ReportWire

Tag: Poverty

  • Panel to study impact of SNAP cuts

    [ad_1]

    BOSTON — Gov. Maura Healey has created a task force aimed at helping the state fill an expected gap in federal funding for food insecurity programs.

    President Donald Trump’s newly minted domestic policy bill extends federal tax cuts and implements his agenda to improve border security, cut taxes and slash government spending, but it also calls for deep cuts to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, formerly known as food stamps.


    This page requires Javascript.

    Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.

    kAm%96 ?6H =2H H:== C6BF:C6 >@C6 $}p! C64:A:6?ED E@ H@C< E@ 4@?E:?F6 C646:G:?8 36?67:ED 2?5 7@C46 DE2E6D E@ 4@G6C 2 =2C86C A@CE:@? @7 E96 4@DED 7@C E96 7656C2==J 7F?565 AC@8C2>]k^Am

    kAmq68:??:?8 ?6IE J62C[ |2DD249FD6EED 2?5 @E96C DE2E6D H:== 92G6 E@ A2J 7@C fdT @7 E96 25>:?:DEC2E:G6 4@DED[ FA 7C@> E96 4FCC6?E d_T] $E2E6D >2J 2=D@ 92G6 E@ A:4< FA 2 A@CE:@? @7 36?67:E 4@DED 368:??:?8 😕 a_af[ 56A6?5:?8 @? E96:C A2J>6?E 6CC@C C2E6D]k^Am

    kAmqFE w62=6J D2:5 %CF>A’D ~?6 q:8 q62FE:7F= q:== p4E H:== “7@C46 >:==:@?D @7 A6@A=6 – 49:=5C6?[ D6?:@CD[ G6E6C2?D[ A6@A=6 H:E9 5:D23:=:E:6D – :?E@ 9F?86C” 2?5 2=D@ “9FCE =@42= 72C>6CD 2?5 C6E2:=6CD H9@ C6=J @? E96D6 AC@8C2>D E@ DFAA@CE E96:C 3FD:?6DD 2?5 4C62E6 ;@3D]”k^Am

    kAm“x? |2DD249FD6EED[ H6 H@?’E 2446AE E92E[” w62=6J D2:5 😕 2 DE2E6>6?E] “%92E’D H9J x’> 3C:?8:?8 E@86E96C E96 :?4C65:3=6 =6256CD H9@ H@C< 6G6CJ 52J E@ AC@G:56 7@@5 E@ 72>:=:6D 😕 ?665 2D H6== 2D E9@D6 H9@ H:== 36 5:C64E=J :>A24E65 3J E96D6 4FED E@ 25G:D6 @? 9@H H6 42? AC6G6?E 9F?86C 😕 @FC 4@>>F?:E:6D]”k^Am

    kAm%96 E2D< 7@C46 H:== 3C:?8 E@86E96C =6256CD 7C@> DE2E6 2?5 =@42= 8@G6C?>6?E[ 7@@5 32?6CD 2?5 D>2==3FD:?6DD @H?6CD]k^Am

    kAm“(6 @H E92E %62> |2DD249FD6EED 😀 7F== @7 =6256CD 24C@DD E96 AF3=:4 2?5 AC:G2E6 D64E@CD H9@ 2C6 4@>>:EE65 E@ 6?5:?8 9F?86C 2?5 H9@ 92G6 G2=F23=6 :?D:89ED 7@C 9@H H6 42? H@C< E@86E96C E@ >:E:82E6 E96 ?682E:G6 :>A24ED @7 !C6D:56?E %CF>A’D 4FED E@ 7@@5 2DD:DE2?46[” {E] z:> sC:D4@== D2:5 😕 2 DE2E6>6?E]k^Am

    kAm}2E:@?H:56[ >@C6 E92? ca >:==:@? A6@A=6 AFC492D6 7C6D9 AC@5F46 2?5 @E96C 8C@46C:6D E9C@F89 $}p![ 244@C5:?8 E@ E96 &]$] s6A2CE>6?E @7 p8C:4F=EFC6[ H9:49 25>:?:DE6CD E96 AC@8C2>]k^Am

    kAmt=:8:3:=:EJ 7@C E96 AF3=:4 36?67:ED AC@8C2> 😀 32D65 @? A2CE:4:A2?ED’ :?4@>6 2?5 9@FD69@=5 D:K6[ 2>@?8 @E96C 724E@CD]k^Am

    kAmx? |2DD249FD6EED[ >@C6 E92? ` >:==:@? A6@A=6 C646:G6 36?67:ED 7C@> E96 AC@8C2>[ H9:49 AC@G:565 Sa]e 3:==:@? 😕 7F?5:?8 😕 a_ac[ 244@C5:?8 E@ E96 w62=6J 25>:?:DEC2E:@?]k^Am

    kAm%96 w62=6J 25>:?:DEC2E:@? 92D D2:5 E96 $}p! 4FED 4@F=5 4@DE |2DD249FD6EED FA E@ Sf`_ >:==:@? 2 J62C[ H9:49 E96 DE2E6 42??@E 277@C5] %96 4FED H:== 2=D@ 9FCE E96 DE2E6’D 64@?@>J D:?46 E96 AC@8C2> 3C:?8D 😕 ?62C=J Sb 3:==:@? 2 J62C 😕 7656C2= 7F?5:?8 E92E 😀 7F??6=65 E@ E9@FD2?5D @7 3FD:?6DD6D 😕 28C:4F=EFC6[ 7@@5 D6CG:46 2?5 56=:G6C:6D]k^Am

    kAm~7 E96 aa]b >:==:@? 72>:=:6D H9@ H:== 36 27764E65 3J E96 =68:D=2E:@?’D 492?86D[ d]b >:==:@? H@F=5 =@D6 2E =62DE Sad A6C >@?E9 😕 $}p! 36?67:ED[ 244@C5:?8 E@ 2? 2?2=JD:D 3J E96 &C32? x?DE:EFE6’D 2?2=JD:D] ~? 2G6C286[ E9@D6 72>:=:6D H@F=5 =@D6 S`ce A6C >@?E9 😕 $}p! DFAA@CE[ E96 8C@FA 7@F?5]k^Am

    kAm%96 r@?8C6DD:@?2= qF586E ~77:46 92D 6DE:>2E65 E96 492?86D 😕 E96 $6?2E6 C64@?4:=:2E:@? 3:== H@F=5 4FE $}p! 7F?5:?8 3J 23@FE a_T[ @C S`ge 3:==:@?[ E9C@F89 a_bc – 56D4C:365 2D E96 =2C86DE 4FE 😕 E96 AC@8C2>’D 9:DE@CJ]k^Am

    kAmr9C:DE:2? |] (256 4@G6CD E96 |2DD249FD6EED $E2E69@FD6 7@C }@CE9 @7 q@DE@? |65:2 vC@FAUCDBF@jD ?6HDA2A6CD 2?5 H63D:E6D] t>2:= 9:> 2E k2 9C67lQ>2:=E@i4H256o4?9:?6HD]4@>Qm4H256o4?9:?6HD]4@>k^2m]k^Am

    [ad_2]

    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

    Source link

  • Levi’s heir and political outsider Daniel Lurie wins San Francisco mayor’s race

    [ad_1]

    Philanthropist and Levi’s heir Daniel Lurie has won the hard-fought race for San Francisco mayor, ushering in a new era of leadership for a city whose voters made clear they are fed up with brazen retail theft and sprawling tent cities.

    It took two days to determine a winner under San Francisco’s ranked-choice voting system, which allows voters to select multiple candidates by order of preference. The city uses a multiround process to count the ballots, and it can take several rounds of tallying before a winner receives more than 50% of the vote. Though thousands of votes remained uncounted Thursday evening, the gap of support between Lurie and his opponents was deemed too big to bridge.

    Lurie, a centrist Democrat, outpaced incumbent Mayor London Breed and three other prominent local Democrats, receiving 56.2% of the total ranked-choice vote compared with Breed’s 43.8% as of Thursday’s count.

    Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, the only leading candidate running as an old-school progressive, came in third after being eliminated from the running with 21.6% of first-choice votes, and venture capitalist Mark Farrell, a moderate, trailed in fourth place. Supervisor Ahsha Safaí was knocked out of the running early after getting just 2.7% of first-choice votes.

    Lurie issued a brief statement on social media Thursday night thanking supporters. In an election night event Tuesday, he summarized his leadership vision for jubilant supporters gathered at a music venue in the Mission district to cheer him on.

    “Our challenge and opportunity is to show how government can deliver on its promise of a safer and more affordable city,” Lurie said. “And executing on these promises requires us to be courageous, compassionate and honest.

    “It’s never been more clear to me that so many people love this city, and it’s time for us to start making people feel like the city loves them back.”

    In a statement posted on social media Thursday evening, Breed said she had called Lurie to congratulate him.

    “Being mayor of San Francisco has been the greatest honor of my lifetime. I’m beyond grateful to our residents for the opportunity to serve the City that raised me,” Breed wrote. “During my final two months as your mayor, I will continue to lead this City as I have from Day One — as San Francisco’s biggest champion.”

    The transition from Breed to Lurie is a remarkable turn on many fronts.

    Breed, 50, made history six years ago when she became the city’s first Black female mayor. She was born into poverty in the Western Addition, at the time one of San Francisco’s toughest neighborhoods, and raised by her grandmother. She lost a sister to a drug overdose and has a brother in prison for robbery. Before being elected mayor, she was president of the powerful Board of Supervisors.

    Lurie, 47, was also born in San Francisco, the son of a rabbi. His parents divorced when he was a young boy, and his mother, Miriam Haas, went on to marry Peter Haas, who helped raise Lurie. Peter Haas, now deceased, was the great-grandnephew of the Levi’s founder and a longtime executive at the company. Lurie and his mother are among the primary heirs of the Levi Strauss family fortune. Lurie has never before held elected office.

    Throughout the campaign, Lurie distinguished himself as a political outsider running against four City Hall veterans. He pledged to root out government corruption, a concern among voters following a series of political scandals in city departments and nonprofits in recent years.

    The election was broadly viewed as a referendum on Breed’s efforts to address homeless encampments, crime and a flagging post-pandemic economy that cut at voters’ sense of a safe, well-functioning city.

    “This is not an election that was about an ideological or policy-based shift or rejection of Breed,” said Jason McDaniel, a political science professor at San Francisco State University. “It’s an outsider who is different and who was able to portray himself in that way as someone who will do things differently.”

    In a marked shift for San Francisco, the city’s wealthy tech sector played an influential role in this year’s race. Tech titans who have put down roots in the city poured millions of dollars into campaign contributions, pressing for an outcome that would infuse this famously liberal city with more centrist politics.

    That money overwhelmingly benefited Lurie, Farrell and Breed.

    “It’s been the billionaire election,” said Jim Ross, a veteran Bay Area Democratic strategist.

    San Francisco Mayor London Breed faced a tough reelection bid against four challengers who said she had not done enough to address property crime and homelessness in the city.

    (Eric Risberg / Associated Press)

    Breed was first elected in 2018, winning a special election after the unexpected death of then-Mayor Ed Lee. She led the city through a challenging period that includes the unsettling early spread of COVID-19 and the subsequent exodus of scores of downtown tech workers who, amid pandemic-related shutdowns, found themselves able to work remotely — and more cheaply — from other cities.

    Breed has never been a bleeding-heart progressive, despite San Francisco’s liberal reputation. But the Breed of six years ago was more open to experimenting with a progressive reformist agenda when it came to solving complex issues such as addiction and poverty.

    In the last two years, by contrast, she has become a leading voice in a movement to crack down on homeless people and addicts who refuse shelter or treatment. And this year she successfully championed two local ballot measures that bolstered police surveillance powers and will require drug screening and treatment for people receiving county welfare benefits who are suspected of illicit drug use.

    Many of her supporters noted her quick action to shut down San Francisco in the early days of the COVID emergency, a decision credited with saving thousands of lives.

    In making her case for reelection, Breed touted recent data showing improvements in some of San Francisco’s greatest problems, notably a reduction in property crime and violent crime over the last year.

    Her opponents dismissed that progress as too little, too late, and seized on voter dissatisfaction to pitch themselves as more qualified alternatives.

    Both Lurie and Farrell promised a more concerted crackdown on crime and homelessness and to reinvigorate the downtown economy.

    Lurie had the advantage of his family’s vast wealth to strengthen his name recognition. He showered his campaign with more than $8 million of his own money. His mother contributed more than $1 million to an independent committee backing his mayoral bid.

    He showcased his role as founder of Tipping Point, a San Francisco nonprofit that funds efforts to lift people out of poverty, to highlight his commitment to solving intractable problems. He said the organization has funneled $500 million to Bay Area organizations focused on early childhood education, scholarships, housing and job training since its founding nearly two decades ago.

    Farrell entered the race with support generated during his seven years as a supervisor, and made the case that his blend of political and business experience made him most qualified to get San Francisco back on track. But his campaign floundered amid ethical concerns. This week, he agreed to pay a fine of $108,000 following an ethics investigation that determined he had illegally financed his mayoral campaign with money poured into a separate ballot measure committee he sponsored to reduce the number of government commissions in San Francisco.

    Peskin, a longtime supervisor, organized a robust grassroots campaign focused on traditional liberal ideals, such as making the city affordable for nurses, teachers, and the artists and bohemians who have long made San Francisco a creative hub.

    [ad_2]

    Hannah Wiley

    Source link

  • Trump and Harris both support a bigger child tax credit. But which families should get it?

    [ad_1]

    WASHINGTON (AP) — Never before in a presidential election cycle has there been so much discussion of the child tax credit — a tool many Democrats and Republicans have endorsed as a way to lift children and young families out of poverty.

    Just three years ago, child poverty rates fell significantly when President Joe Biden’s administration raised the child tax credit and made even the poorest families eligible. But the expansion only lasted a year. Congress declined to renew it.

    There is hope for another increase in the tax credit, regardless of who wins Tuesday’s presidential election, but tension remains over who should qualify.

    Democrats seek a massive — and costly — expansion of the social safety net. Vice President Kamala Harris has pitched a major increase to the child tax credit as part of her presidential campaign. Rather than providing the benefit through a tax refund, she wants to send monthly payments to parents, even those who aren’t working and pay no income tax. Republicans have expressed support for increasing the tax credit but also concern that for some parents, it could become an incentive not to work.

    For all its economic prosperity, childhood poverty remains pervasive in the United States. Children under 5 are the age group most likely to encounter poverty and eviction, and more than one in six young people under 18 live below the federal poverty line. Meanwhile, it’s getting more expensive to raise a child, with the cost of groceries, child care and housing going up.

    “Expanding the child tax credit is the single most effective option on the table for reducing child poverty in America,” said Christy Gleason of Save the Children, a global humanitarian organization focused on the well-being of children. “Families are demanding it. Voters are demanding it.”

    Currently, the child tax credit gives families a $2,000 discount on their tax bill for every child under the age of 17 in their care. Families that pay less than $2,000 in income tax get a smaller benefit, and parents who are out of the workforce get none.

    Harris has made expanding the tax credit central to her campaign’s messaging on the economy. Her running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, has a resume that includes passing a state child tax credit.

    Former President Donald Trump doubled the amount of the child tax credit during his administration. His presidential campaign declined to provide specifics on his plans for the child tax credit except to say he would weigh significantly increasing it.

    Trump’s running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, raised the possibility of increasing the child tax credit to $5,000 so that more parents can stay home with their children in an interview on CBS’ Face the Nation. But some Republicans have been leery about expanding it to parents who are not working outside the home.

    After voting down a child tax credit bill in August, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky said for stay-at-home parents the benefit amounts to “cash welfare instead of relief for working taxpayers.”

    The stakes of that debate are high for parents who are unable to work because of a disability, or because they are caring for children or elderly parents. Many have been excluded from the benefit because they are not earning income.

    Kandice Beckford, 25, is among those. She was a medical assistant at Howard University Hospital in Washington, D.C., last year when her pregnancy made her too sick to work, forcing her to quit.

    She was homeless even when she was earning a paycheck, bouncing between the homes of friends and relatives. When she left the hospital after giving birth in April, she still had no permanent place to stay. There was little she could do except connect with social service agencies — and pray.

    “I’m a godly woman, so I really tried to leave most of that in God’s hands,” Beckford said. “It was worrisome, but I tried not to let it overpower my life and my thinking.”

    Beckford’s story underscores the financial precarity many families — and single mothers in particular — face in raising children. If she doesn’t return to work this year, she won’t qualify for any benefit.

    The Harris proposal would make every household eligible regardless of income, providing $6,000 in benefits to families with newborns and $3,600 for each child after that. She wants to pay it out in monthly payments so families would not have to wait for a tax return. Harris plans to raise taxes on corporations and the wealthiest Americans to pay for the plan, in part by allowing tax credits adopted under the Trump administration in 2017 to expire.

    As president, Trump doubled the child tax credit from $1,000 to $2,000 and raised the income cap, allowing families earning up to $400,000 to receive the benefit. The child tax credit passed under his administration will expire at the end of next year. If the next Congress and president do not act, the credit will fall back to $1,000 a child.

    In 2021, as part of his American Rescue Plan, President Joe Biden expanded the credit to $3,000 per child — and $3,600 for children under the age of 6 — and made it available to every household with citizen children, regardless of their income. It cut child poverty in half by one measure. But those gains were erased when it expired.

    In September, Beckford finally got into a shelter for women and their children in Maryland and was connected with a social service agency that has helped her with many of the expenses a new baby brings, including a stroller and car seat, clothing and toys.

    When asked about her dreams for her daughter Inari, Beckford ticked off a list: She wants Inari to be smarter than her and to get “the best education there is to have.” Inari is already exceeding her development milestones, and Beckford is relishing in her growth.

    Her last wish was something that sounded basic, but has proven elusive for Beckford and so many other American mothers.

    “I want her to have a stable life,” Beckford said.

    ___

    Associated Press writer Josh Boak contributed to this report.

    ___

    The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

    __

    This story has been corrected to note that Biden expanded the child tax credit in his American Rescue Plan, not the Inflation Reduction Act.

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • For 20% of California, half the paycheck or more goes to housing

    For 20% of California, half the paycheck or more goes to housing

    [ad_1]

    “How expensive?” tracks measurements of California’s totally unaffordable housing market.

    The pain: Housing eats up at least half of paychecks in one-fifth of California households.

    The source: My trusty spreadsheet looked at the latest Census Bureau stats tracking household expenses in 2023, focusing on what government experts call “extreme burdens” – folks paying 50% or more of their income for housing.

    The pinch

    California is by far the nation’s largest housing market, so it’s not terribly surprising that it’s also home to the most households spending half of their income on shelter – 2.7 million, or 14% of the nation’s 19.3 million. Next is Texas at 1.7 million, Florida at 1.6 million, New York at 1.5 million and Pennsylvania at 687,900.

    What’s distressing is the size of the 20% slice of the Golden State’s population that it represents. That’s the largest slice among the states, and well above the 15% slice nationwide.

    New York and Hawaii are next in shares of households spending half-plus on housing at 19%. Then comes Florida and Nevada at 18%. Texas was No. 14 at 15%.

    And where is it the hardest to find deeply housing-pinched households? North Dakota and West Virginia were at 9%, South Dakota at 10%, and Iowa and Missouri at 11%.

    Pressure points

    [ad_2]

    Jonathan Lansner

    Source link

  • Kids with obesity do worse in school. One reason may be teacher bias  – The Hechinger Report

    Kids with obesity do worse in school. One reason may be teacher bias  – The Hechinger Report

    [ad_1]

    Almost every day at the public elementary school she attended in Montgomery County, Maryland, Stephanie heard comments about her weight. Kids in her fifth grade class called her “fatty” instead of her name, she recalled; others whispered, “Do you want a cupcake?” as she walked by. One classmate spread a rumor that she had diabetes. Stephanie was so incensed by his teasing that she hit him and got suspended, she said.

    But nothing the kids did upset her as much as the conduct of her teachers.

    For years teachers ignored her in class, even when she was the only one raising her hand, said Stephanie, whose surname is being withheld to protect her privacy. “I was like, ‘Do you not like me or something?” she recalled.

    She felt invisible. “They would sit me in the back. I couldn’t see the board,” she said. When Stephanie spoke up once in middle school, a teacher told her, “I can’t put you anywhere else because you’re going to block other students.” She burned with embarrassment when her classmates laughed.

    Nearly 20 percent of children in the U.S. — almost 15 million kids — were considered obese as of the 2020 school year, a number that has likely increased since the pandemic (new data is expected next year). The medical conditions associated with obesity, such as asthma, diabetes and sleep apnea, are well known. Children with obesity are also more likely to have depression, anxiety and low self-esteem.

    Far less discussed are the educational outcomes for these children. Research has found that students with obesity are more likely to get lower grades in reading and math and to repeat a grade, and twice as likely to be placed in special education or remedial classes. They are also significantly more likely to miss school and be suspended or receive detention, and less likely than their peers to attend and graduate from college.

    Researchers have suggested different reasons for this “obesity achievement gap,” including biological causes (such as reduced cortical thickness in the brain in children with obesity, which is linked to compromised executive functioning, and higher levels of the hormone cortisol, linked to poorer academic performance). Researchers have also examined indirect causes of poor performance, such as that kids with obesity might miss school more often because of medical appointments or bullying. 

    But a relatively new area of research has shifted attention to educator bias. Studies have found that teachers often perceive children with obesity as emotional, unmotivated, less competent and non-compliant. That can lead to teachers giving these students fewer opportunities to participate in class, less positive feedback and lower grades.

    Weight bias is part of American culture, said Rebecca Puhl,deputy director of the Rudd Center for Food Policy and Health at the University of Connecticut, who has studied childhood obesity and bias. “Teachers are not immune to those attitudes,” she said. While many school districts have tried in the last 20 years to reduce childhood obesity through more nutritious meals and increased exercise, Puhl and other experts say schools also need to train teachers and students to recognize and confront the weight bias they say is hampering the education of an increasing number of children.

    Some advocates argue that childhood obesity, which has steadily risen over the last 40 years, should be seen as an “academic risk factor” because of its lasting effects on educational and economic mobility. “There’s certainly been a big push for racial and ethnic diversity, for gender identity diversity, that’s so important,” said Puhl. “But weight is often left off the radar, it’s often not getting addressed.”

    Related: Become a lifelong learner. Subscribe to our free weekly newsletter to receive our comprehensive reporting directly in your inbox.

    Stephanie, now 18, has struggled with obesity her whole life. Within her family, being overweight never felt like a problem. But school was different.

    Beginning in kindergarten, her classmates told her she looked like a Teletubby, she said. Even teachers made comments related to her weight. “If someone brought pastries for a birthday, they would ask, ‘Are you sure you want to eat that? Why don’t you try carrots and hummus?’” Stephanie recalled. Once Stephanie listened as an educator told her mother to put her on a diet. She stopped eating lunch at school after that. “When I was home, I ran to food because it was like the only place I would feel comfortable eating,” she said.

    There were a handful of occasions teachers noticed her for something besides her weight. Stephanie smiled as she recalled a time when an English teacher praised an essay she wrote; when she won second place prize in a coding camp; when she was named ‘cadet of the year’ in JROTC during remote school during the pandemic. In elementary school, she received the President’s Award for Educational Achievement, designed to reward students who work hard, often in the face of obstacles to learning.

    Stephanie, 18, holds an old photo of her taken in the sixth grade. Credit: Moriah Ratner for The Hechinger Report

    It wasn’t enough to make her feel like she had educators on her side. “In school, they want you to confide in teachers, they made us believe that we can go to teachers for anything,” she said. “If you have no friends or if there’s no one to trust — you can always find a teacher who you can feel safe with, you can always trust them. So, I would try, but they always pushed me away.”

    One interaction in particular shattered her confidence. Toward the end of seventh grade, Stephanie stayed to ask a question after class. Her teacher asked if she was a new student. “‘How did you not notice I was in your class and the entire year I turned in work?” Stephanie wondered. “That’s when I started to feel like I’m a shadow.” From that point on she stopped caring about getting good grades. 

    Liliana López, a spokesperson for Montgomery County Public Schools, said that teachers are not “expressly trained on weight bias,” but they “elevate all the identities individuals hold as valuable and we work with staff to identify ways they can create spaces full of affirmation, validation and significance for those identities.” Celeste Fernandez, spokesperson for the National Education Association, the nation’s largest teachers’ union, said her organization does not offer specific training or information on weight bias.

    Related: A surprising remedy for teens in mental health crises

    Researchers are increasingly identifying links between poor outcomes for students with obesity and teacher’s attitudes toward kids. In 2015, Erica Kenney, an associate professor of public health nutrition at Harvard University, helped lead a team that analyzed data from a representative sample of children from across the nation. The researchers examined, among other things, whether the kids’ weight gain influenced teachers’ perceptions of their abilities and their standardized test scores.

    Gaining weight didn’t change a child’s test scores, the researchers found, but, based on surveys, it was significantly linked to teachers having lower perceptions of students’ ability, for both girls and boys. In other words, kids who gained weight faced a small but significant“academic penalty” from their teachers, Kenney said.

    A separate study, involving 130 teachers, found that educators were more likely to give lower grades to essays if they believed a child who was obese had written them. For the study, Kristin Finn, a professor in the school of education at Canisius University, in Buffalo, New York, took four essays written at a sixth grade level and paired them with stock photographs of students who looked similar but some had been digitally altered to appear overweight. The overweight students received moderately lower scores.

    As an elementary schooler, Stephanie heard comments about her weight almost every day. Credit: Moriah Ratner for The Hechinger Report

    Finn found that the teachers were more likely to view the students with obesity as academically inferior, “messy” and more likely to need tutoring. In surveys, teachers also predicted that students with obesity weren’t good in other subjects such as math and social studies.

    “To be able to make a judgment about somebody’s mathematical abilities based on a short essay seemed pretty remarkable,” said Finn. Yet, teachers maintained that they were personally unbiased in their evaluations. “They all think that they’re treating these children fairly,” she said.

    Teachers’ perceptions of children’s academic potential matters: Their recommendations can affect not only students’ grades, but also their access to higher level courses, competitive programs, specialized camps and post-secondary opportunities including college.

    Girls are at particular risk of being stigmatized for being obese, research has found. In one study, nearly a third of women who were overweight said they had had a teacher who was biased against them because of their weight. Students who face other barriers including poverty are also more likely to be penalized for being overweight, what is called a “double disadvantage.”

    Related: One state mandates teaching climate change in almost every subject – even PE

    Covid, which hit during the spring of Stephanie’s eighth grade year, was a welcome interruption. She loved learning in the privacy of her home and not being “judged for my body,” she said.

    When schools reopened in the fall of 10th grade, Stephanie couldn’t bear the thought of returning. She had gained weight during remote learning, some 100 pounds. Citing her asthma and her father’s diabetes, she applied for a waiver that would permit her to attend classes virtually. But “the real reason was because I was ashamed of what I look like,” she said.

    She received the waiver and continued her high school studies at home.

    After a 2022 diagnosis of Polycystic Ovary Syndrome, which had made her body resistant to insulin, Stephanie decided to undergo bariatric surgery. Following the operation, Stephanie lost more than half her body weight. When she returned to her high school to take exams, people were suddenly nice to her, she said. It frustrated her, she said: “I’m the same person.”

    Negative perceptions of people with obesity start early. In one study, children as young as 3 who were shown drawings of people of varying weights perceived the obese people as “mean” more often than “nice.” In another study, when 5- and 6-year-olds were shown images of children of different body sizes, most said they did not want to invite the heavier children to their birthday party.

    Experts argue that administrators and teachers must become more sensitive to and knowledgeable about the challenges facing children with obesity. Yolandra Hancock, a pediatrician who specializes in patients with obesity and a former teacher, said she frequently intervenes with educators on behalf of her patients with obesity. One 7-year-old boy was often late to class because he found it difficult to climb the three flights of stairs to get there.

    “The assistant principal actually told him if he wasn’t so fat, he would be able to get up the stairs faster,” Hancock said. She explained that the student wasn’t walking slowly because of “laziness” but because obesity can cause a bowing of the leg bones, making it hard to navigate steps. Giving the student more time between classes or arranging for his classes to be on the same floor would have been simple fixes, she said.

    In another case, an elementary school student with obesity was getting into trouble for requesting frequent bathroom breaks, a result of his large abdomen putting pressure on his bladder, similar to what happens during pregnancy. “He came close to having an accident,” Hancock said. “His teachers wouldn’t allow him to go to the restroom and would call his mother to complain that he wasn’t focusing.” She wrote to the school requesting that he be allowed to go to the restroom whenever he needed. “If you don’t allow them to do what it is that their body needs,” Hancock said, “you’re creating more barriers to them being able to learn.”

    Research has found that teachers can play an important “buffering role” in reducing bullying for children with obesity. In one study, children who believed educators would step in to prevent future bullying did better in school than those who didn’t share this conviction.

    But often teachers don’t intervene, said Puhl, the University of Connecticut researcher, because they believe that if students “want the teasing to stop, they need to lose weight.” Yet “body weight is not a simple issue of eating less and exercising more,” she added, but is instead a highly complex condition influenced by genetics, hormones, culture, environment and economics.Bullying and mistreatment don’t motivate people to lose weight, Puhl said, but often contribute to binge eating, reduced physical activity and weight gain.

    One way to help, would be for schools to include body weight in their anti-bullying policies, Puhl said. At present, most schools’ anti-bullying policies protect children on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender identity, disability and religious beliefs, “but very few mention body weight.” That lack is really shocking, she added, “because body weight is one of the most prevalent reasons that kids are bullied today.”

    This spring, Stephanie went back to school to attend her graduation ceremony and receive her diploma. She still struggles with body image but is determined to put her negative experiences behind her and start fresh in college this fall, she says.

    She plans to study psychology. “I want to understand people better, because I didn’t feel heard and there were a lot of things I didn’t speak about,” she said. “I just want to help people.”

    Contact the editor of this story, Caroline Preston, at 212-870-8965 or preston@hechingerreport.org.

    This story about childhood obesity awareness was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Kavitha Cardoza

    Source link

  • What one state learned after a decade of free community college

    What one state learned after a decade of free community college

    [ad_1]

    View of the Tennessee State Capitol, where lawmakers were the first in the nation to pass a law in 2014 to make community college tuition free for future high school graduates. Credit: Joe Sohm/Visions of America/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    The free community college movement effectively began in 2014 when Republican Gov. Bill Haslam of Tennessee signed the Tennessee Promise Scholarship Act, which offered the state’s high school graduates free tuition to attend any two-year public community college or technical college in Tennessee.

    Communities around the country had been experimenting with free college programs since 2005, usually with private funding, but Tennessee was the first to make it a statewide policy, and it inspired 36 states to follow suit. This year, Massachusetts was the most recent to make community college free. (Here is a search tool for all the free college programs, including more than 400 local ones.) 

    But as free-tuition programs have multiplied, so have questions and doubts. Are low-income students benefiting? Is free tuition leading to more college graduates? 

    Thirty-seven states operate statewide free college tuition programs. Some programs cover all tuition and fees; others don’t. Some just cover two-year community colleges while others include four-year institutions. Some only give assistance to low-income students; others give aid only to students who meet certain academic thresholds. Some states offer free tuition to a combination of those with need and merit.  Source: College Promise

    Unfortunately we have to wait years to allow students time to get through college, but answers to these important questions are starting to emerge from Tennessee. College Promise, a nonprofit that advocates for making college free, along with tnAchieves, the nonprofit that helps administer the Tennessee program, released a 10-year anniversary report on Oct. 14. The report offers encouraging signs that the Tennessee Promise scholarship program, which now costs about $29 million a year in tuition subsidies and other services, has helped more students go to college and earn two-year associate degrees. In addition, Tennessee shared some of the lessons learned. 

    First the numbers. The report highlights that more than 90 percent of all Tennessee high school seniors apply for the free college program. All students regardless of family income are eligible, and roughly 15,000 students a year ultimately use the program to enroll in college right after high school.  About half come from low-income families who qualify for the Federal Pell Grant

    Thirty-seven percent of students who stuck with the Promise scholarship program earned a two-year associate degree within three years, compared with only 11 percent of students who didn’t maintain eligibility, often because of incomplete financial aid paperwork, unfinished service hours that are required or failure to stay enrolled in college at least part time. Tennessee projects that since its inception, the scholarship program will have produced a total of 50,000 college graduates by 2025, administrators told me in an interview.

    Before the free tuition program went statewide, only 16 percent of Tennessee students who started community college in 2011 had earned an associate degree three years later. Graduation rates then rose to 22 percent for students who started community college in 2014. At this time, 27 Tennessee counties had launched their own free tuition programs, but the statewide policy had not yet gone into effect. 

    By 2020, when free tuition statewide had been in effect for five years, 28 percent of Tennessee’s community college students had earned a degree in three years. Not all of these students participated in the free tuition program, but many did. 

    It’s unclear if the free tuition program is the driving force behind the rising graduation rates. It could be that motivated students sign up for it and abide by the rules of the scholarship program and might have still graduated in higher numbers without it. It could also be that unrelated nationwide reforms, from increases in federal financial aid to academic advising, have helped more students make it to the finish line.

    I talked with Celeste Carruthers, an economist at University of Tennessee Knoxville, who has been studying the free tuition program in her state. She is currently crunching the numbers to figure out whether the program is causing graduation rates to climb, but the signs she sees right now are giving her “cause for optimism.” Using U.S. Census data, she compared Tennessee’s college attainment rates with the rest of the United States. In the years immediately following the statewide scholarship program, beginning with the high school class of 2015, there is a striking jump in the share of young adults with associate degrees a few years later, while associate degree attainment elsewhere in the nation improved only mildly. Tennessee quickly went from being a laggard in young adult college attainment to a leader – at least until the pandemic hit. (See graph.)

    Computations by Celeste Carruthers, University of Tennessee Knoxville. Data Source: American Community Survey, via IPUMS (https://usa.ipums.org/usa/index.shtml). Graph produced by Jill Barshay/The Hechinger Report.

    While evaluation of the Tennessee program continues, researchers and program officers point to three lessons learned so far: 

    • The scholarship program hasn’t helped many low-income students financially. The Federal Pell Grant of $7,395 far exceeds annual tuition and fees at Tennessee’s community colleges, which hover around $4,500 for a full-time student. Community college was already free for low-income students, who represent roughly half of the students in Tennessee’s free college program. Like other free college programs around the country, Tennessee’s is structured as a “last dollar” program, which means that it only pays out after other forms of financial aid are exhausted. 

    That means that tuition subsidies have primarily gone to students from higher income families that don’t qualify for the Pell Grant. In Tennessee, the funding source is the state lottery. Roughly $22 million of lottery proceeds were used to pay for community college tuition in the most recent year.

    • Free tuition alone isn’t enough help. In 2018, Tennessee added coaching and mentoring for low-income students to give them extra support. (Low-income students hadn’t been receiving any tuition subsidies because other financial aid sources already covered their tuition.) Then, in 2022, Tennessee added emergency grants for books and other living expenses for needy students – up to $1,000 per student. The extra assistance for low-income students is financed through state budget allocations and private fundraising. For students who are the first generation in their families to attend college, current graduation rates have jumped to 34 percent with this extra support compared with 11 percent without it, the 10-year report said. 

    “Pairing the financial support with the non-financial support – that mentoring support, the coaching support – is really the sweet spot,” said Graham Thomas, chief community and government relations officer at tnAchieves. “It’s the game changer, and that is often overlooked for the money part.” 

    Coaching is best conducted in person on campus. During COVID, Tennessee launched an online mentoring platform, but students didn’t engage with it. “We learned our lesson that in-person is the most valuable way to go when building relationships,” said Ben Sterling, chief content officer at tnAchieves.

    • The worst case scenario didn’t happen. When free community college was first announced, critics fretted that the zero price tag would lure students away from four-year colleges, which aren’t free. That’s bad because the transfer process from community college back to a four-year school can be rocky with students losing credits and the time invested. Studies have shown that most students are more likely to complete a four-year degree if they start at a four-year institution. But the number of bachelor’s degrees did not fall. It seems possible that the free tuition policy lured students who wouldn’t have gone to college at all in the past, without cannibalizing four-year colleges. However, bachelor’s degree acquisition in Tennessee, though rising, remains far below the rest of the nation. (See graph.)
    Computations by Celeste Carruthers, University of Tennessee Knoxville. Source: American Community Survey, via IPUMS (https://usa.ipums.org/usa/index.shtml). Graph produced by Jill Barshay/The Hechinger Report.

    As an aside, students are also able to use their Tennessee Promise scholarship funds at a limited number of public four-year colleges that offer associate degrees. About 10 percent of the program’s students take advantage of this option.

    Despite all the positive signs for educational attainment in Tennessee, recent years have not been kind. “Everything that’s happened to enrollment since COVID  kind of erased all of the gains from Tennessee Promise,” said the University of Tennessee’s Carruthers. The combination of pandemic disruptions, a strong job market and changing public sentiment about higher education hammered enrollment at community colleges nationwide. Students have started returning again in Tennessee, but community college enrollment is still below what it was in 2019.  

    Contact staff writer Jill Barshay at 212-678-3595 or barshay@hechingerreport.org.

    This story about free community college was written by Jill Barshay and produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Proof Points and other Hechinger newsletters. 

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Jill Barshay

    Source link

  • How the ‘opportunity gap’ impacts success in life – The Hechinger Report

    How the ‘opportunity gap’ impacts success in life – The Hechinger Report

    [ad_1]

    We know that children who attend high quality child care programs and elementary schools get off on a much stronger footing in both learning and life. But what about the impact of various other opportunities, like after school clubs, music lessons and sports?

    This was the question a team of researchers tried to explore over more than a quarter century: their landmark study followed more than 800 children from infancy into adulthood, across the many settings and activities they engaged in.

    The culminating report, which was published last week, found that these “opportunity gaps” have big consequences for young children—even playing a role in educational progress and earnings many years down the road.

    Read more on opportunity gaps

    This story by my former colleague Lillian Mongeau looks at how children who rely on federally-funded child care vouchers to pay for care often can only access low-quality care.

    In May, Axios analyzed opportunity gaps for children in several cities, including Houston and Boston.

    Quick Take

    Material hardship is increasing among child care staff, in part due to student loan payments restarting, according to a new report by RAPID, an early childhood survey project at Stanford University.

    More Early Childhood News

    These Fort Worth ISD preschoolers are going to school at community child care centers. Why?” Star-Telegram

    Prekindergarten expansion for private providers off to a slow start” Maryland Matters

    Child care or rent? In these cities, child care is now the greater expense” USA Today

    This story about opportunity gaps was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Early Childhood newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Jackie Mader

    Source link

  • Study finds ‘opportunity gap’ between rich and poor children can come down to just six missed chances – The Hechinger Report

    Study finds ‘opportunity gap’ between rich and poor children can come down to just six missed chances – The Hechinger Report

    [ad_1]

    Decades of research have shown that children who are born into low-income households have less access to opportunities like high-quality child care and afterschool activities. Now, a 26-year longitudinal study has quantified the severity of this opportunity gap for the first time, as well as the sizable impact this has on children as they grow into young adults.

    The new study, published by the American Educational Research Association, followed 814 children from low-, middle- and high-income families from birth through age 26, scrutinizing access to a spectrum of opportunities in childhood and adolescent years, including such factors as the instructional quality of classrooms, neighborhood income and participation in after-school activities like sports, music lessons and clubs.

    Researchers found that while most high-income children experience six or more “opportunities” between birth and high school, nearly two-thirds of children from low-income households have zero or only one opportunity.

    The size of that gap over the course of the childhood and adolescent years is striking, researchers said. “I wasn’t super surprised that the wealthiest kids were having seven, eight, nine, 10 opportunities, but that the poor children were getting one or no chances,” said co-author of the report, Eric Dearing, a professor at Boston College and executive director of the Mary E. Walsh Center for Thriving Children.

    In their report, the authors say this opportunity gap appears to be a more powerful predictor of future educational attainment and earnings than childhood poverty alone. Children from low-income households who benefited from even a few of these opportunities had better outcomes as young adults. When children from low-income households moved from zero to four opportunities, for example, their odds of graduating from a four-year college jumped from 10 to 50 percent, and their annual salaries by age 26 increased by around $10,000.

    Between birth and high school, “even one additional opportunity was very meaningful,” said Dearing. The study suggests there could be great societal payoffs from investing in diverse programs and opportunities for children. The outsized impact of opportunities could be attributed to the benefits that come from a range of positive experiences, Dearing noted. Those experiences and opportunities seem to be particularly valuable for brain growth and learning. “The more chances you get … the greater the likelihood that you will find that setting, that activity, that place in life that aligns with your strengths and your talents and your abilities,” Dearing said.

    Such opportunities also offer a beneficial “time substitution” for children, said co-author Henrik D. Zachrisson, a developmental psychologist and professor at the University of Oslo. These opportunities essentially replace what could be a non-enriching experience, like being in a stressful home environment, with an activity that is more enriching and beneficial, he added.

    While the study showed that more opportunities were correlated with better academic outcomes and higher income, it did not prove that the opportunities caused the outcomes. However, even the fact that there is correlation indicates the potential “serious consequences” for children who do not receive a bevy of opportunities, the authors wrote.

    The findings underscore the need to invest more in expanding the number of opportunities low-income children access across the childhood and adolescent years, said Dearing. This includes enrolling more eligible children in programs like federally-funded Early Head Start and Head Start, and investing more in “community school” models, which provide broad support and enrichment opportunities for students.

    The research also suggests that while focusing efforts on expanding just one opportunity for children, like after school clubs or early learning programs, may be helpful, it could be short-sighted. Instead, policymakers should consider solutions that tackle as many environments in a child’s life as possible. “What I hope we’re making clear,” Zachrisson said,” is that the idea of a single solution to alleviating negative consequences of poverty is just nonsensical.”  

    Contact staff writer Jackie Mader at (212) 678-3562 or mader@hechingerreport.org.

    This story about opportunity gaps was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Early Childhood newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Jackie Mader

    Source link

  • State uncovers $2.3M in welfare, food stamp fraud

    State uncovers $2.3M in welfare, food stamp fraud

    [ad_1]

    BOSTON — Investigators uncovered more than $2.3 million in welfare fraud in the most recent quarter, according to state Auditor Diana DiZoglio’s office.

    The office’s Bureau of Special Investigations looked into more than 1,235 cases during the final quarter of the fiscal year, from April 1 to June 30, and identified at least 176 instances of public assistance fraud, about 80% of which was in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, previously known as food stamps.

    The bureau, which has the power to investigate welfare fraud, said benefits paid from the food stamp program amounted to more than $1.9 million of the fraudulent activity in the previous quarter. At least $245,858 in fraudulent activity was related to MassHealth, the state’s Medicaid program, the agency said.

    Another $138,081 was uncovered in the state’s primary cash assistance program, known as Transitional Aid to Families with Dependent Children, DiZoglio’s office reported.

    Of the $2 million in welfare fraud, federal and state courts have so far recovered only $103,142 in restitution, the auditor’s office said.

    In the previous fiscal year, the auditor’s office uncovered more than $12.3 million worth of welfare fraud from about 780 cases that were looked into by investigators.

    DiZoglio said the bureau’s investigations are “making government work better by identifying fraud, waste, and abuse of tax dollars so that residents actually in need have access to support and services.”

    In fiscal 2022, the auditor’s office uncovered more than $13.5 million worth of welfare fraud from about 600 cases that were investigated.

    That was a 120% increase in the dollar value from a year earlier, when investigators uncovered about $6.1 million in fraud.

    Demand for food stamps and other public assistance has risen amid the economic fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic, and has remained high amid inflationary costs.

    As of April, more than 111,000 people in Massachusetts were receiving basic welfare benefits from the state’s main cash assistance program, according to the latest state data.

    Meanwhile, an additional 1 million people were getting food stamps as of March, according to the latest federal data. That’s more than double the pre-pandemic average of about 450,000 recipients.

    Under current law, a recipient is limited to receiving welfare for two years in any five-year period. A family of three in the program collects roughly $593 per month.

    In the fiscal year that gets underway July 1, the state plans to spend more than $300 million on cash assistance programs for welfare recipients.

    The state has tightened its welfare fraud rules in recent years following previous audits showing widespread abuse, including the names of dead people being used to claim benefits. The penalty for welfare fraud is up to 10 years in prison, in addition to repayment of the money.

    Advocates for the benefits programs point out that welfare fraud only accounts for a fraction of the cash assistance the state provides every year. They argue that the money devoted to investigating fraud would be better spent on expanding benefits for the needy.

    Christian M. Wade covers the Massachusetts Statehouse for North of Boston Media Group’s newspapers and websites. Email him at cwade@cnhinews.com.

    [ad_2]

    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

    Source link

  • Denver’s basic income experiment could end as mayor refuses requests for more money

    Denver’s basic income experiment could end as mayor refuses requests for more money

    [ad_1]

    For nearly two years, Diantha Williams’ daughter received $50 monthly to put toward whatever she wanted. Often, that looked like basic needs like groceries, car insurance payments and medical and hygiene supplies.

    The money came as part of the Denver Basic Income Project, a group using a mix of private philanthropy and city funds to run one of the biggest studies nationwide into the efficacy of basic income, which provides money to people facing homelessness and poverty. Some participants have gotten up to $1,000 a month, no strings attached. 

    Williams’ daughter had special needs and was immunocompromised, and recently passed away from pneumonia. Before that, Williams said the money was crucial, especially as the family lost other benefits like food stamps.

    “The basic income kept us going,” she said.

    But the future of the program is in question. Mayor Mike Johnston’s budget proposal for 2025 doesn’t include any more money for the program, which had received $4 million in city money over the past two years, as well as private donations.

    Advocates for the program rallied on Wednesday in support of the program. They want the mayor’s office to make a major commitment, adding $15 million to fund a third year of the current program and a new cohort of 300 people for the next three years. 

    The mayor’s office says the evidence for the anti-poverty policy hasn’t justified the continued investment. It’s also a tight budget year; the city plans to decrease its spending on homelessness and new immigrant services by tens of millions of dollars.

    Diantha Williams a rally to support universal basic income. Her daughter was part of the pilot program before passing away a few weeks ago. Sept. 18, 2024.
    Rebecca Tauber

    Research on basic income in Denver has been mixed. 

    The pilot program from Denver Basic Income Project included a partnership with University of Denver faculty, who interviewed participants and studied the effects of basic income. 

    They did find that regular cash payments helped people experiencing homelessness secure housing. Participants reduced their use of public services, experienced lower stress levels and had a lower likelihood of being unhoused during the program.

    But researchers also found an unusual result: The control group, who received just $50 monthly, did just as well as the two experiment groups.One of the study groups received $1,000 per month and another received $6,500 upfront and $500 monthly.

    The control group included Williams’ family, who said even $50 per month was a big help.

    Jordan Fuja, spokesperson for Mayor Mike Johnston, said the control group results explain why the city did not include funding for basic income in the 2025 budget. 

    “We are always interested in trying new innovative strategies to solve our toughest challenges, which is why we provided funding for Denver Basic Income Project’s (DBIP) pilot program,” Fuja said in an email to Denverite. 

    She continued: “Unfortunately, the data in the year-one report from the DBIP did not show a statistically significant difference in homelessness resolution between the groups that received large cash transfers and those who did not. Because the data showed limited results in the first year, [the Department of Housing Stability’s] proposed budget does not recommend funding in 2025 for this program.”

    Fuja said Denver’s money is better spent on Johnston’s homelessness program, which has focused on bringing people on the streets indoors to non-congregate shelters like hotels and micro-community sites. 

    Denver saw a decrease in the number of people sleeping on the streets in 2023, but the overall level of homelessness in the broader metro area rose that year. (That’s based on a count of people experiencing homelessness on a single day each year)

    Tents on the sidewalk along Champa Street downtown. Aug. 8, 2023.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Advocates of basic income say they need city help to grow.

    At the rally Wednesday, nonprofit leaders, activists and participants who support basic income said the pilot program was a success.

    “There are dozens upon dozens of stories from our participants who are real people, about how this project is making a real and lasting change in our community,” said Maria Sierra, community engagement manager with the Denver Basic Income Project. “This is just the beginning.”

    While Denver has not seen much organized opposition to the concept of basic income, speakers also pushed back against conservative critiques of the policy, which often focus on costs to taxpayers and the no-strings-attached approach to benefits. Basic income is a stark contrast to public benefits programs like food stamps or rental assistance, which offer help with specific needs only.

    Mark Donovan, the program’s founder, said Denver Basic Income Project will continue to court private donations. But making it work, he said, will require a much bigger public investment from the city beyond the $6 million from the past few years.

    “We think that a public-private partnership is essential in this next phase. Ultimately if we want to do this at scale, we think it has to be publicly funded, but it’s going to take time to get there,” he said. “There’s huge amounts of money that are being spent to combat homelessness and poverty and economic injustice, and we think that this is a more efficient and effective way to do that.”

    Donovan said he plans to continue pushing for basic income regardless — but without more city money, the pilot might have to end.

    City Council member Shontel Lewis speaks during the body’s weekly legislative meeting. Jan. 16, 2023.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The future of the program is at stake in Denver’s budgeting process.

    Denver Councilmember Shontel Lewis spoke at the rally Wednesday. She worked on a number of budget amendments aimed at helping people in poverty last year. Not all of them passed, but one that did secured an added $13.5 million for emergency rental assistance. Another got an additional $2 million to continue the basic income study through this year.

    “I’m disappointed that despite the Denver Basic Income Project having such incredible results, we’re still having to prove its worth,” she said.

    Council members could bring a budget amendment adding funding for the program. Lewis hasn’t confirmed whether she’ll do so yet.

    But trying to secure more money may be tough in a particularly tight budget year. The 2025 budget projects the smallest growth for the city in 14 years and the first reduction in staff in a decade, not including the pandemic. 

    Johnston is already cutting Denver’s homelessness spending by more than $80 million. He also has veto power over budget amendments, which council can override with a supermajority of votes.

    City Council must pass any amendments and vote on the final budget by Nov. 12.

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • OPINION: If we don’t do more to help homeless students, we will perpetuate an ongoing crisis

    OPINION: If we don’t do more to help homeless students, we will perpetuate an ongoing crisis

    [ad_1]

    Young people experiencing family instability and trauma are at increased risk for precarious living situations and interrupted educational experiences. And students who leave school before graduation are considerably more likely to experience homelessness and less likely to enroll in college. 

    By failing to systematically and preemptively address youth homelessness through our schools, we are increasing the chances of hundreds of thousands of young people becoming and remaining homeless. 

    We can change this. 

    Schools are key to intervention. Schools can and should serve as indispensable resources for students who are experiencing unstable housing or outright homelessness. Lamentably, too often, there aren’t enough staff members to carry out existing support programs, much less manage additional programs designed for youth who are at risk for or are already experiencing homelessness.

    Related: Become a lifelong learner. Subscribe to our free weekly newsletter to receive our comprehensive reporting directly in your inbox.

    I saw these issues firsthand when I worked as the chief of staff at Chicago Public Schools, but they are prevalent at schools nationwide. For roughly 700,000 youth ages 13 to 17, not having stable or any housing is top of mind, a recent study found. 

    Here are some suggestions for identifying youth at risk and tackling youth homelessness systemically. 

    Paying more attention to risk factors will increase the chance that at-risk students will be identified earlier and interventions enacted. 

    We’ve learned a lot about risk factors at the independent, nonpartisan policy research center I lead. For example, a family’s income is a strong indicator of risk, so school officials and staff should be hypersensitive in districts where families are struggling financially.

    Yet appearances alone won’t necessarily indicate which students are struggling. Many schools rely on student self-reporting, which students are less likely to do if they don’t know there are resources available or if they are too ashamed to reveal their status. 

    Schools should initiate a universal screening at the beginning of the school year to gauge if students are vulnerable to homelessness. All staff should routinely be trained to look for signs of homelessness and risk factors. 

    Not everyone at a school needs to deeply engage with each student, but they should be aware of signs so they can make referrals to a social worker or the school’s McKinney-Vento liaison if needed.

    The federal McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act includes a requirement for schools to provide “comparable” transportation for homeless students to get to and from school. And while every school has a McKinney-Vento liaison who administers programs funded by federal dollars, at many schools that assistance boils down to just providing a bus pass for homeless students, nothing more. 

    If their school is only able to provide a bus pass, students’ many other needs — like clothing and mental health care — will not be met. 

    Having more school social workers would also help identify students struggling with housing stability and match them to programs and services that could meet their needs. 

    Another significant risk factor for homelessness is dropping out of school. A truancy officer’s role is critical when students drop out. Administrators should be asking themselves what it takes to get kids back in school to stay. The goal of that position should not be to identify and punish students but to figure out what resources they need to get them back to school and keep them there. 

    Related: Couch surfing, living in cars: Housing insecurity derails foster kids’ college dreams

    One way to ensure that interventions are available and applied would be to mirror the work of the Title IV-E Prevention Services Clearinghouse, the place where evidence-based interventions for child welfare are vetted, rated and made eligible for federal reimbursement. 

    The inclusion of an evidence-based clearinghouse in a federal program is a legislative component that has historically enabled bipartisan buy-in. Since schools are already burdened by tight budgets and overworked staff, adding a clearinghouse for homelessness prevention efforts would allow qualified outside agencies to provide — and be reimbursed for — evidence-based intervention services. 

    Two other points not to be overlooked are that youth homelessness is experienced disproportionately by Black, Hispanic and LGBTQ youth, and youth homelessness is a leading pathway into adult homelessness. That’s why supporting young people at risk for or experiencing homelessness — through substantial investments and increased services — is a significant way to address racial inequity and break these cycles. 

    The point of school is to educate and nurture our youth so they can successfully pass on to the next phase of life. If we work together, we can disrupt the brutal cycle of homelessness and give more young people the future they deserve. 

    Bryan Samuels is executive director of Chapin Hall. He previously served as chief of staff at Chicago Public Schools, director of Illinois DCFS, and commissioner of the Administration on Children, Youth and Families at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services during the first Obama administration.

    This story about homeless students was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Hechinger’s weekly newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Bryan Samuels

    Source link

  • Bringing hope to many: Lazarus House fundraiser held in Andover

    Bringing hope to many: Lazarus House fundraiser held in Andover

    [ad_1]

    ANDOVER — Perfect late summer weather and the desire to support a good cause helped attract a large crowd to the 26th Hike for Hope walk on Saturday at The Park.

    The daylong event kicked off with the annual walk and was followed by a family-friendly festival with live music, games and food trucks. Money raised through the walk supports those facing poverty, homelessness and hunger through programs offered at Lazarus House in Lawrence. Lazarus House, which opened its doors in 1983, has already served more than 30,000 guests in 2024. Among the participants were Micki LeBlanc, 84, and Denise Labrecque, 66, of Salem, N.H., who have raised more than $200,000 since the walk began.

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • Indonesia’s leader highlights economic and infrastructure developments in his final state of nation

    Indonesia’s leader highlights economic and infrastructure developments in his final state of nation

    [ad_1]

    JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) — Indonesia’s outgoing President Joko Widodo highlighted advances in the economy and infrastructure during his final State of the Nation address Friday.

    Widodo said that in the 10 years he’s led the country, his administration controlled inflation, reduced rates of unemployment and extreme poverty, and built new infrastructure in parts of Indonesia that were difficult to reach and with limited resources.

    “Furthermore, our resilience as a nation has been proven by our endurance in tackling the COVID-19 pandemic, in facing climate change, and in facing the escalating global geopolitics,” Widodo said.

    The Southeast Asian nation plays a crucial role in the economic and political dynamics of a region where global powers have been increasingly at odds over Taiwan, human rights issues, U.S. military presence, and Beijing’s assertive actions in contested areas like the South China Sea.

    As a tropical archipelago on the equator, Indonesia has the world’s third-largest rainforest, home to diverse endangered species like orangutans and giant flowers. However, economic development has severely impacted these forests, making Indonesia one of the largest global emitters of greenhouse gases due to deforestation, fossil fuel use, and peatland fires, prompting the country’s push for a green energy transformation.

    Widodo said Indonesia’s developments — particularly related to smelters and processing industries for commodities such as nickel, bauxite, and copper — would open up more than 200,000 jobs and increase state revenues.

    With a population of about 275 million, Indonesia is Southeast Asia’s largest economy, and has the largest reserves of nickel in the world. Aiming to dominate the world’s nickel supply, the country has gone from having two nickel smelters to 27 over the last decade, with 22 more planned, according to S&P Global Commodity Insights. In 2023, the country was responsible for more than half the supply of nickel ore globally.

    But, Widodo said, 10 years is not enough time to achieve the goals his government set out to accomplish.

    Widodo, popularly known by his nickname Jokowi, began his second and final five-year term in October 2019 and is not eligible to run again. After a February election, Indonesia’s electoral commission formally declared Prabowo Subianto president-elect in April with Widodo’s son, the 36-year-old former Surakarta Mayor Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as vice president. The highest court rejected challenges to his landslide victory lodged by two losing presidential candidates.

    Widodo will leave office in October, leaving behind a notable legacy that includes the ambitious $33 billion megaproject to transfer Indonesia’s overcrowded capital from Jakarta to the nation’s future capital of Nusantara, in the burgeoning frontier island of Borneo.

    Widodo also calls on his successors, President-elect Prabowo Subianto, to continue the leadership of the country, saying he has faith the country will “achieve the 2045 Golden Indonesia vision,” — referring to Indonesia’s goal to become a sovereign, advanced, fair and prosperous country by 2045, when it will celebrate 100 years of independence.

    “Allow me to pass the leadership baton to you. Allow me also to share with you the hopes and dreams of all Indonesian people from Sabang to Merauke, from Miangas to the Island of Rote, from the peripheries, from the outermost regions, from rural and urban areas to you,” Widodo said.

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • What to know about Kamala Harris and Tim Walz on education

    What to know about Kamala Harris and Tim Walz on education

    [ad_1]

    Education vaulted to the forefront of conversations about the presidential race when Democratic nominee Kamala Harris announced Tim Walz as her running mate. Walz, the governor of Minnesota, worked for roughly two decades in public schools, as a geography teacher and football coach. He has championed investments in public education: For example, in March 2023, he signed a bill to make school meals free to all students in public schools.

    Harris, a former U.S. senator and attorney general in California, has less experience in education than her running mate. But her record suggests that she would back policies to make child care more affordable, protect immigrant and LGBTQ+ students and promote broader access to higher education through free community college and loan forgiveness. Like Walz, she has defended schools and teachers against Republican charges that they are “indoctrinating” young people; she has also spoken about her own experience of being bused in Berkeley, California, as part of a program to desegregate the city’s schools.

    Harris and Walz have been endorsed by both the country’s two largest teachers unions, the National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers, which tend to support Democratic candidates.

    We will update this guide as the candidates reveal more information about their education plans. You can also read about the Republican ticket’s education ideas.

    Related: Become a lifelong learner. Subscribe to our free weekly newsletter to receive our comprehensive reporting directly in your inbox.

    Early childhood

    Child care

    Harris has been a vocal supporter of child care legislation during her time in the Biden administration, though the proposals have had a mixed record of success.

    During the pandemic, the Biden administration provided $39 billion in child care aid to help keep programs afloat.

    The administration lowered the cost of child care for some military families and supported raising pay for federally funded Head Start teachers to create parity with public school teachers.

    Earlier this year, Harris announced a new federal rule that would reduce lower child care costs for low-income families that receive child care assistance through a federally funded program. That same rule also requires states to pay child care providers on a more reliable basis.

    Walz has also supported child care programs as governor of Minnesota. Earlier this year, he announced a new $6 million child care grant program aimed at expanding child care capacity, which followed a 2023 grant program that cemented pandemic-era support so programs could increase wages for child care workers. — Jackie Mader

    Family leave and tax benefits

    As soon as she became the presumptive Democratic nominee in July, Harris reaffirmed her support for paid family leave, which also was part of the platform she proposed as a candidate in the 2020 Democratic presidential contest. Harris provided the tie-breaking Senate vote that temporarily increased the child tax credit during the pandemic and has proposed making that tax credit permanent.

    Walz also was behind Minnesota’s child tax credit increase in 2023, and successfully pushed forward a statewide paid family and medical leave law that takes effect in 2026. — J.M.

    Pre-K

    In 2021, the Biden administration proposed a universal preschool program as part of a multi-trillion-dollar social spending plan called Build Back Better. The plan ultimately failed to win backing from the Senate.

    Earlier this year, Walz signed a package of child-focused bills into law. one of which expands the state’s public pre-K program by 9,000 seats and provides pay for teachers who attend structured literacy training. — J.M.


    K-12

    Artificial intelligence, education technology, cybersecurity

    Harris has played a key role in leading the Biden administration’s AI initiatives, particularly since the launch of ChatGPT. Biden signed an executive order on AI in October 2023, which directed the Education Department to develop within a year resources, policies and guidance on AI and to create an “AI toolkit” for schools.

    While Harris hasn’t specifically addressed education technology, in the Biden administration, the Education Department earlier this year released the National Education Technology Plan to serve as a blueprint for schools on how to implement technology in education, how to address inequities in the use and design of ed tech and how to offer ways to bridge the country’s digital divide.

    In 2023, the current administration announced several new initiatives to tackle cybersecurity threats in K-12 schools, including a three-year pilot program through the Federal Communications Commission that will provide up to $200 million to help school districts that are eligible for FCC’s E-Rate program cover the cost of cybersecurity services and equipment. — Javeria Salman

    Immigrant students

    Harris has vowed to protect those in the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which delays deportation for undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children. The Biden administration has also used its bully pulpit to remind states and school districts that all children regardless of immigration status have a constitutional right to a free public education. As a senator in 2018, Harris sponsored legislation designed to reunite migrant families separated at the U.S.-Mexico border by the Trump administration, although family separation has continued on a much smaller scale in the Biden administration. In Minnesota, Walz signed legislation that starting next year will provide free public college tuition to undocumented students from low-income families. — Neal Morton

    LGBTQ+ students and Title IX

    Harris and Walz have both expressed support for LGBTQ+ students and teachers. As a senator, Harris supported the Equality Act in 2019, which would have expanded protections in the Civil Rights Act on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity in education, among other areas. In a speech to the American Federation of Teachers, Harris decried the so-called “Don’t Say Gay” laws passed by Florida and other states in recent years. Walz has a long history of supporting LGBTQ+ students in Minnesota, where he was the faculty adviser of Mankato West High School’s first Gay-Straight Alliance club in the 1990s. In 2021, Walz signed an executive order restricting insurance coverage for so-called conversion therapy for minors and directing a state agency to investigate potential “discriminatory practice related to conversion therapy.” Walz signed an executive order in 2023 protecting gender-affirming health care. Earlier this year, he signed a law barring libraries from banning books based on ideology; book bans nationwide have largely targeted LGTBQ+-themed books.

    The Biden administration announced significant rule changes to Title IX in 2024 that undid some of the changes the Trump administration made, including removing a mandate for colleges to have live hearings and cross-examinations when investigating sexual assaults on campus. The current administration also expanded protections for students based on sexual orientation and gender identity, which had been temporarily blocked in more than two dozen states and in schools attended by children of members of Moms for Liberty, Young America’s Foundation and Female Athletes United. — Ariel Gilreath

    Native students

    As vice president, Harris worked in an administration that promised to improve education for Native Americans, including a 10-year plan to revitalize Native languages. The president’s infrastructure bill, passed in 2021, created a $3 billion program to broaden access to high-speed internet on tribal lands — a major barrier for students trying to learn at home during the pandemic. During his time as governor, Walz signed legislation last year to make college tuition-free for Native American students in Minnesota and required K-12 teachers to complete training on Native American history. Walz also required every state agency, including the department of education, to appoint tribal-state liaisons and formally consult with tribal governments.

    Walz spent part of his early career teaching in small rural schools, including on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota. — N.M.

    School choice

    Harris, who was endorsed by the nation’s largest public school teachers unions, has voiced support for public schools, but has said little about school vouchers or school choice. Walz does not support private-school vouchers, opposing statewide private-school voucher legislation introduced in 2021 by Republicans in Minnesota. — A.G.

    School meals

    One of Walz’s signature legislative achievements was supporting a bill that provides free school breakfasts and lunches to public and charter school students in Minnesota, regardless of household income. Walz, who signed the law in 2023, made Minnesota one of only eight states to have a universal school meal policy. The new law is expected to cost about $480 million over the next two years.

    The Biden administration also expanded access to free school lunch by making it easier for schools to provide food without collecting eligibility information on every child’s family. — Christina A. Samuels

    School prayer

    The Biden administration has sought to protect students from feeling pressured into praying in schools. Following the 2022 Supreme Court decision in Kennedy v. Bremerton, the federal Education Department published updated guidance saying that while the Constitution permits school employees to pray during the workday, they may not “compel, coerce, persuade, or encourage students to join in the employee’s prayer or other religious activity.” — Caroline Preston

    Special education

    As a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, Harris released a “children’s agenda” in 2019 that, among other provisions, called for a large boost in special education spending.

    When Congress first passed the federal law that is now called the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, it authorized spending to cover up to 40 percent of the “excess costs” of educating students with disabilities compared to their peers. But Congress has never come close to meeting that goal, and today the federal government distributes only about 15 percent of the total cost of educating students with disabilities. The shortfall is “immoral,” Harris told members of the National Education Association at a 2019 candidates forum.

    The Biden administration also has proposed large increases in special education spending, but proposals for full funding of special education have not made it through Congress. — C.A.S.

    Student mental health, school safety

    As California attorney general, Harris created a Bureau of Children’s Justice to address childhood trauma, among other issues. She has spoken out about the mental health toll of trauma, including from poverty, and the need for more resources and “culturally competent” mental health providers. But a 2011 law she pushed for as attorney general allowing parents of chronically absent students to be criminally charged later drew criticism for its toll on families, particularly those who are Black or Hispanic. Harris has said she regrets the law’s “unintended consequences.”

    The Biden administration’s actions on student mental health includes expanding the pipeline of school psychologists, streamlining payment and delivery of school mental health services and directing the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to develop new ways of assessing social media’s impact on youth mental health.

    As vice president, Harris leads the new White House Office of Gun Violence Prevention, which was created after lobbying by survivors of school shootings to support gun safety regulations. She has touted the administration’s efforts to prevent school shootings, including a grant program that has awarded roughly $500 million to schools for “evidence-based solutions,” including anonymous reporting systems for threats and training for school employees on preventing school violence. 

    In Minnesota, Walz’s 2022 budget called for $210 million in spending to help schools support students experiencing mental health challenges. “As a former classroom teacher, I know that students carry everything that happens outside the classroom into the classroom every day, and this is why it is imperative that our students get the resources they deserve,” he said. — C.P.

    Teachers unions, pandemic recovery

    The Biden administration has close ties to the nations’ largest teachers unions, the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association, the latter of which is the largest labor union of any kind in the country. First lady Jill Biden, who teaches community college courses, is a member of the NEA. Walz, a former teacher, is also an NEA member.

    The administration was criticized for discussing with the AFT what kinds of safety measures should accompany the reopening of public schools after the pandemic.

    Since 2021, the Biden administration has poured billions into helping public schools recover from the pandemic in various ways: to pay for more staff and tutors and upgrade facilities to improve air conditioning and ventilation, among other things. However, academic performance has yet to rebound, and the recovery has been uneven, with wealthier white students more likely to have made up ground lost during remote classes and Black and Latino students less likely to have done so.

    The two unions, which had supported reelecting Biden, quickly threw their support to Harris and Walz. “Educators are fired up and united to get out and elect the Harris-Walz ticket,” NEA President Becky Pringle said after Harris named Walz as her running mate. “We know we can count on a continued and real partnership to expand access to free school meals for students, invest in student mental health, ensure no educator has to carry the weight of crushing student debt and do everything possible to keep our communities and schools safe.” — Nirvi Shah

    Teaching about U.S. history and race

    Both Harris and Walz have pushed back against Republican-led attacks on K-12 history instruction and efforts to minimize classroom conversations around slavery and race. Shortly after taking office in January 2021, the Biden administration dissolved President Donald Trump’s 1776 commission. In July 2023, Harris criticized a new history standard in Florida that said the experience of being enslaved had given people skills “for their personal benefit.”

    As governor, Walz released an education plan calling for more “inclusive” instruction that is “reflective of students of color and Indigenous students.” It also called for anti-bias training for school staff, the establishment of an Equity, Diversity and Inclusion center at the Minnesota Department of Education, and the expansion of efforts to recruit Indigenous teachers and teachers of color. Walz also has advocated for educating students about the Holocaust and other genocides; state bans on teaching about “divisive concepts” in some Republican-led states have chilled such instruction. — C.P.

    Title I

    Harris’ 2019 “children’s agenda,” from when she was angling to be the Democratic nominee for president, proposed “significantly increasing” Title I, the federal program aimed at educating children from low-income families. The Biden administration also has proposed major increases to Title I spending, but Congress has not enacted those proposals. — C.A.S.


    Higher Education

    Accreditation

    As California attorney general, Harris urged the federal government in 2016 to revoke federal recognition for the accrediting agency of the for-profit chain Corinthian Colleges, which she had successfully sued for misleading students and using predatory recruiting practices. The accreditor’s recognition ultimately was removed in 2022. 

    As vice president, Harris has said little about the accreditation system, which is independently run and federally regulated and acts as a gatekeeper to billions of dollars in federal student aid. But the Biden administration has sought to require accreditors to create minimum standards on student outcomes such as graduation rates and licensure-exam pass rates. Sarah Butrymowicz

    Affirmative action

    Harris has long supported affirmative action in college admissions. As California attorney general, she criticized the impact of the state’s 1996 ban at its public colleges. She also filed friend-of-the-court briefs in support of the University of Texas’ race-conscious admissions policy when the Supreme Court heard challenges to it in 2012 and 2015.

    Last June, Harris criticized the Supreme Court’s ruling against affirmative action the same day it was handed down, calling the decision a “denial of opportunity.” Walz, referring to the decision, wrote on X, “In Minnesota, we know that diversity in our schools and businesses reflects a strong and diverse state.” — Meredith Kolodner

    DEI

    Harris has not shied away from supporting DEI initiatives, even as they became a focus of attack for Republicans. “Extremist so-called leaders are trying to erase America’s history and dare suggest that studying and prioritizing diversity, equity, and inclusion is a bad thing. They’re wrong,” she wrote on X.

    As governor, Walz has taken steps to increase access to higher education across racial groups, including offering tuition-free enrollment at state colleges for residents who are members of a tribal nation. This spring, Walz signed a budget that increased funding for scholarships for students from underrepresented racial groups to teach in Minnesota schools. — M.K.

    For-profit colleges

    Harris has long been a critic of for-profit colleges. In 2013, as California state attorney general, she sued Corinthian Colleges, Inc., eventually obtaining a more than $1.1 billion settlement against the defunct company. “For years, Corinthian profited off the backs of poor people now they have to pay,” she said in a press release. As senator, she signed a letter in the summer of 2020 calling for the exclusion of for-profit colleges from Covid-era emergency funding. — M.K.

    Free college

    The Biden administration repeatedly has proposed making community college free for students regardless of family income. The administration also proposed making college free for students whose families make less than $125,000 per year if the students attend a historically Black college, tribal college or another minority-serving institution.

    In 2023, Walz signed a bill that made two- and four-year public colleges in Minnesota free for students whose families make less than $80,000 per year. The North Star Promise Program works by paying the remaining tuition after scholarships and grants have been applied, so that students don’t have to take out loans to pay for school. — Olivia Sanchez

    Free/hate speech

    Following nationwide campus protests against the war in Gaza, Biden said, “There should be no place on any campus, no place in America for antisemitism or threats of violence against Jewish students. There is no place for hate speech or violence of any kind, where it’s antisemitism, Islamophobia, or discrimination against Arab Americans or Palestinian Americans.” His Education Department is investigating dozens of complaints about antisemitism and Islamophobia on K-12 and college campuses, a number that has spiraled since the start of the war. O.S.

    Pell grants

    The Pell grant individual maximum award has increased by $900 to $7,395 since the beginning of the Biden administration, part of its goal to double the maximum award by 2029. Education experts say that when the Pell grant program began in the 1970s, it covered roughly 75 percent of the average tuition bill but today covers only about one-third. They say doubling the Pell grant would make it easier for low-income students to earn a degree. The administration tried several times to make Pell grants available to undocumented students who are part of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, but has been unsuccessful. — O.S.

    Student loan forgiveness

    In 2019, while campaigning for the Democratic presidential nomination, Harris proposed forgiving loans for Pell grant recipients who operated businesses in disadvantaged communities for a minimum of three years. As vice president, she was reportedly instrumental in pushing Biden to announce a sweeping debt cancelation policy.

    The policy, which would have eliminated up to $20,000 in debt for borrowers under a certain income level, ultimately was blocked by the Supreme Court. Since then, the Biden administration has used other existing programs, including Public Service Loan Forgiveness, to cancel more than $168 billion in federal student debt.

    Harris has regularly championed these moves. In April, for instance, she participated in a round-table discussion on debt relief, touting what the administration had done. “That’s more money in their pocket to pay for things like child care, more money in their pocket to get through the month in terms of rent or a mortgage,” she said of those who had loans forgiven.

    But challenges remain. In August, a federal appeals court issued a stay on a Biden plan, known as the SAVE plan, which aimed to allow enrolled borrowers to cut their monthly payments and have their debts forgiven more quickly than they currently can. — S.B.

    This story about Democrats in education was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Sarah Butrymowicz, Ariel Gilreath, Meredith Kolodner, Jackie Mader, Neal Morton, Caroline Preston, Javeria Salman, Christina A. Samuels, Olivia Sanchez and Nirvi Shah

    Source link

  • To help parents facing adversity nurture their children, a Delaware prof created a program now used by 10 countries

    To help parents facing adversity nurture their children, a Delaware prof created a program now used by 10 countries

    [ad_1]

    A young mother sits on the floor in a motel room with her baby girl on her lap, her son milling around in the background. The mother taps the infant’s fist on a toy, as the baby dazes blankly, unengaged. 

    These moments were captured on video before the mother underwent a 10-session intervention for parents who have trouble bonding with their children because of challenges tied to poverty, homelessness and other issues. In a montage of clips filmed afterward, the woman can be seen snuggling the baby sleeping on her chest while she talks to and plays with her young son at her side. In another clip, the son dangles his arm around his mother’s shoulders as she jostles the baby in her lap.


    There is life and love in the room.

    “This mom continues to live in a motel room,” said Mary Dozier, a professor of psychological and brain sciences at the University of Delaware who developed the program. “We haven’t helped her with child care. We haven’t helped her with housing. We haven’t directly tried to change depression or anything else, and yet, these two children’s lives have fundamentally changed.”

    Dozier has spent three decades studying the development of infants and young children. The home visiting program that she developed, dubbed ABC for Attachment and Biobehavioral Catch-Up, uses coaches who provide in-the-moment positive reinforcement to help parents learn to nurture a child, follow a child’s lead and avoid frightening behaviors. These skills are useful for anybody, but they are “especially important when children have experienced adversity or trauma,” Dozier said.

    Through a series of studies coordinated with the Philadelphia Department of Health and Human Services, Dozier and a team of researchers identified children who were at risk of neglect and have followed their development for 15 years, examining the short- and long-term effects of the ABC program. This research has shown that the ABC program – now used in 26 states and 10 countries – improves children’s brain and behavioral development and helps them gain trusting, secure relationships with their parents. Studies have indicated that the easily-implemented ABC program improves children’s executive-functioning and self-control and that it regulates cortisol production, the stress-hormone that partly affects sleep.

    “We see this everywhere we go, whether it’s when we implement it nationally and internationally or in a randomized trial,” said Dozier, the UNIDEL Amy E. du Pont Chair of Child Development at the University of Delaware. “We see the parents change. They become more sensitive. They follow the lead more of their child. We see the children’s attachment is more likely to be secure and organized.”

    Currently, Dozier and her team have been researching how the ABC program impacts parents with substance use disorder. The $3.1 million, National Institutes of Health-funded study began in 2020 and ends in 2026. It includes about 200 parents from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland who are receiving treatment, such as the medications methadone or buprenorphine that help stem the cravings for and effects of opioids. Since opioids and other drugs interfere with brain receptors involved with the reward system, the natural rewards that come from bonding with a child and parenting may be affected.

    “We (humans) are designed so that parenting will be rewarding, but that system gets disrupted when we have enough challenges in our life, either because of drugs or mental health issues or living in a motel room with three kids,” Dozier said. “So what you’ve got to do is change the system, tweak it so that eventually children can be become more rewarding, so that the process of parenting is itself rewarding.”

    With the parents with substance use disorder in the ABC program, Dozier’s team has been placing electrodes on their heads to study brain activity as they look at pictures of babies and pictures of drugs.

    “What we anticipate is that the baby would become relatively more important to them than the drug, if they’re in the … ABC intervention than if they’re not,” Dozier said. “But I don’t know the answer to that at this point.”

    Helping parents learn to become more engaged with their children is necessary even before resolving substance use, stabilizing housing or addressing other challenges because “babies can’t wait,” Dozier said.

    No matter what situation the parents are in, coaches conducting the ABC intervention do not critique or correct parents’ actions. Instead, starting in the very first session, the coaches “are already trying to find something in what they’re (the parents) doing that is positive and pointing it out,” Dozier said.

    The parent should feel supported by the ABC coach whose ongoing, positive reinforcement of what the parent is doing well elicits a “cascade of behaviors, and it makes parents really feel empowered. It makes them feel good about themselves,” Dozier said.

    “I was 37, and I was a psychologist when I had my first child,” Dozier said. “If you had an expert come in to say they’re going to evaluate my parenting, I would have found that threatening. And so you can imagine what it would feel like for a 20-year-old who is using opioids.

    “Everybody said, ‘How in the world could you possibly have a child? You have no business having a child.’ They’re (the parents) going to just feel so demeaned. So, the positive comments are just so critical in helping them feel rewarded by this process. And eventually, what we want is that they are rewarded by their baby and rewarded by parenting itself. We’re sort of scaffolding that process to get them to that point.”

    [ad_2]

    Courtenay Harris Bond

    Source link

  • How could Project 2025 change education?

    How could Project 2025 change education?

    [ad_1]

    The proposals in the 2025 Presidential Transition Project — known as Project 2025 and designed for Donald Trump — would reshape the American education system, early education through college, from start to finish. 

    The conservative Heritage Foundation is the primary force behind the sprawling blueprint, which is separate from the much less detailed Republican National Committee 2024 platform, though they share some common themes.

    Kevin Roberts, the president of Heritage and its lobbying arm, Heritage Action, said in an interview with USA TODAY that Project 2025 should be seen “like a menu from the Cheesecake Factory.” No one president could take on all these changes, he said. “It’s a manual for conservative policy thought.”

    The fast-changing political landscape makes it difficult to say which of these proposals might be taken up by Trump if he wins reelection. He has claimed to know nothing about it, though many of his allies were involved in drafting it. The exit of President Joe Biden from the presidential race may have an impact on Project 2025 that is still unknown. Finally, many of the broadest proposals in the document, such as changes to Title I and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, would require congressional action, not just an order from the White House.

    However, it remains a useful document for outlining the priorities of those who would likely play a part in a new Trump administration. The Hechinger Report created this reference guide that digs into the Project 2025 wishlist for education.

    Stories that inspire

    Sign up to receive our deeply reported education coverage in your inbox, every Tuesday.

    Early childhood

    Child care for military families

    Project 2025 calls for expanding child care for military families, who have access to programs that are often upheld as premier examples of high-quality care in America. – Jackie Mader

    Head Start and child care 

    Project 2025 calls for eliminating the Office of Head Start, which would lead to the closure of Head Start child care programs that serve about 833,000 low-income children each year. Most Head Start children are served in center-based programs, which have an outsized role in rural areas and prioritize enrolling a certain percentage of young children with disabilities who often struggle to find child care elsewhere. Head Start also provides a critical funding and resource stream to other private child care programs that meet Head Start standards, including home-based programs. – J. M.

    Home-based child care

    A conservative administration should also prioritize funding for home-based child care rather than “universal day care” in programs outside the home, Project 2025 says. That funding would include money for parents to stay home with a child or to pay for “familial, in-home” care, proposals that could be appealing to some early childhood advocates who have long called for more resources for informal care and stay-at-home parents. – J. M.

    On-site child care

    If out-of-home child care is necessary, Congress should offer incentives for on-site child care, Project 2025 says, because it “puts the least stress on the parent-child bond.” Early childhood advocates have been wary of such proposals because they tie child care access to a specific job. It also calls on Congress to clarify within the Fair Labor Standards Act that an employer’s expenses for providing such care are not part of the employee’s pay.– J. M.

    K-12 education

    Data collection  

    The National Assessment of Educational Progress, known as the “Nation’s Report Card,” should release student performance data based on “family structure” in addition to existing categories such as race and socioeconomic status Project 2025 argues. Family structure, the document says, is “one of the most important if not the most important factor influencing student educational achievement and attainment.” The document goes on to endorse “natural family structure” of a heterosexual, two-parent household, “because all children have a right to be raised by the men and women who conceived them.” — Sarah Butrymowicz 

    LGBTQ students 

    Project 2025 advocates a rollback of regulations that protect people from discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. It calls for agencies to “focus their enforcement of sex discrimination laws on the biological binary meaning of ‘sex.’” 

    The plan also calls on Congress and state lawmakers to require schools to refer to students by the names on their birth certificates and the pronouns associated with their biological sex, unless they have written permission from parents to refer to them otherwise.

    The plan also equates transgender issues with child abuse and pornography, and proposes that school libraries with books deemed offensive be punished. — Ariel Gilreath

    Privatization 

    In place of a federal Education Department, the blueprint calls for widespread public education funding that goes directly to families, as part of its overarching goal of “advancing education freedom.”

    The document specifically highlights the education savings account program in Arizona, the first state to open school vouchers up to all families. Programs like Arizona’s have few, if any, restrictions on who can access the funding. Project 2025 also calls for education savings accounts for schools under federal jurisdiction, such as those run by the Department of Defense or the Bureau of Indian Education. 

    In addition, Project 2025 calls on Congress to look into creating a federal scholarship tax credit to “incentivize donors to contribute” to nonprofit groups that grant scholarships for private school tuition or education materials. — Ariel Gilreath and Neal Morton

    School meals 

    The federal school meals program should be scaled back to ensure that only children from low-income families are receiving the benefit, the document says. Policy changes under the Obama administration have made it easier for entire schools or districts to provide free meals to students without families needing to submit individual eligibility paperwork. — Christina A. Samuels

    Special education 

    Project 2025 says that the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, which provides $14.2 billion in federal money for the education of school-aged children with disabilities, should be mostly converted to “no-strings” block grants to individual states. Lawmakers should also consider making a portion of the federal money payable directly to parents of children with disabilities, it says, so they can use it for tutoring, therapies or other educational materials. This would be similar to education savings accounts in place in Arizona and Florida

    The blueprint also calls for rescinding a policy called “Equity in IDEA.” Under that policy, districts are required to evaluate if schools are disproportionately enrolling Black, Native American and other ethnic minority students in special education. Districts must also track how these students are disciplined, and if they are more likely than other students in special education to be placed in classrooms separate from their general education peers. Current rules, which Project 2025 would eliminate, require that districts that have significant disparities in this area must use 15 percent of their federal funding to address those problems. — C.A.S.

    Teaching about race 

    Project 2025 elevates concerns among members of the political right that educating students about race and racism risks promoting bias against white people. The document discusses the legal concept of critical race theory, and argues that when it is used in teacher training and school activities such as “mandatory affinity groups,” it disrupts “the values that hold communities together such as equality under the law and colorblindness.” 

    The document calls for legislation requiring schools to adopt proposals “that say no individual should receive punishment or benefits based on the color of their skin,” among other recommendations. It also calls for a federal Parents’ Bill of Rights that would give families a “fair hearing in court” if they believed the federal government had enforced policies undermining their right to raise their children. — Caroline Preston

    Title I

    This program, funded at a little over $18 billion for fiscal 2024, is the largest federal program for K-12 schools and is designed to help children from low-income families. The conservative blueprint would encourage lawmakers to make the program a block grant to states, with few restrictions on how it can be used — and, over 10 years, to phase it out entirely. Additionally, it says, lawmakers should allow parents in Title I schools to use part of that funding for educational savings accounts that could be spent on private tutoring or other services. — C.A.S.

    Higher education

    Affirmative action and diversity, equity and inclusion 

    The document calls for prosecuting “all state and local governments, institutions of higher education, corporations, and any other private employers” that maintain affirmative action or DEI policies. That position matches the views expressed by Donald Trump and his running mate, Sen. J.D. Vance of Ohio, about the use of race in college admissions and beyond. Liz Willen 

    Data collection 

    In higher education, the proposal argues that college graduation and earnings data need a “risk adjustment” that factors in the types of students served by a particular institution. While selective colleges tend to post the highest graduation rates and student earnings, they also tend to enroll the least-“risky” students. A risk adjustment methodology could benefit community colleges, which often have low graduation rates but enroll many nontraditional students who face obstacles to earning a degree. It would also likely benefit for-profit colleges, which similarly tend to accept most applicants. Historically, for-profit schools have received scrutiny under Democratic administrations for poor outcomes and for allegedly misleading students about the value of the education they provide. Republican administrations typically have supported less regulation of for-profit institutions. — S.B. 

    Parent PLUS loans and Pell grants 

    The blueprint calls for the elimination of the Parent PLUS loan program, arguing that it is redundant “because there are many privately provided alternatives available.” Originally created for relatively affluent families, the PLUS loan program has become a crucial way for lower- and middle-income families to pay for college. In recent years, it has sparked criticism due to rising default rates and fewer protections than are afforded to otherstudent loan borrowers.  

    At present, interest rates for private loans are significantly lower than Parent PLUS rates, but they come with fewer protections, and it is more difficult to get approved for a private-bank loan. Project 2025 would also get rid of PLUS loans for graduate students.

    If the federal PLUS programs were eliminated, it could stem one portion of the rising tide of families’ education debt, but it would also make the path to paying for college more difficult for some families. 

    Project 2025 does not call for a change to the Pell grant program, which provides federal funding for students from low-income families to attend college. Some advocates have called for doubling the annual maximum allotment, which is $7,395 for the 2024-25 school year, far below the cost to attend many colleges. — Meredith Kolodner and Olivia Sanchez

    Student loan forgiveness 

    Project 2025 would end the prospect of student loan forgiveness, which has already been largely blocked by federal courts; the Biden administration, in a sort of game of Whac-a-Mole, has proposed still more forgiveness programs that are being fought by Republican state attorneys general and others. Project 2025 would also dramatically restrict what’s known as “borrower defense to repayment,” which forgives loans borrowed to pay for colleges that closed or have been found to use illegal or deceptive marketing. Largely restricting the Education Department to collecting statistics, Project 2025 would shift responsibility for student loans to the Treasury Department. — Jon Marcus

    This story about Project 2025 was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for our higher education newsletter

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Jackie Mader, Christina A. Samuels, Sarah Butrymowicz, Ariel Gilreath, Neal Morton, Caroline Preston, Liz Willen, Olivia Sanchez, Meredith Kolodner and Jon Marcus

    Source link

  • Bolivia’s beleaguered president announces natural gas discovery, promising a boon for the country

    Bolivia’s beleaguered president announces natural gas discovery, promising a boon for the country

    [ad_1]

    LA PAZ, Bolivia — Bolivia’s embattled president on Monday announced the discovery of vast natural gas reserves, describing it as the biggest find in nearly two decades that could help the cash-strapped country reverse its falling production.

    President Luis Arce called the trove just north of the capital a “mega field,” saying it has some 1.7 trillion cubic meters of gas at a likely market value of $6.8 billion.

    He said the field — named Mayaya X-1 — is way to revive the gas industry. That was the engine of robust growth in the early 2000s, a period of booming exports and declining poverty that experts have termed Bolivia’s “economic miracle.”

    “This marks the beginning of a new chapter for the northern sub-Andean region, offering hope of maintaining our country as an important gas exporter,” said Arce, who is the alleged target of a military coup attempt last month and the main focus of anger among Bolivians over shortages of fuel and foreign currency. “It’s the most important discovery since 2005.”

    In more recent years, investment in exploration projects by Bolivia’s state-owned energy company has dwindled and natural gas extraction has faded fast.

    Bolivian politicians spent much of the gas windfall on lavishly subsidized fuel. The economic model pioneered by then President Evo Morales, Arce’s bitter political rival, quickly became unsustainable when commodity prices fell.

    In a warning for the government, the Bolivian Institute of Foreign Trade reported last year that the country — once among the world’s top 10 natural gas producers — had become a net importer of hydrocarbons, spending $2.9 billion on diesel imports while earning only $2 billion from natural gas exports.

    Last month, Arce described production as having “hit rock bottom.”

    Bolivia’s state-controlled energy company, Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales Bolivianos, or YPFB, said Monday that the newly announced natural gas field was discovered thanks to a $50 million investment.

    The field, it said, covers several regions north of La Paz, the administrative capital, and will add to Bolivia’s existing gas reserves, which stood at 8.7 trillion cubic meters in 2019. There has been no publicly available data since.

    “It’s a new exploratory frontier,” said Armin Dorgathen, YPFB president.

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • PROOF POINTS: Some of the $190 billion in pandemic money for schools actually paid off

    PROOF POINTS: Some of the $190 billion in pandemic money for schools actually paid off

    [ad_1]

    Reports about schools squandering their $190 billion in federal pandemic recovery money have been troubling.  Many districts spent that money on things that had nothing to do with academics, particularly building renovations. Less common, but more eye-popping were stories about new football fields, swimming pool passes, hotel rooms at Caesar’s Palace in Las Vegas and even the purchase of an ice cream truck. 

    So I was surprised that two independent academic analyses released in June 2024 found that some of the money actually trickled down to students and helped them catch up academically.  Though the two studies used different methods, they arrived at strikingly similar numbers for the average growth in math and reading scores during the 2022-23 school year that could be attributed to each dollar of federal aid. 

    One of the research teams, which includes Harvard University economist Tom Kane and Stanford University sociologist Sean Reardon, likened the gains to six days of learning in math and three days of learning in reading for every $1,000 in federal pandemic aid per student. Though that gain might seem small, high-poverty districts received an average of $7,700 per student, and those extra “days” of learning for low-income students added up. Still, these neediest children were projected to be one third of a grade level behind low-income students in 2019, before the pandemic disrupted education.

    “Federal funding helped and it helped kids most in need,” wrote Robin Lake, director of the Center on Reinventing Public Education, on X in response to the two studies. Lake was not involved in either report, but has been closely tracking pandemic recovery. “And the spending was worth the gains,” Lake added. “But it will not be enough to do all that is needed.” 

    The academic gains per aid dollar were close to what previous researchers had found for increases in school spending. In other words, federal pandemic aid for schools has been just as effective (or ineffective) as other infusions of money for schools. The Harvard-Stanford analysis calculated that the seemingly small academic gains per $1,000 could boost a student’s lifetime earnings by $1,238 – not a dramatic payoff, but not a public policy bust either. And that payoff doesn’t include other societal benefits from higher academic achievement, such as lower rates of arrests and teen motherhood. 

    The most interesting nuggets from the two reports, however, were how the academic gains varied wildly across the nation. That’s not only because some schools used the money more effectively than others but also because some schools got much more aid per student.

    The poorest districts in the nation, where 80 percent or more of the students live in families whose income is low enough to qualify for the federally funded school lunch program, demonstrated meaningful recovery because they received the most aid. About 6 percent of the 26 million public schoolchildren that the researchers studied are educated in districts this poor. These children had recovered almost half of their pandemic learning losses by the spring of 2023. The very poorest districts, representing 1 percent of the children, were potentially on track for an almost complete recovery in 2024 because they tended to receive the most aid per student. However, these students were far below grade level before the pandemic, so their recovery brings them back to a very low rung.

    Some high-poverty school districts received much more aid per student than others. At the top end of the range, students in Detroit received about $26,000 each – $1.3 billion spread among fewer than 49,000 students. One in 10 high-poverty districts received more than $10,700 for each student. An equal number of high-poverty districts received less than $3,700 per student. These surprising differences for places with similar poverty levels occurred because pandemic aid was allocated according to the same byzantine rules that govern federal Title I funding to low-income schools. Those formulas give large minimum grants to small states, and more money to states that spend more per student. 

    On the other end of the income spectrum are wealthier districts, where 30 percent or fewer students qualify for the lunch program, representing about a quarter of U.S. children. The Harvard-Stanford researchers expect these students to make an almost complete recovery. That’s not because of federal recovery funds; these districts received less than $1,000 per student, on average. Researchers explained that these students are on track to approach 2019 achievement levels because they didn’t suffer as much learning loss.  Wealthier families also had the means to hire tutors or time to help their children at home.

    Middle-income districts, where between 30 percent and 80 percent of students are eligible for the lunch program, were caught in between. Roughly seven out of 10 children in this study fall into this category. Their learning losses were sometimes large, but their pandemic aid wasn’t. They tended to receive between $1,000 and $5,000 per student. Many of these students are still struggling to catch up.

    In the second study, researchers Dan Goldhaber of the American Institutes for Research and Grace Falken of the University of Washington estimated that schools around the country, on average, would need an additional $13,000 per student for full recovery in reading and math.  That’s more than Congress appropriated.

    There were signs that schools targeted interventions to their neediest students. In school districts that separately reported performance for low-income students, these students tended to post greater recovery per dollar of aid than wealthier students, the Goldhaber-Falken analysis shows.

    Impact differed more by race, location and school spending. Districts with larger shares of white students tended to make greater achievement gains per dollar of federal aid than districts with larger shares of Black or Hispanic students. Small towns tended to produce more academic gains per dollar of aid than large cities. And school districts that spend less on education per pupil tended to see more academic gains per dollar of aid than high spenders. The latter makes sense: an extra dollar to a small budget makes a bigger difference than an extra dollar to a large budget. 

    The most frustrating part of both reports is that we have no idea what schools did to help students catch up. Researchers weren’t able to connect the academic gains to tutoring, summer school or any of the other interventions that schools have been trying. Schools still have until September to decide how to spend their remaining pandemic recovery funds, and, unfortunately, these analyses provide zero guidance.

    And maybe some of the non-academic things that schools spent money on weren’t so frivolous after all. A draft paper circulated by the National Bureau of Economic Research in January 2024 calculated that school spending on basic infrastructure, such as air conditioning and heating systems, raised test scores. Spending on athletic facilities did not. 

    Meanwhile, the final score on pandemic recovery for students is still to come. I’ll be looking out for it.

    This story about federal funding for education was written by Jill Barshay and produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Proof Points and other Hechinger newsletters.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

    [ad_2]

    Jill Barshay

    Source link

  • Anna Jaques Hospital awards $100K in grants

    Anna Jaques Hospital awards $100K in grants

    [ad_1]

    NEWBURYPORT — Anna Jaques Hospital will award $100,000 in grant money over the next two years to 10 community-based organizations serving the health needs of area residents.

    The grants are part of the hospital’s Community Benefits Program to support programs that address community health priorities and help those facing the greatest health inequities within the hospital’s service area, according to a release from Anna Jaques.

    Residents of Newburyport, Amesbury, Haverhill, Salisbury and Merrimac will benefit from the funding. Anna Jaques is part of Beth Israel Lahey Health.

    The selection criteria for the grants included four major health priorities affecting the community that were identified during the hospital’s most recent Community Health Needs Assessment, completed in 2022: equitable access to care, social determinants of health, mental health and substance use, and chronic/complex conditions.

    “By supporting and investing in local organizations that share our goal in addressing the health needs of our region, we improve the quality of life for local residents while strengthening the communities that we serve,” Glenn Focht, M.D., the hospital’s president, said in the release.

    “We are proud to support these local organizations and the important work they do to reduce health disparities and inequities throughout our region,” he added.

    The following 10 nonprofit organizations will receive two-year grants of $5,000 per year, for a total of $10,000:

    Common Ground Ministries: This program provides basic services aimed at alleviating hunger and homelessness while being an advocate for those in need. The grant will help 90 to 100 people who the program serves each day.

    Mitch’s Place, Emmaus, Inc.: This temporary overnight emergency shelter provides adults with a bed, meals, and housing search and employment assistance along with help securing permanent housing and health and social services. The money will help the shelter serve the 400 people it assists annually.

    McKinney-Vento Program, Haverhill Public Schools: The grant will fund food programs, including food closets and a food pantry program, for families whose children attend Haverhill Public Schools and are experiencing homelessness. The program seeks to help an additional 40 students and up to 15% more families.

    Jeanne Geiger Crisis Center, Youth Empowerment Series: This series provides violence prevention programs that teach students of all ages to lead conversations on healthy relationships and to make positive decisions. The money will fund expansion of the series into Newburyport, allowing the program to serve an additional 100 to 150 participants.

    Link House: Children and Teen Center for Help (CATCH): CATCH seeks to empower and support those ages 5 to 18 and their families across the region to understand and nurture their mental well-being. The funding will help to increase the number of young people served by 10%.

    Northern Essex Elder Transport (NEET): This volunteer driver program provides adults age 60 and older across the region with no-cost transportation to medical appointments. The funding will support the 4,000 rides provided to 500 people annually.

    Nourishing the Northshore: VEGOUT program: This program provides free fresh, locally grown produce to food pantries and senior centers across the region from June to October. The money will help provide 280,000 servings of food — a 55% increase from 2023.

    Our Neighbors’ Table: Wednesday Meal Program: The grant will assist this weekly community program based in Amesbury, which provides a hot, three-course meal served by volunteers or as carry-out orders to 300 people each Wednesday.

    The Pettengill House: Behavioral Event and Substance Support Team (BESST): The money will provide a social worker and support for people and families with mental health and substance abuse needs in Merrimac, Salisbury, Amesbury and Newburyport. The program assisted 462 people in 321 households in 2023.

    Sarah’s Place Adult Health Center: This senior adult day health program offers outreach and education to assist people in remaining healthy and independent in their own homes. The funding will help enroll an additional 25 to 50 participants in the program.

    [ad_2]

    Source link