuses.

    Those findings were later corroborated by an ongoing evaluation study, which noted that several LA schools dealt with unfilled positions related to the Black Student Achievement Plan while others tended to overwhelm program staff with responsibilities beyond their job descriptions.

    These struggles show how, to fulfill their promise, programs like California’s targeted funding formula and Los Angeles’ plan for Black students must: (1) hire appropriate numbers of staff with clear job responsibilities, (2) communicate actively with communities about the purpose of the funds, (3) check-in regularly with schools to keep track of the funds they have left to spend and (4) consistently support the educators making use of the funds.

    While there will certainly be differences in state policies, school district size and budgets, more states and districts should heed the lessons, both good and bad, from California.

    Given how much pressure we collectively put on schools to improve society, setting aside specific funds for programs to support the most systematically disadvantaged students constitutes an educational imperative. These important California models can pave a path forward with more explicit commitments to racial justice.

     Julio Ángel Alicea is an assistant professor of sociology at Rutgers University-Camden. A former public school teacher, his research interests include race, urban education and organizational change.

    This story about equitable school funding was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Hechinger’s newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

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    Julio Ángel Alicea

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  • Rising poverty grips Argentina as runaway inflation takes its toll

    Rising poverty grips Argentina as runaway inflation takes its toll

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    BUENOS AIRES, Argentina — With tired faces, residents of a homeless shelter in Argentina’s capital pass through the main entrance and line up to receive a hot drink and a slice of cake for an afternoon snack.

    Places like the Bepo Ghezzi Social Inclusion Center in the Parque Patricios neighborhood of Buenos Aires have seen demand soar as more people are struggling to make ends meet amid an annual inflation rate above 100%.

    The portion of Argentines living in poverty reached 40.1% in the first six months of the year, according to figures released Wednesday by the government’s INDEC statistics agency. That is up from 39.2% in the second half of 2022.

    “I was renting, and it increased. I couldn’t afford it,” said Lionel Pais, 37, who arrived at the shelter three weeks ago, just after the government devalued the Argentine peso almost 20%, setting off another surge in prices. “These sudden increases that occurred, the economic situation in the country, don’t allow me to cover basic expenses.”

    For much of the 20th century, Argentina showed a social mobility dynamic that gave rise to a large middle class and made the country stand out in the region. But the good times derailed, and poverty has remained firmly above 25% the last two decades as the South American country stays mired in economic malaise. Prices soared 124.4% during the 12-month period through Aug. 31.

    Sebastián Boned, 26, found himself calling the assistance hotline for people experiencing homelessness when his wages as a hotel receptionist no longer allowed him to cover the 80,000 pesos ($218) he paid to live in a boarding house.

    “It’s a peaceful place,” he said of the shelter.

    But the clock for Boned, and all of the shelter’s other residents, is ticking. These shelters guarantee housing for only three months. During that time, residents are given guidance on finding work and applying for a subsidy to help them with their rent.

    “Most of them tell you their salary doesn’t cover their needs,” said Mercedes Vucassovich, a social worker who runs the Bepo Ghezzi center.

    The median monthly income in Argentina was 87,310 pesos ($237) during the second quarter of the year, according to INDEC. A typical family needs more than 280,000 pesos ($765) to stay out of poverty.

    In Morón, a suburb west of the capital, María de los Ángeles García and Adrián Viñas Coronel, along with their five children aged 3 months to 13 years, are renting a makeshift dwelling in a low-income neighborhood after spending six months on the streets. With an address, they can enroll their children in a public school.

    Their only fixed income is about 90,000 pesos ($245) a month in social assistance, of which they have to allocate 25% to rent.

    “We have to work all day on the street because we don’t have enough for food nor diapers for the kids,” said García, 31.

    Over the past few weeks, Economy Minister Sergio Massa, who is running for president, has unveiled a series of measures to try to help Argentines who have seen their purchasing power decimated. Most recently, he said those who are not formally employed and not already getting any form of welfare will receive 94,000 pesos ($256) divided into two monthly payments, in October and November.

    The measures come as Massa is trying to gain ground on right-wing populist Javier Milei, who leads in opinion polls ahead of the Oct. 22 presidential election. He says he will turn to dollarization to end inflation.

    García and her family receive some help through the Corazon Azul NGO, which provides snacks, medical assistance and donations of goods to vulnerable people in the area.

    Among them is Alejandro Heredia, 53, who sleeps on trains and collects cans to sell for recycling.

    “When you think you’re in a bad situation, it always gets worse than it already was,” he said. “We’ve been like this for 40 years, and there have been several governments.”

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  • Rising poverty grips Argentina as runaway inflation takes its toll

    Rising poverty grips Argentina as runaway inflation takes its toll

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    BUENOS AIRES, Argentina — With tired faces, residents of a homeless shelter in Argentina’s capital pass through the main entrance and line up to receive a hot drink and a slice of cake for an afternoon snack.

    Places like the Bepo Ghezzi Social Inclusion Center in the Parque Patricios neighborhood of Buenos Aires have seen demand soar as more people are struggling to make ends meet amid an annual inflation rate above 100%.

    The portion of Argentines living in poverty reached 40.1% in the first six months of the year, according to figures released Wednesday by the government’s INDEC statistics agency. That is up from 39.2% in the second half of 2022.

    “I was renting, and it increased. I couldn’t afford it,” said Lionel Pais, 37, who arrived at the shelter three weeks ago, just after the government devalued the Argentine peso almost 20%, setting off another surge in prices. “These sudden increases that occurred, the economic situation in the country, don’t allow me to cover basic expenses.”

    For much of the 20th century, Argentina showed a social mobility dynamic that gave rise to a large middle class and made the country stand out in the region. But the good times derailed, and poverty has remained firmly above 25% the last two decades as the South American country stays mired in economic malaise. Prices soared 124.4% during the 12-month period through Aug. 31.

    Sebastián Boned, 26, found himself calling the assistance hotline for people experiencing homelessness when his wages as a hotel receptionist no longer allowed him to cover the 80,000 pesos ($218) he paid to live in a boarding house.

    “It’s a peaceful place,” he said of the shelter.

    But the clock for Boned, and all of the shelter’s other residents, is ticking. These shelters guarantee housing for only three months. During that time, residents are given guidance on finding work and applying for a subsidy to help them with their rent.

    “Most of them tell you their salary doesn’t cover their needs,” said Mercedes Vucassovich, a social worker who runs the Bepo Ghezzi center.

    The median monthly income in Argentina was 87,310 pesos ($237) during the second quarter of the year, according to INDEC. A typical family needs more than 280,000 pesos ($765) to stay out of poverty.

    In Morón, a suburb west of the capital, María de los Ángeles García and Adrián Viñas Coronel, along with their five children aged 3 months to 13 years, are renting a makeshift dwelling in a low-income neighborhood after spending six months on the streets. With an address, they can enroll their children in a public school.

    Their only fixed income is about 90,000 pesos ($245) a month in social assistance, of which they have to allocate 25% to rent.

    “We have to work all day on the street because we don’t have enough for food nor diapers for the kids,” said García, 31.

    Over the past few weeks, Economy Minister Sergio Massa, who is running for president, has unveiled a series of measures to try to help Argentines who have seen their purchasing power decimated. Most recently, he said those who are not formally employed and not already getting any form of welfare will receive 94,000 pesos ($256) divided into two monthly payments, in October and November.

    The measures come as Massa is trying to gain ground on right-wing populist Javier Milei, who leads in opinion polls ahead of the Oct. 22 presidential election. He says he will turn to dollarization to end inflation.

    García and her family receive some help through the Corazon Azul NGO, which provides snacks, medical assistance and donations of goods to vulnerable people in the area.

    Among them is Alejandro Heredia, 53, who sleeps on trains and collects cans to sell for recycling.

    “When you think you’re in a bad situation, it always gets worse than it already was,” he said. “We’ve been like this for 40 years, and there have been several governments.”

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  • Ukraine is the spotlight at UN leaders’ gathering

    Ukraine is the spotlight at UN leaders’ gathering

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    UNITED NATIONS — The war in Ukraine and its visiting president take center stage at the United Nations this week, but developing countries will be vying for the spotlight as well as they push for faster action on poverty and inequality at the first full-on meeting of world leaders since the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted travel three years ago.

    The annual meeting at the U.N. General Assembly takes place at a polarizing and divisive juncture in history — the most fraught and dangerous since the Cold War, according to many analysts and diplomats.

    They point to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, which upended already difficult relations among major powers as well as the ongoing impact of the pandemic, high food prices, the worsening climate emergency, escalating conflicts, and the world’s failure to tackle poverty, hunger and gender inequality.

    For developing countries, the top priority is the U.N.’s two-day summit starting Monday aimed at generating action by world leaders to achieve 17 wide-ranging and badly lagging global goals by 2030. In addition to ending extreme poverty and hunger, the goals include ensuring quality secondary education for all children, achieving gender equality and taking urgent action to combat climate change. At current rates, not a single one will be achieved.

    High-level meetings on issues including pandemic prevention and universal health care are also on tap.

    “We find ourselves at a critical juncture in human history,” former Liberian president and Nobel peace laureate Ellen Johnson Sirleaf said last week.

    When the annual high-level meeting of the 193-member General Assembly begins Tuesday, presidents, prime ministers and monarchs from 145 countries are scheduled to speak, a very high number that reflects the multitude of global crises and lack of action.

    For the first time in years, U.S. President Joe Biden will be the only leader from the five powerful veto-wielding nations on the U.N. Security Council attending in person. This has sparked private grumbling from developing-country diplomats that key global players won’t be listening to their demands, which need billions of dollars to implement.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping attended last month’s Johannesburg summit of the BRICS bloc of developing economies — Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Russian President Vladimir Putin, sought by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Ukraine, didn’t go to South Africa and isn’t coming to New York. French President Emmanuel Macron, who attended last year, opted out to host Britain’s King Charles in Paris next week, and Rishi Sunak will be the first British prime minister to skip the General Assembly in a decade, officially due to a busy schedule.

    U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres told reporters last week that he didn’t think a leader’s presence “is more relevant or less relevant.” What counts, he said, is whether their government is prepared to make commitments on the U.N. goals and many other issues during the week. “So this is not a vanity fair,” he said.

    Richard Gowan, U.N. director of the International Crisis Group, said that after the recent meeting in New Delhi of the Group of 20 major economic powers, “for some European leaders right now there is not a lot of political capital in going to big summits, and you need to be seen at home a lot more.”

    He called the situation at the United Nations “bleak,” saying “it feels like we are a lot closer to a cliff edge in U.N. diplomacy” than a year ago. “Major power tensions are having a more and more serious effect on the organization,” he said.

    With the four leaders sending lower-ranking ministers, Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is certain to grab even more attention, with the war in its 19th month and no end in sight. Biden, who speaks Tuesday, will also be closely watched for U.S. views on Ukraine, China and Russia.

    Zelenskyy also addresses the assembly Tuesday and will attend a Security Council meeting Wednesday on Ukraine focusing on the principles of the U.N. Charter, which require every country to respect others’ sovereignty and territorial integrity. The meeting could create the unique spectacle of placing Zelenskyy and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in the same room.

    Underlying the entire week is the prospect that the very reason for the United Nations’ existence — to bring countries together to foster peace and security — is becoming more difficult because of divisions between the West, Russia and China, and the rise of regional and like-minded groups that are creating a multipolar world.

    Guterres, who will deliver his state-of-the-world address at Tuesday’s opening of what is called the General Debate, says he will tell world leaders that now is not a time for “posturing or positioning,” or for “indifference or indecision.”

    “This is a time to come together for real, practical solutions,” the U.N. chief said. “It is time for compromise for a better tomorrow.”

    Guterres, who says the Ukraine war has aggravated divisions, said the current shift to a fragmented “multipolar world” isn’t going to solve the planet’s myriad issues.

    At the same time, he argues that the multilateral institutions established after World War II — the United Nations and its powerful Security Council, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund — are outdated and need reform “to make them more fair and more equitable, and more representative of the world today.”

    Recently published IMF research found that if the world fractured into different economic, financial and trade systems, “the loss is of around $7 trillion annually,” Guterres said, making it crucial to have one global economy and agreement on how to govern “disruptive technologies like artificial intelligence.”

    Switzerland’s U.N. ambassador, Pascale Baeriswyl, said the summit on the 17 U.N. goals is the most important event this week apart from one-on-one meetings between world leaders. She expressed concern that with so many crises, it may be difficult to generate enough attention and political will to find solutions.

    Gowan said Zelensky’s visit to New York is an opportunity for him to engage leaders from the global South and others he hasn’t met. But Gowan said there is growing pressure for a diplomatic solution to the war, and if Zelenskyy says that “this is not a moment for diplomacy” and insists Ukraine has to fight on, “I think he will get a lot of pushback.”

    Guterres was asked how to keep the focus broader than only Ukraine and emphasize the U.N. goals. “We don’t want to have only one spotlight,” he replied. “We have the possibility, like in several theaters, to have different spotlights.”

    ___

    Edith M. Lederer, chief U.N. correspondent for The Associated Press, has been covering international affairs for more than 50 years.

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  • There’s A Real Crisis The Biden Impeachment News Distracted From — And It’s Even Worse Than It Looks

    There’s A Real Crisis The Biden Impeachment News Distracted From — And It’s Even Worse Than It Looks

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    We’ve spent a lot of time this week talking about Hunter Biden and impeachment, which is fair enough. I just wish we’d found more time to discuss another story, because it painted an alarming picture of what’s happening to millions of low-income Americans ― and made it very clear which party’s leaders want to do something about it.

    I’m talking about the annual U.S. Census Bureau report on income and health insurance, which came out Tuesday and which my colleague Jonathan Nicholson summarized for HuffPost. The report found that the country’s poverty rate jumped from 7.8% in 2021 to 12.4% last year ― and that the poverty rate among children, specifically, rose even more dramatically, from 5.2% to 12.4%.

    To put it another way, last year more than 1 in 8 American kids were living in a household struggling to pay for food, shelter, transportation and other essentials. Just a year before, fewer than half as many kids were in that position.

    Of course, none of this was a surprise. In 2020 and 2021, poverty fell dramatically, with poverty among children hitting record lows. The reason was the extra income support that the federal government had provided as part of its efforts to get families ― and the U.S. economy ― through the disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    President Joe Biden and Democratic leaders wanted to make permanent a temporary subsidy for families with children. But Republicans wouldn’t support the proposal, and neither would Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.). That was enough to keep the proposal from passing.

    John Tully for The Washington Post via Getty Images

    A key element of that support was the child tax credit that provided families with up to $300 a month per child from July through December 2021. The credit was part of the American Rescue Plan, which President Joe Biden and congressional Democrats enacted shortly after he took office.

    Biden and his allies had hoped to make the temporary measure permanent. But they couldn’t get the votes. Republicans wouldn’t support it, which left the proposal’s fate in the hands of the Senate’s most conservative Democrat, Joe Manchin of West Virginia. Manchin blanched at the credit’s impact on the federal budget, and expressed concern that low-income families would use the money to buy drugs.

    In reality, as the data showed, low-income Americans were using the money mainly to pay for necessities. Now, with the assistance gone, they are back to paying more for those necessities ― or not getting them at all. Which is to say, they’re back in poverty.

    It’s a disheartening, devastating story. And it’s not the last time we’re going to hear a version of it.

    Coming Next: More Uninsured Americans

    As usual, the annual Census report also included statistics on health insurance coverage. In 2022, just 8.3% of Americans had no insurance. That’s the lowest share ever recorded, which is great.

    But a big reason for that was another pandemic relief measure ― a federally imposed suspension of states’ requirements that Medicaid recipients reconfirm their eligibility for the program. That suspension ended earlier this year, which means states have started up the eligibility verification process again.

    “What we’ve proved is that poverty for children in America is not some accident. It’s a policy choice.”

    – Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.)

    So far, nearly 6.5 million Medicaid recipients have lost coverage through this process, according to a running tally the health research organization KFF is keeping. A large number of these people are losing coverage for “procedural” reasons, meaning they might still be eligible for Medicaid and are only losing coverage because they got stuck or lost in the bureaucratic process of showing they still qualify.

    As a result, next year’s figures are likely to show an increase ― quite possibly a substantial one ― in the number of uninsured Americans. And based on the data about exactly who is losing Medicaid for procedural reasons, experts like Georgetown University research Professor Joan Alker are predicting that increase could include several million children.

    So not only would something like 1 in 8 kids be living in poverty, but a great many of them wouldn’t have health insurance, either.

    Proponents of aggressive cuts argue that Medicaid rolls currently include lots of people who have found alternative sources of insurance. That’s true. But it’s also true that many states make demonstrating Medicaid eligibility difficult, in order to minimize enrollment, and have been doing so for a long time. It’s among the reasons so many Americans have remained uninsured even with programs like the Affordable Care Act in place.

    A Glimpse Of What Might Have Been

    In a sense, the pandemic-era suspension of Medicaid disenrollments functioned a lot like the temporary tax credit for children: It strengthened the safety net, so that Americans were getting the kind of support their Western European counterparts have received from their governments for a long time.

    And while maintaining those pandemic measures required more government spending ― which is what so bothered Manchin and the Republicans ― it also achieved what it was supposed to achieve. Fewer families had to go hungry or without housing. More of them got health care. Kids especially stood to benefit, given all the data that links reliable food, shelter and health insurance to future emotional, intellectual and physical well-being.

    That impact doesn’t seem to have registered with most Republicans, who have been pushing for tax cuts that would make it even harder to fund income support programs ― and who, preoccupied with their impeachment inquiry into Biden, had little to say about the poverty numbers this week.

    Their Democratic counterparts certainly noticed ― although, absent the votes to do something about it, all they could do was point out the irony.

    “We have now proved something pretty phenomenal and at the same time, pretty obscene,” Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) said this week. “What we’ve proved is that poverty for children in America is not some accident. It’s a policy choice.”

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  • Suriname prepares for its first offshore oil project that is expected to ease deep poverty

    Suriname prepares for its first offshore oil project that is expected to ease deep poverty

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    Suriname for the first time in its history will see offshore oil drilling in its waters after French company TotalEnergies announces a $9 billion project expected to boost the impoverished country’s economy and ease austerity measures imposed by the In…

    ByGEROLD ROZENBLAD Associated Press

    September 13, 2023, 5:13 PM

    PARAMARIBO, Suriname — Suriname for the first time in its history will see offshore oil drilling in its waters after French company TotalEnergies on Wednesday announced a $9 billion project expected to boost the impoverished country’s economy and ease austerity measures imposed by the International Monetary Fund.

    CEO Patrick Pouyanné said previous exploration suggests the two sites where the company would drill could yield close to 700 million barrels, with first production expected by late 2028. TotalEnergies is the operator of the oil block and equal partner with Texas-based APA Corp., an energy company.

    The announcement was celebrated by Suriname President Chan Santokhi, who pledged that the people of the South American country would benefit from the investment.

    “Suriname is going through a challenging economic period,” he said. “This announcement provides the much-needed outlook toward positive developments for our nation.”

    About 70% of the country’s roughly 640,000 inhabitants live below the poverty line and are struggling with an inflation rate that has risen 60% in the past year.

    In February, protesters stormed Suriname’s Parliament to decry the end of government subsidies that sparked a rise in the cost of power, fuel and water. Demonstrators in March once again took to the streets and demanded that Santokhi resign.

    Annand Jagesar, CEO of the state-owned Staatsolie oil company that produces some 17,000 barrels a day from on-shore drilling, praised the upcoming deep-water project.

    “This development, aided by good governance, should lift Suriname to a stage where poverty is totally eradicated,” he said.

    Pouyanné said the company expects to extract some 200,000 barrels of oil a day.

    “TotalEnergies is committed to the authorities of Suriname to develop this project in a responsible manner, both by ensuring benefits in terms of job creation and economic activities for Suriname and by using the best available technologies to minimize greenhouse gas emissions,” the company said in a statement.

    The waters off Suriname and neighboring Guyana are believed to be rich in gas and oil deposits.

    Guyana, which has become one of world’s biggest offshore oil producers, opened bids for additional oil blocks late Tuesday.

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  • Child poverty in the US jumped and income declined in 2022 as coronavirus pandemic benefits ended

    Child poverty in the US jumped and income declined in 2022 as coronavirus pandemic benefits ended

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    Child poverty in the United States more than doubled and median household income declined last year when coronavirus pandemic-era government benefits expired and inflation kept rising, according to figures released Tuesday by the U.S. Census Bureau.

    At the same time, the official poverty rate for Black Americans dropped to its lowest level on record and income inequality declined for the first time since 2007 when looking at pre-tax income. However, income inequality increased when using after-tax income, another result of the end of pandemic-era tax credits, according to Census Bureau reports on income, poverty and health insurance.

    The reports reflected the sometimes-conflicting factors last year buffeting U.S. households, which faced a robust jobs market, with the number of full-time workers increasing year-over-year, but also rising inflation and the end of pandemic-era stimulus benefits.

    In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the federal government expanded the child tax credit and sent payments to people who had suffered from the pandemic, lowering poverty measures in 2021. The expansion of the child tax credit expired at the end of 2021, and other pandemic-related benefits have expired within the past year.

    As a result, the supplemental poverty measure rate for children jumped 7.2 percentage points to 12.4% in 2022, according to the Census Bureau.

    “This represents a return to child poverty levels prior to the pandemic,” Liana Fox, an assistant division chief at the Census Bureau, said during a news conference. “We did see the child tax credit had a substantial decrease in child poverty.”

    In a statement, President Joe Biden blamed congressional Republicans for failing to extend the enhanced child tax credit and vowed to restore it.

    “The rise reported today in child poverty is no accident,” said Biden, a Democrat.

    The median household income in 2022 was $74,580, a decline of 2.3% from 2021. Asian Americans had the highest median household income, at almost $109,000, while Black Americans had the lowest, at about $53,000.

    The official poverty rate was 11.5%, and for Black Americans it was 17.1%, the lowest on record. The supplemental poverty measure was 12.4%, an increase of 4.6 percentage points from 2021.

    The U.S. Census Bureau releases two poverty measures. The official poverty measure is based on cash resources. The supplemental poverty measure includes both cash and noncash benefits and subtracts necessary expenses such as taxes and medical expenses.

    The rate of people lacking health insurance dropped almost half a percentage point to 7.9%, and it declined for people in all age groups except those who were age 18 or younger, according to the Census Bureau.

    ___

    Follow Mike Schneider on X @MikeSchneiderAP.

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  • MLK’s dream for America is one of the stars of the 60th anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington

    MLK’s dream for America is one of the stars of the 60th anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington

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    WASHINGTON — The last part of the speech took less time to deliver than it takes to boil an egg, but “I Have A Dream” is one of American history’s most famous orations and most inspiring.

    On Aug. 28, 1963, from the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, Martin Luther King Jr. began by speaking of poverty, segregation and discrimination and how the United States had reneged on its promise of equality for Black Americans. If anyone remembers that dystopian beginning, they don’t talk about it.

    What is etched into people’s memory is the pastoral flourish that marked the last five minutes and presented a soaring vision of what the nation might be and the freedom that equality for all could bring.

    As participants prepare to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, that five-minute piece of King’s 16-minute address is the star of that day and today it is the measuring stick of the country’s progress.

    How did that memorable moment come to be? Were there other speakers?

    King was one of several prominent figures speaking to the many tens of thousands gathered on the National Mall that summer day. Others included A. Phillip Randolph, the march director and founder of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; Roy Wilkins, the NAACP’s executive secretary; Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers; and John Lewis, a 23-year-old who led the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and later was a longtime congressman.

    There were memorable moments before King spoke.

    Eleanor Holmes Norton, who today is the District of Columbia’s veteran nonvoting delegate to Congress, was a SNCC member who helped organize the march. She remembers that march leaders got Lewis to tone down his planned speech because of concern it was too inflammatory. “He had phrases in there about, for example, Sherman marching through Georgia,” Norton said, a reference to Union Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman burning most of Atlanta during the Civil War. “So we had to work with the leaders of the march to change a little bit of that rhetoric.”

    King had no peer at the microphone, she said, acknowledging she does not remember now what others may have said. “I’m afraid that Martin Luther King’s speech drowned out everything. It was so eloquent that it kind of surpassed every other speech.”

    Did King deliver the speech off the cuff?

    The first two-thirds were from written text. The actual speech he used is on loan now at the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, in the “Defending Freedom, Defining Freedom” gallery of the museum, and shows where he broke script.

    King lieutenant Andrew Young said in an interview that he worked with King preparing the text and “none of the things that we remember were in his speech. They didn’t give him but nine minutes and he was trying to write a nine-minute speech.”

    A King biographer, Jonathan Eig, said King hit the end of his written remarks and kept going because “he was Martin Luther King” and “it was time to do what he loved to do best, and that’s to give a sermon.”

    Had King talked about a dream before?

    Although he set the text aside, his deviation was not extemporaneous in the truest since of the word.

    Eight months before the March on Washington, King gave an address in Rocky Mount, North Carolina, with similar themes, including a dream.

    In June 1963, King spoke in Detroit and opened with the same recognition of Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation before noting that 100 years later, Black people in the U.S. were not free. He talked of the circumstances and sense of urgency but then moved into what he said was a “dream deeply rooted in the American dream.”

    The speech mirrored points he would speak of two months later.

    Although King used the theme on several occasions “he always made it sound fresh. That’s kind of how he operated,” said Keith Miller, an Arizona State professor who has studied and written extensively about King’s speeches and addresses.

    Legend has it that renowned gospel singer Mahalia Jackson prompted King to make the addition?

    Whether Jackson was the catalyst or cheered him on after he started, King did not initially intend to speak about a dream and Jackson did say, “Tell them about the dream Martin.” Whatever the close sequence, the two are intertwined now in that moment.

    Young said the speech “wasn’t going too well, but everybody was polite listening. But then Mahalia Jackson said, ‘Tell them about the dream Martin’ and he must have heard it or it was in his spirit any way and he took off.”

    Arndrea Waters King, King’s daughter-in-law, said Jackson’s suggestion was the moment “that he just really broke out and really started to deliver, if nothing else, what most people remember when they remember the dream.”

    Eig, author of “King: A Life,” said he has listened to the master tape made by Motown and she clearly pushes King about the dream, “but it’s only after he has already begun the dream portion of the speech.” Norton, who was nearby and heard Jackson, agrees that was the sequence.

    How important was the march to the steps toward equality in the 1960s?

    The diversity and size of the crowd and energy were major drivers for the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, as well as the fair housing law, Norton said. “It would have been very hard for Congress to ignore 250,000 people coming from all over the country, from every member’s district.”

    Aaron Bryant, curator of photography, visual culture and contemporary history at the National Museum of African American History and Culture, said the impact was immediate in some ways.

    “After the March on Washington, you had some of the organizers, some of the leaders of the march actually meeting with (President) John Kennedy and (Vice President) Lyndon Johnson, to talk more strategically about legislation. So it wasn’t just a dream. It was about a plan and then putting that plan into action,” Bryant said.

    Historians and other luminaries of that time said tragedies and atrocities fortified those plans. Those include the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, that killed four girls two weeks after the march; the murders of three civil rights workers in Neshoba County, Mississippi, in 1964; and the televised beatings of civil rights activists on Bloody Sunday in Selma, Alabama, in March 1965.

    Why the focus on the final five minutes?

    Eig believes that focus on hope and not the harsher reality of the day and the lack of progress is due in part to the predominantly white media that chose the inspirational part of the speech over King calling for accountability.

    That focus has done a “disservice to King” and his overall message, Eig said, because “we forget about the challenging part of that speech where he says that there are insufficient funds in the vaults of opportunity in this nation.”

    Has the dream been achieved?

    Bryant said the answer to that probably varies within generations, but a democracy “is always going to be a work in progress. I think particularly as ideas of citizenship and democracy and definitions among different groups change over the course of time.”

    Bryant said history shows the progress that followed the march. “The question is how do we compare where we were then to where we are now?”

    In the eyes of King’s older son, Martin Luther King III, “Many of us, and I certainly am one, thought that we would be further.” He referred to the rewriting of history today and the rise in public hate and hostility, often driven by political leaders.

    “There used to be civility. You could disagree without being disagreeable,” he said.

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  • UCI-OC Poll finds homelessness, affordable housing top resident concerns

    UCI-OC Poll finds homelessness, affordable housing top resident concerns

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    Newswise — Irvine, Calif., Aug. 18, 2023 — More than 100 policymakers, community leaders and researchers met on campus Thursday to craft solutions for Orange County’s top concerns: homelessness and the lack of affordable housing in the county.

    University of California, Irvine’s School of Social Ecology and United to End Homelessness, an Orange County United Way initiative, hosted the event to discuss the results of the 2023 UCI-OC Poll and respondents’ views about Orange County’s homelessness and housing issues. 

    The discussion presented an opportunity for leaders and decision-makers to learn the details of the poll findings from the research team and collaborate and shape the priorities of United to End Homelessness.

    “One thing that jumped out to me was that 85 percent of respondents said they would support their taxes being increased in order to provide funding to reduce homelessness – and this had majority support from all political parties. What is inspiring to me is that people in our community are willing to pitch in to help others,” said Sue Parks, president and CEO of Orange County United Way

    In the 1980s and ’90s, the school sponsored the Orange County Annual Survey under the direction of then UCI professor Mark Baldassare. Baldassare left to become the president and CEO of the Public Policy Institute of California, and the poll transitioned to the California Poll. 

    Today, more than two decades later, “Orange County has grown so substantially that it is now one of the six most populous counties in the country,” said Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology. “If it were a city, it would be the third largest in the nation. Also, Orange County is one of the few truly purple counties in America – a place where the left and right not only live side-by-side but must find a way to collaborate to get things done. As the county has grown, its leaders need reliable methods to track and analyze residents’ concerns, views, and priorities on a variety of pressing issues so that we are not forced to rely on anecdotal understandings or the feedback from the handful of residents who show up for city council meetings. As Orange County’s hometown research university, we are dedicated to meeting this need and to helping to bring together business leaders with elected officials and community members to discuss workable responses to these problems.” 

    Such dedication extends beyond homelessness.

    “Whether the issues concern housing, education, business climate, sustainability, transportation, crime or many other challenges,” Gould added, “area leaders will be better equipped to navigate the local environment and respond if they have reliable, timely data on the attitudes, priorities and opinions of O.C. residents and a neutral place and convener to consider them.”

    That’s why the school launched the UCI-OC Poll.

    Faculty members in the school, including Alejandra Reyes, Nicholas Marantz and Jae Hong Kim, helped to construct the survey, which was then conducted in the field by Ken Goldstein, senior vice president for survey research and institutional policy at the American Association of Universities.

    In total, 818 adults across Orange County were surveyed about views on the most pressing social, economic, and political issues facing the region. Released this week, the poll’s primary conclusion is that Orange County residents seek action to address homelessness and affordable housing and are supportive of many policy responses.

    According to the poll, seven in 10 residents (71 percent) described homelessness as a “very serious” problem, and 69 percent had similar views regarding the county’s lack of affordable housing. Framing these numbers through a personal lens, a majority (55 percent) of respondents stated they know someone who is or has been homeless.

    In addition, more than half (52 percent) of respondents who are renters have worried in the past year about being able to pay their rent and the threat of eviction, while one-fifth of homeowners (20 percent) have worried in the last year about being able to pay their mortgage and the risk of foreclosure. 

    “This survey demonstrates the personal impact of homelessness on Orange County residents and the groundswell of support behind finding tangible and dignified housing solutions,” said Becks Heyhoe, executive director of United to End Homelessness. “To see that a majority of respondents have personally known someone who is or has experienced homelessness reinforces why respondents are supporting a variety of solutions and are ready to take action.”

    A majority (85 percent) of respondents across varying demographics and geographic locations in the county expressed support for a bond measure/tax increase to reduce homelessness, along with other approaches including increased mental health services (88 percent), additional shelter resources (78 percent), and long-term housing for those experiencing homelessness (76 percent) among other solutions.

    For some who responded to the poll, the high rate of local concern over affordable housing is no surprise. 

    “I don’t have data in front of me, but if you look at economic models from around the country, of major metro areas (like Orange County), you’ll see that housing expenses as a percentage of people’s income is probably at an all-time high,” John Kosecoff, a former hedge fund manager who lives in Laguna Woods, told the Orange County Register. “So, no, the idea that people are particularly concerned about this, right now, doesn’t shock me. We’re at the precipice of this becoming a disaster.”

    Kosecoff added that for a growing number of retirees who don’t own a home, and who don’t have growing income, the lack of affordable housing is a physical and emotional threat.

    “People want their dignity. So, even if it means they’re skipping meals, they’ll do what they can to maintain what the world perceives as a middle-class life,” he said. “But I think we’re close to seeing that become impossible for a lot of people.” 

    Jennifer Friend, CEO of Project Hope Alliance, who attended Thursday’s discussion, said it got her and fellow participants thinking about creative solutions.

    “We talked about how we can simultaneously invest in the prevention of tomorrow’s adults experiencing homelessness while building housing for our current unhoused community members,” said the UCI Social Ecology alumna who was homeless when she was a child. “The data shows that our community is ready to start investing in K-12 students experiencing homelessness today so that they won’t become adults experiencing homelessness tomorrow.”

    Other participants discussed focusing on particular populations.

    “Whether it’s veterans, or families or transitional-aged youth, focusing on a specific group could be an effective strategy for solving homelessness,” said Christy Cornwall of Providence Mission Hospital. “I’m a firm believer in prevention and somehow connecting with the institutions that people naturally experience could be pathways to receiving support before they become homeless, like through an eviction diversion program through the courts or connecting with our utility companies so people can receive support.”

    And, she added, there is a “need to turn the narrative,” such as through a public awareness approach.

    Using the survey data as a prompt for the collaborative session, the outcomes and ideas generated at the event will help inform United to End Homelessness’ immediate and long-term priorities within its primary programs and beyond, including: 

    “This poll demonstrates the power of bringing people together to solve local challenges like homelessness and housing issues while reinforcing the vision behind establishing United to End Homelessness five years ago,” Heyhoe said. “Although progress has been made, we now have data demonstrating the commitment and will of residents to get involved and support solutions for the collective well-being of Orange County. We look forward to collaborating with our partners to address these needs and solve them together.” 

    At the program’s conclusion, Robert Morse, who has been an advocate for the homeless for about 18 years, said he is hopeful events like Thursday’s can help lead to a solution. Sporting a sizable white beard and a pin-filled ballcap with the words “Santa Bob” across the front, Morse mentioned that he knows homelessness firsthand, having spent 10 years on the street before finding housing and later joining several homeless-related boards and committees. 

    However, the At-Large Seat Representative for Older Adults on the Orange County Commission to End Homelessness’ Continuum of Care Board cautioned solutions for those in need of housing “will happen slowly. That’s because locating housing is a problem for everyone in Orange County, not just the homeless.”

    Gould remarked during his introduction that this first iteration of the UCI-OC Poll will be followed by more addressing various issues facing the region.

    “The next topic of the poll will be on the supposed brain drain in Orange County,” the dean revealed to the crowd, “and we would look forward to partnering with several of you and your organizations on that question.” 

    About the University of California, Irvine: Founded in 1965, UCI is a member of the prestigious Association of American Universities and is ranked among the nation’s top 10 public universities by U.S. News & World Report. The campus has produced five Nobel laureates and is known for its academic achievement, premier research, innovation and anteater mascot. Led by Chancellor Howard Gillman, UCI has more than 36,000 students and offers 224 degree programs. It’s located in one of the world’s safest and most economically vibrant communities and is Orange County’s second-largest employer, contributing $7 billion annually to the local economy and $8 billion statewide. For more on UCI, visit www.uci.edu.

    Media access: Radio programs/stations may, for a fee, use an on-campus ISDN line to interview UCI faculty and experts, subject to availability and university approval. For more UCI news, visit news.uci.edu. Additional resources for journalists may be found at https://news.uci.edu/media-resources.

    NOTE TO EDITORS, PHOTO AVAILABLE AT
    https://news.uci.edu/2023/08/18/uci-oc-poll-finds-homelessness-affordable-housing-top-resident-concerns/

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  • Thousands in Haiti march to demand safety from violent gangs as killings and kidnappings soar

    Thousands in Haiti march to demand safety from violent gangs as killings and kidnappings soar

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    PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — Several thousand people — their faces covered to conceal their identities — marched through Haiti’s capital on Monday demanding protection from violent gangs who are pillaging neighborhoods in the capital Port-au-Prince and beyond.

    Haitians’ daily lives have been disrupted by incessant gang violence that has worsened poverty across the country as it awaits a decision from the U.N. Security Council over a potential deployment of an international armed force.

    “We want security!” the crowd chanted as it marched for two hours from the troubled community of Carrefour-Feuilles to Champ de Mars in the downtown area and then to the prime minister’s official residence, where police broke up the demonstration with tear gas.

    “I can’t work. I can’t go out. I’m like a prisoner in my own home,” said Wilene Joseph, a 36-year-old street vendor and mother of two who joined the march out of frustration.

    “I worry about my kids being shot because bullets are flying from all directions all the time,” Joseph said of her children, ages 5 and 7. “The situation is unacceptable.”

    Since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021, experts say gangs have seized control of up to 80% of Port-au-Prince, killing, raping and sowing terror in communities already suffering endemic poverty.

    From January to March, more than 1,600 people have been reported killed, injured or kidnapped, a nearly 30% increase compared with the last three months of 2022, according to the newest U.N. report.

    On Monday, UNICEF announced an “alarming spike” in kidnappings, with nearly 300 confirmed cases so far this year, almost equaling the number reported for all of last year, and almost three times the total for 2021.

    The agency noted that women and children are increasingly being kidnapped and used for financial or tactical gain. Among those kidnapped in late July was Alix Dorsainvil, a U.S. nurse from New Hampshire, and her young daughter. Dorsainvil works for El Roi Haiti, a Christian organization that offers medical care, education and other services. She and her daughter remain in the hands of their captors, who are demanding $1 million in ransom.

    Parents of young children are particularly fearful that gangs will snatch them when they go to and from school. Nacheline Nore, 40, said her two boys, ages 10 and 8, have to call her every day as soon as they step inside their school, and she rides back home with them every afternoon: “You don’t know who’s going to be the next target,” she said.

    Mario Jenty, a 36-year-old cell phone vendor who joined Monday’s march, said the increase in kidnappings is pushing Haitians into even deeper poverty. “They’re going to have to sell that home to pay for ransom, and there’s a chance they might not be released,” he said of the victims.

    Jenty, who lives in Carrefour-Feuilles, said he would not allow gangs to take over his neighborhood. “I’m going to fight this,” he said. “I’d rather die than leave my community.”

    Jenty joined the thousands of Haitians who yelled “Bwa kale!” on Monday as they marched, a reference to a violent uprising that began earlier this year, with civilians targeting suspected gang members. More than 200 people have been slain since then, and demonstrators vowed to keep the movement alive as gangs overwhelm Haiti’s understaffed and under resourced police department.

    Last October, Haiti’s prime minister and other top-ranking officials requested the urgent deployment of an international armed force to help quell gang violence.

    In late July, Kenya offered to lead a multinational police force, but the U.N. Security Council has yet to vote on a resolution to authorize a non-U.N. multinational mission. The U.S. said last week that it would put forward such a resolution.

    ___

    Associated Press writer Dánica Coto in San Juan, Puerto Rico contributed.

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  • Are U.S. seniors among the developed world’s poorest? It depends on your point of view

    Are U.S. seniors among the developed world’s poorest? It depends on your point of view

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    Peopleimages | E+ | Getty Images

    Is old-age income poverty too high?

    According to OECD data, only Mexico ranks worse than the U.S. in terms of old-age “poverty depth,” which means that among those who are poor, their average income is low relative to the poverty line. And just three countries have worse income inequality among seniors.

    There are many contributing factors to these poverty dynamics, said Andrew Reilly, pension analyst in the OECD’s Directorate for Employment, Labour and Social Affairs.

    For one, the overall U.S. poverty rate is high relative to other developed nations — a dynamic that carries over into old age, Reilly said. The U.S. retirement system therefore “exacerbates” a poverty problem that already exists, he said.

    Further, the base U.S. Social Security benefit is lower than the minimum government benefit in most OECD member nations, Reilly said.

    There’s very little security relative to other countries.

    Andrew Reilly

    pension analyst in the OECD’s Directorate for Employment, Labour and Social Affairs

    The U.S. is also the only developed country to not offer a mandatory work credit — an important factor in determining retirement benefit amount — to mothers during maternity leave, for example. Most other nations also give mandatory credits to parents who leave the workforce for a few years to take care of their young kids.

    “There’s very little security relative to other countries,” Reilly said of U.S public benefits.

    That said, the U.S. benefit formula is, in some ways, more generous than other nations. For example, nonworking spouses can collect partial Social Security benefits based on their spouse’s work history, which isn’t typical in other countries, Mitchell said.

    Old-age poverty seems to be improving

    Here’s where it gets a little trickier: Some researchers think the OECD statistics overstate the severity of old-age poverty, due to the way in which the OECD measures poverty compared with U.S. statisticians’ methods.

    For example, according to U.S. Census Bureau data, 10.3% of Americans age 65 and older live in poverty — a much lower rate than OECD data suggests. That old-age income poverty rate has declined by over two-thirds in the past five decades, according to the Congressional Research Service.

    Historically, poverty among elderly Americans was higher than it was for the young. However, that’s no longer true — seniors have had lower poverty rates than those ages 18-64 since the early 1990s, CRS found.

    “The story of poverty in the U.S. is not one of older folks getting worse off,” Mitchell said. “They’re improving.”

    Regardless of the baseline — OECD, Census Bureau or other data — there’s a question as to what poverty rate is, or should be, acceptable in a country like the U.S., experts said.

    “We are arguably the most developed country in the world,” said David Blanchett, managing director and head of retirement research at PGIM, the investment management arm of Prudential Financial.

    “The fact anyone lives in poverty, one can argue, isn’t necessarily how we should be doing it,” he added.

    Despite improvements, certain groups of the elderly population — such as widows, divorced women and never-married men and women — are “still vulnerable” to poverty, wrote Zhe Li and Joseph Dalaker, CRS social policy analysts.

    Two major problem areas persist

    At the very least, there are facets of the system that should be tweaked, experts said.

    Researchers seem to agree that a looming Social Security funding shortfall is perhaps the most pressing issue facing U.S. seniors.

    Longer lifespans and baby boomers hurtling into their retirement years are pressuring the solvency of the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust Fund; it’s slated to run out of money in 2033. At that point, payroll taxes would fund an estimated 77% of promised retirement benefits, absent congressional action.

    “You could argue pending insolvency of Social Security is threatening older people’s financial wellbeing,” Mitchell said. “It is the whole foundation upon which the American retirement system is based.”

    About 40 years ago, half of workers were covered by an employer-sponsored plan. The same is true now.

    Olivia Mitchell

    University of Pennsylvania economics professor and executive director of the Pension Research Council

    Raising Social Security payouts at the low end of the income spectrum would help combat old-age poverty but would also cost more money at a time when the program’s finances are shaky, experts said.

    “The easiest way to combat poverty in retirement is to have a safety-net benefit at a higher level,” Reilly said. It would be “extremely expensive,” especially in a country as large as the U.S., he added.

    Blanchett favors that approach. Such a tweak could be accompanied by a reduction in benefits for higher earners, making the system even more progressive than it is now, he said.

    Currently, for example, Social Security replaces about 75% of income for someone with “very low” earnings (about $15,000), and 27% for someone with “maximum” earnings (about $148,000), according to the Social Security Administration.

    Reducing benefits for some would put a greater onus on such households to fund retirement with personal savings.

    How to earn $60,000, $70,000 and $80,000 in interest alone every year in retirement

    However, the relative lack of access to a savings plan at work — known as the “coverage gap” — is another obstacle to amassing more retirement wealth, experts said.

    Research shows that Americans are much more likely to save when their employer sponsors a retirement plan. But coverage hasn’t budged much in recent decades, even as employers have shifted from pensions to 401(k)-type plans.

    “About 40 years ago, half of workers were covered by an employer-sponsored plan,” Mitchell said. “The same is true now.”

    Of course, workplace plans aren’t a panacea. Contributing money is ultimately voluntary, unlike in other nations, such as the U.K. And it requires financial sacrifice, which may be difficult amid other household needs such as housing, food, child care and health care, experts said.

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  • Democratic worries bubble up over Cornel West’s Green Party run as Biden campaign takes hands-off approach | CNN Politics

    Democratic worries bubble up over Cornel West’s Green Party run as Biden campaign takes hands-off approach | CNN Politics

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    CNN
     — 

    Cornel West’s candidacy on the Green Party line confuses some of his longtime political allies and friends – while also alarming top Democrats and Black leaders as a potential ticking time bomb for President Joe Biden in next year’s election.

    The political philosopher and proud agitator is tapping into his semi-celebrity to attack Biden from the left – where the president has never been fully embraced – and describing his administrations as a mere “postponement of fascism.” And as concerns over Black voter enthusiasm bubble among Democratic operatives, West is also making a deliberately race-based argument, accusing the Democratic establishment of treating the electorate like “a plantation where you got ownership status in terms of which way you vote.”

    Most top Democrats remain skeptical West will raise enough money to mount an extensive operation – he jumped from the little-known People’s Party to the Greens after a rocky rollout – and are following the Biden campaign’s lead of deliberately not engaging with him.

    But his decision to run on a ballot line which Democrats blame for spoiling both the 2000 and 2016 elections, when Green presidential nominees drew enough votes to help give Republicans key states in the Electoral College, has made his candidacy a running source of angst and, increasingly, a topic of private conversations among multiple Democratic leaders nationally and in battleground states

    And while many political insiders have been buzzing about the group No Labels trying to get on the ballot in many states with a presidential candidate, the Greens are already there in 16 – and in 2016, got up to 44, including the most competitive states.

    “This is going to sneak up on people,” said David Axelrod, a former Barack Obama adviser who also serves as a CNN political commentator. “I don’t know why alarm bells aren’t going off now, and they should be at a steady drumbeat from now until the election.”

    There are no sirens blaring, but top Democrats in swing states have taken notice.

    “We should be concerned. I don’t think time’s necessarily on our side. The longer these things hang out there, the worse it tends to get,” said Pennsylvania Lt. Gov. Austin Davis, who acknowledged that the conversation about West has, so far, been more among insiders than voters. “We should try to deal with it rather quickly if we can.”

    For now, Biden advisers remain hopeful that the president’s record and voters’ memories of 2016, when Jill Stein’s campaign won tens of thousands of votes in battleground states Hillary Clinton lost, will keep supporters from straying to West. It’s an approach much like the one being taken by Michigan Democratic chair Lavora Barnes, who told CNN, “I don’t think Cornel West or the Green Party is something we need to worry about, but it’s absolutely something we need to keep an eye on.”

    Barnes has been already begun to talk about what she’s seeing, telling CNN that she recently met with her Black caucus chair about strategies to head off West by stepping up talk about the Biden administration’s accomplishments for Black voters.

    Personal affection and respect for West, a giant of the American left and pioneering political theorist, has led many to try to avoid discussing their dismay over his run.

    At the top of that list, to the frustration of several top Biden supporters who discussed their feelings with CNN: Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, whose two presidential campaigns prominently featured West as a speaker at his rallies and included the professor as part of his traveling inner circle.

    Sanders declined multiple requests to discuss West’s campaign, only telling CNN that he did not speak to the candidate before launching. He shut down questions when asked directly about some of West’s comments about Biden.

    “Dr. West is one of the most pure, good, and honest souls I have ever encountered,” said Ari Rabin-Havt, a Sanders confidant and one of his deputy campaign managers in 2020. “That can lead someone, even one of the most brilliant minds on the planet, to make incredibly wrong political choices.”

    Multiple sources in leadership roles at several new progressive establishment groups told CNN they were surprised by West’s candidacy and their silence has been intentional. Even media outlets and leftist commentators who have held him in high regard for decades are urging West to reconsider and, in some notable cases, run as a Democrat in a primary challenge to Biden. Multiple top former Sanders aides told CNN they opposed the Green Party run and don’t understand what he is trying to accomplish through it.

    The most the senator himself has discussed the run was back in April, saying, “People will do what they want to do.”

    West was one of the early boosters of the modern Democratic Socialists of America in the early 1980s and later served as an honorary chair. But even two prominent members, asking for anonymity to speak critically about a man they admire, questioned West’s timing and reading of the political moment.

    “He’s missing the mark in two ways: He’s either a threat to bringing the GOP back (as a spoiler) or, if you don’t care about that, he’s not doing the right gestures and organizational discipline” to appeal to far-left groups, one of the influential DSA members said.

    Some high-profile Sanders supporters, though, are moving West’s way.

    Nina Turner, a national co-chair of Sanders 2020 campaign who has remained a consistent Biden critic, described West’s run as a “moral calling,” though she is not currently working with the campaign in any formal capacity.

    Another ally from the Sanders’ team, Ben Cohen, the co-founder of Ben & Jerry’s, told CNN he had not spoken to West since the campaign began and that he had “no idea” about his friend’s plans but would donate to the campaign. He said he would “see how things are panning out” when the election nears before deciding how to vote.

    While Biden has consistently registered strong support among Black voters, strategists looking ahead to 2024 are already worried about what those trends may mean for Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Georgia, Michigan and Wisconsin – all of which are critical to the president’s reelection hopes – if Black voters don’t show up for Biden in force. (Though there are fewer Black voters in Arizona, it’s also a state with a long history of left-leaning voters going Green, and where Biden edged out Trump by a little under 13,000 votes.)

    Sensing that Black voter engagement will be a problem for them, the Congressional Black Caucus this week already launched a new PAC to fund a wider array of efforts to make the case into 2024. Davis said that will be part of the work he is looking to do, too, citing Black unemployment at the lower rate on record, the high rate of creation for new Black-owned businesses and investments in local projects like bus rapid transit in Pittsburgh and new water lines.

    Asked about West’s candidacy, New York Rep. Greg Meeks – the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus PAC – said he is confident the support will be there, citing other elements of Biden’s record, including money to take lead out of pipes, reduced insulin costs and low-cost broadband

    “In this election, we’re going to take our case directly to Black voters to ensure our community is not bamboozled by perennial distractions,” Meeks said.

    Billy Honor, the director of organizing for the New Georgia Project Action Fund, told CNN his group is also planning a campaign to highlight Democrats’ accomplishments, since Biden, despite enjoying a trusted brand with older Black voters, “is not popular in Atlanta.”

    “West has the potential because he is – whether people like it or not, it’s the consequence of having such a long life in public service and in the public eye – he is the most famous Black intellectual of our generation,” Honor said. “There’s W.E.B. Du Bois and then there’s Cornel West.”

    That public esteem and name recognition, along with a progressive agenda aligned with many organizers and activists, Honor said, could also add to West’s appeal with younger voters.

    The Biden campaign and the Democratic National Committee declined comment on West.

    West still has to secure the Green nomination, but he insists he will not be a spoiler next November. He disputed that Jill Stein was when she ran on the Green line in 2016 and won more votes than the margin of difference in several states, including Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan, saying those people otherwise wouldn’t have voted at all.

    But Democrats remain traumatized by that and many still blame Stein – also accusing her of being another pawn of Vladimir Putin’s attack on the 2016 elections, by virtue of her attendance at a state-owned “Russia Today” party in Moscow in 2015 and Russian troll farm activity boosting her campaign.

    Stein, who is now working as the West campaign’s “interim coordinator” to help build out his team and fortify relationships with other Greens, told CNN in an interview that Democratic backlash to West’s candidacy hardly warranted a mention in their early discussions.

    Faiz Shakir, Sanders’ campaign manager in 2020, who said news of West’s campaign announcement “hit me completely out of the blue,” voiced a concern that is shared by many leaders on the left: “I just hope and pray that he’s not being taken advantage of and not being exploited by others for ulterior motives.”

    West bristled at such suggestions.

    “When people say, ‘Well, the Green Party’s using West,’ I mean, I don’t look at it that way. I think that we’re all in this movement together,” West added. “We’re trying to do the best that we can to bring some kind of light on the suffering and to bring some kind of vision and organization to try to minimize the suffering.”

    Andrew Wilkes, a pastor in Brooklyn, said his longtime friend and ally’s aim was simple.

    “At the heart of it,” he said, “is the desire to make sure you have a truly representative and equitable democracy.”

    The first Black student ever to get a PhD in philosophy from Princeton University, West will be on sabbatical after finishing the spring semester teaching at the Union Theological Seminary.

    But he’s been a force in politics directly since his best-selling 1993 book “Race Matters,” still frequently cited by younger movement progressives as one of the texts that drew them into left-wing politics.

    “What makes Dr. Cornel West so formidable is that he does have a relationship across generations,” Turner said. “Because of what’s he’s done in the classroom with four walls – and the classroom with no walls.”

    In 2000, he campaigned for Ralph Nader, the Green Party nominee that year. In 2008, he backed Obama, though some Black leaders and older Black voters have never forgiven West for turning into one of the harshest critics of the first Black president.

    He says he was just doing what he had always promised in pushing Obama to go harder on Wall Street and in tackling poverty.

    “It looked like I was turning on him,” West added. “No, no. I was turning toward the people and he was the one that turned away from the people, poor and working people.”

    After supporting Sanders in 2020, West endorsed and even stumped for Biden as part of what he described as an “antifascist coalition” arrayed against Trump.

    But he told CNN he could not bring himself to pull the lever for Biden.

    “Once I got in there, I thought about mass incarceration, the Crime Bill, thought about the invasion, occupation of Iraq. Those are crimes against humanity, for me,” West said, explaining that because Sanders had asked him not to use his name as a write-in, he “ended up not being able to vote for anybody.”

    West’s view of Biden has only grown dimmer.

    “Biden will only be a caretaker government against fascism,” West said. “You don’t fight fascism by simply supporting postponement administrations.”

    Jeff Weaver, who ran Sanders’ 2016 campaign before becoming a senior adviser four years later, suggested that Biden’s relationships on the left were more durable than many pundits realize.

    Weaver said the “respect” with which Biden has treated progressives – coupled with the threat of Trump looming – “goes a long way.”

    West still harbors complaints about how he feels Sanders was not treated fairly by the Democratic Party. And though he did not dispute the assessment that Biden has worked collaboratively with progressives, he argued that the partnership was unbalanced.

    “When we talk about a coalition, this is not a jazz band where everybody’s got equal voices,” West said. “Not at all. This is one that is hierarchical.”

    West doesn’t yet have a campaign website with a list of specific policy prescriptions, though he has been fiercely critical of NATO and the Biden administration’s decision to send cluster bombs to Ukraine.

    In a tweet accompanying his campaign launch video last month, West indicated that his campaign’s message would mirror his past work and rhetoric – ending poverty and mass incarceration, pushing for guaranteed housing, health care, education and living wages.

    Despite frequent appearances in the media since launching, West still has not held a proper, in-person campaign rally.

    That will change toward the end of the summer, he said, when he plans to do a “symbolic kickoff” in Mississippi for an event marking the anniversary of the murder of Emmett Till in 1955. West says the family invited him, and he decided to make that his first public event as a candidate.

    In the run-up to that more traditional launch, West said, he hopes to build his currently bare bones campaign up and raise the money to pay for it.

    “We are wrestling with it,” he said, “day-by-day.”

    CORRECTION: An earlier version of this story incorrectly stated Andrew Wilkes’ relationship with Cornel West. The two are longtime allies and friends.

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  • Russia halted a landmark deal that allowed Ukraine to export grain at a time of growing hunger

    Russia halted a landmark deal that allowed Ukraine to export grain at a time of growing hunger

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    LONDON — Russia halted a breakthrough wartime deal on Monday that allows grain to flow from Ukraine to countries in Africa, the Middle East and Asia where hunger is a growing threat and high food prices have pushed more people into poverty.

    Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Russia would suspend the Black Sea Grain Initiative until its demands to get its own food and fertilizer to the world are met. While Russia has complained that restrictions on shipping and insurance have hampered its agricultural exports, it has shipped record amounts of wheat since last year.

    “When the part of the Black Sea deal related to Russia is implemented, Russia will immediately return to the implementation of the deal,” Peskov said.

    The suspension marks the end of an accord that the U.N. and Turkey brokered last summer to allow food to leave the Black Sea region after Russia’s invasion of its neighbor worsened a global food crisis. The initiative is credited with helping lower soaring prices of wheat, vegetable oil and other food commodities.

    Ukraine and Russia are both major global suppliers of wheat, barley, sunflower oil and other affordable food products that developing nations rely on.

    The suspension of the deal sent wheat prices up about 3% in Chicago trading, to $6.81 a bushel, still about half what they were last year during last year’s peaks, but fell later in the day.

    Analysts don’t expect more than a temporary bump to global food commodity prices because places like Russia and Brazil have ratcheted up wheat and corn exports. But food insecurity worldwide is growing as developing countries also struggle with climate change, conflict and economic crises. Finding suppliers outside Ukraine that are farther away also could raise costs.

    The grain deal provided assurances that ships won’t be attacked entering and leaving Ukrainian ports, while a separate agreement facilitated the movement of Russian food and fertilizer. While Western sanctions do not apply to Moscow’s agricultural shipments, some companies may be wary of doing business with Russia.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said he wanted to keep the initiative going even without Russia’s safety assurances.

    “We are not afraid,” he said. “We were approached by companies that own ships. They said that they are ready, if Ukraine gives it, and Turkey continues to let it through, then everyone is ready to continue supplying grain.”

    Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said the country’s foreign minister would speak with his Russian counterpart Monday — and that he was hopeful the deal would be extended.

    The Black Sea Grain Initiative has allowed three Ukrainian ports to export 32.9 million metric tons of grain and other food to the world, according to the Joint Coordination Center in Istanbul.

    Russia has repeatedly complained that the deal largely benefits richer nations. JCC data shows that 57% of the grain from Ukraine went to developing nations, with the top destination being China, which received nearly a quarter of the food.

    The agreement was renewed for 60 days in May, but in recent months, the amount of food shipped and number of vessels departing Ukraine have plunged, with Russia accused of preventing additional ships from participating.

    The war in Ukraine sent food commodity prices to record highs last year and contributed to a global food crisis also tied to other conflicts, the lingering effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, droughts and other climate factors.

    High costs for grain needed for food staples in places like Egypt, Lebanon and Nigeria exacerbated economic challenges and helped push millions more people into poverty or food insecurity.

    Rising food prices affect people in developing countries disproportionately, because they spend more of their money on meals. Poorer nations that depend on imported food priced in dollars also are spending more as their currencies weaken and they are forced to import more because of climate change.

    Under the deal, prices for global food commodities like wheat and vegetable oil have fallen, but food was already expensive before the war in Ukraine and the relief hasn’t trickled down to kitchen tables.

    The end of the initiative creates “instability and uncertainty” in global food markets that could raise prices and increase food insecurity for vulnerable nations already seeing their local crops die because of climate change, said Shashwat Saraf, the International Rescue Committee’s regional emergency director for East Africa.

    Sudan, Somalia and Ethiopia, for instance, are dependent on food imports from Ukraine, he said.

    The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization said this month that 45 countries need outside food assistance, with high local food prices “a driver of worrying levels of hunger” in those places.

    Now, it’s key to watch whether Russia “weaponizes” its wheat exports, said Simon Evenett, professor of international trade and economic development at the University of St. Gallen in Switzerland.

    Being the world’s largest wheat supplier right now, Russia could hike its export taxes, which “would raise world grain prices as well as allow Russia to finance more of its military campaign in Ukraine,” Evenett said. He noted that Moscow already raised them slightly this month.

    The grain deal has faced setbacks since it was brokered by the U.N. and Turkey: Russia pulled out briefly in November before rejoining and extending the deal.

    In March and May, Russia would only renew for 60 days, instead of the usual 120. The amount of grain shipped per month fell from a peak of 4.2 million metric tons in October to over 2 million metric tons in June.

    Ukraine has accused Russia of preventing new ships from joining the work since the end of June. Joint inspections meant to ensure vessels only carry grain and not weapons that could help either side also have slowed considerably.

    Asked Monday whether an attack on a bridge connecting the Crimean Peninsula to Russia was a factor in the decision on the grain deal, the Kremlin spokesman said it was not.

    Meanwhile, Russia’s wheat shipments hit all-time highs following a large harvest. It exported 45.5 million metric tons in the 2022-2023 trade year, with another record of 47.5 million metric tons expected in 2023-2024, according to U.S. Department of Agriculture estimates.

    ___

    AP reporters Hanna Arhirova in Kyiv, Ukraine, and Andrew Wilks in Istanbul contributed.

    ___

    See AP’s complete coverage of the war in Ukraine at https://apnews.com/hub/russia-ukraine and the food crisis at https://apnews.com/hub/food-crisis.

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  • Capitalist reforms in China led to higher extreme poverty

    Capitalist reforms in China led to higher extreme poverty

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    Newswise — It is widely believed that China’s socialist economy had relatively high rates of extreme poverty, while the capitalist reforms of the 1980s and 1990s delivered rapid progress, with extreme poverty declining from 88% in 1981 to zero by 2018.

    This belief has been challenged by a research project carried out by the Institute of Environmental Science and Technology of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (ICTA-UAB) in collaboration with Macquarie University in Australia and Maastrich University in the Netherlands. The researchers point out that the data used to make these claims relies on the World Bank’s extreme poverty line of $1.90 per day (2011 PPP). However, the World Bank’s method has come under sustained critique in recent years, as it does not account for the cost of meeting basic needs, which varies across countries and over time, even when measured in PPP terms.

    To correct for this, researchers Jason Hickel of ICTA-UAB, Dylan Sullivan of Macquarie University and Michail Moatson of Maastricht University reviewed evidence on the share of the population unable to afford a basic subsistence basket – data which was recently published by the OECD. The researchers show that from 1981 to 1990, when many of China’s socialist provisioning systems were still in place, China’s extreme poverty rate was only around 5.6%, substantially lower than in capitalist economies of comparable size and income at the time: 51 per cent in India, 36.5 percent in Indonesia, and 29.5 per cent in Brazil. This is because China’s system of price controls and subsidies for food and housing kept the cost of basic needs low relative to economy-wide prices, and relative to working-class incomes.

    The researchers found that China’s relatively strong performance on basic-needs poverty during the socialist period is consistent with its performance on a range of social indicators, including life expectancy, infant mortality, death rate from malnutrition and poor sanitation, mean years of schooling, and access to electricity.

    Moreover, researchers found that extreme poverty in China increased during the capitalist reforms of the 1990s, reaching a peak of 68 per cent in 1995, as the privatisation of China’s public provisioning systems caused the price of essential goods to increase. While access to basic needs recovered during the 2000s, rough estimates for 2018 suggest that the extreme poverty rate remains at roughly the same level as during the 1980s.

    The study’s lead author, Sullivan, explained that “this research has important implications for policymakers and the development sector. Our findings suggest that socialist policies of public provisioning, subsidies, and price controls can be effective at reducing or preventing extreme poverty. Meanwhile, market-based policies and privatisation may threaten people’s ability to meet basic needs.”

    This research also suggests that rapid economic growth and improvements in aggregate income – as important as these may be in many contexts – cannot be relied upon to reduce extreme poverty. China’s experience during the 1990s suggests that economic growth may occur simultaneously with rising poverty under conditions of privatisation and commodification. According to Hickel, “when it comes to reducing extreme poverty in low-income countries, improving people’s access to public services and social guarantees is at least as important as increasing productive capacity”.

    The authors point out that, according to the cost-of-basic-needs data they review, the world’s governments failed to achieve the first Millenium Development Goal – i.e., to reduce by half the share of people in extreme poverty between 1990 and 2015. Moatsos said that “this represents a failure of global economic governance and suggests that new policy approaches are needed in order to eradicate extreme poverty for all people everywhere”.

    Sullivan D., Moatsos, M., & Hickel, J. Capitalist reforms and extreme poverty in China: unprecedented progress or income deflation? New Political Economy. (2023) https://doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2023.2217087

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    Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona

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