ReportWire

Tag: Poverty

  • Infants and toddlers are a growing group among homeless children

    BOSTON, Mass. — For months, Karian had tried to make it on her own in New York.

    After the birth of her second daughter, she was diagnosed with postpartum depression, major depressive disorder and anxiety. A single mother who had moved from Boston to New York about 13 years ago, she often spent days at a time on the couch, unable to do more than handle the basics for her daughters.

    “I wasn’t taking care of myself,” she said softly on a recent afternoon. “I was not really present.” The Hechinger Report is not publishing her last name to protect her privacy.

    Karian’s mother urged her to move back home to the Boston area and offered to house her and her daughters temporarily. She started working the night shift at a fast food restaurant to save up for her own place while her mother and sister watched her children. 

    But in a city where fast food wages aren’t enough to pay the rent, her efforts felt futile. And then, a month after moving in with her family, her mother’s landlord told her the apartment was overcrowded and she had to leave. Karian and her girls, then 7 years old and 8 months old, moved into a homeless shelter, where her depression and anxiety worsened. 

    “I tried my best, but it’s not their home,” said Karian, now 31.

    Karian’s children had joined the growing ranks of very young children experiencing homelessness. Between 2021 and 2023, the number of homeless infants and toddlers increased in 48 states and the District of Columbia. The most recent estimates found that in 2023 nearly 450,000 infants and toddlers in the United States were in families that lacked a stable place to live. That was a 23 percent increase compared to 2021, according to a report released last year by the nonprofit SchoolHouse Connection in partnership with Poverty Solutions at the University of Michigan.  

    The numbers could be even higher, experts worry, because “hidden homeless” children — those who are doubled up in homes with family or friends or living in a hotel — may not be captured in tallies until they start school.

    High prices for diapers and formula, the exorbitant cost of child care, the rising cost of living, and rising maternal mental health challenges all contribute to the growing rate of homelessness among very young children, experts say. In 2024, one-third of infants and toddlers were in families that struggled to make ends meet, according to the nonprofit infant and toddler advocacy organization Zero to Three. 

    “We’re talking about families who have generationally been disadvantaged by circumstance,” said Kate Barrand, president and CEO of Horizons for Homeless Children, a nonprofit that supports homeless families with young children in Massachusetts. “The cost of housing has escalated dramatically. The cost of any kind of program to put a child in, should you have a job, is escalating,” she added. “There are a lot of things that make it really hard for families.”

    Children work on an activity in a Horizons classroom. Teachers at Horizons are trained to work with children who have experienced trauma and instability. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report

    Related: Young children have unique needs and providing the right care can be a challenge. Our free early childhood education newsletter tracks the issues.

    Housing instability is dire for anyone, but particularly for young children, whose brains are rapidly growing and developing. Studies show that young children who are homeless often lag behind their peers in language development and literacy and struggle to learn self-regulation skills, like being able to calm themselves when feeling angry or sad or transition calmly to new activities. They also may experience long-term health and learning challenges.

    Early childhood programs could provide a critical source of stability and developmental support for these children. But SchoolHouse Connection found only a fraction of homeless children are enrolled in early learning programs, and the percentage who are has decreased over the past few years.

    “It’s not just incredibly tragic and sad that infants and toddlers are experiencing homelessness,” said Rahil Briggs, national director of the nonprofit Zero to Three’s HealthySteps program, which works with pediatricians to support the health of babies and toddlers. The first few years are also a “disproportionately important” time in a child’s life, she added, because of the brain development that’s happening.

    Karian and her daughters faced new difficulties after they moved into a shelter.

    They shared an apartment with another family. If the other family was using the shared common space, Karian tried to give them privacy, which meant keeping her children in the bedroom the three of them shared.

    Her older daughter had to change schools, and left without getting to say goodbye to many of her friends. At her new school, her grades dropped. The baby developed a skin condition and there was a bedbug infestation at the shelter. Karian didn’t want to put her on the floor for tummy time. She was desperate to find a home.

    “We were in a place where we couldn’t really make noise. I couldn’t really let them be kids,” she said.

    The rise in housing insecurity among young children has created more demand for programs created specifically to meet the unique needs of children who are experiencing instability and trauma. Many of these programs offer support to parents as well, through what is called a “two-generation” approach to support and services.

    Related: A school created a homeless shelter in the gym and it paid off in the classroom

    In 2021, in response to ballooning child homelessness rates, Horizons opened the Edgerley Family Horizons Center, an early learning program that serves children from 2 months to 5 years old. While some families find Horizons on their own, many are referred by shelters around the Boston area. The need is great: Edgerley serves more than 250 children, with a waitlist of 200 more. Karian’s younger child was one of those who got a spot soon after the program opened.

    Inside Horizons’ large, light-filled building on the corner of a busy street in Boston’s Roxbury neighborhood, every detail is tailored to the needs of children who have experienced instability. Walls are painted in soothing blues and greens. Each classroom has three teachers to maintain a low child-to-staff ratio. Many of the teachers are bilingual. All educators are trained in how to build relationships with families and gently support children who have experienced trauma. 

    In response to growing need, in 2021 the Horizons opened the Edgerley Family Horizons Center, an early learning program that serves homeless children from 2 months to 5 years old. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report

    The starting salary for teachers is $54,200 a year, far more than the national median for childcare workers of $32,050 and the Massachusetts median of about $39,000. That has encouraged more teachers to stay on at the center and provide a sense of security to the children there, said Horizons CEO Barrand.

    In the infant room, teacher Herb Hickey, who has worked at Horizons for 13 years, frequently sees infants who are hyperaware, struggle to fall asleep, can’t be soothed easily or cling desperately to whichever adult they attach to first. The goal for the infant teachers, he said, is to be a trusted, responsive adult who can be relied on.

    Every day, the teachers in the infant room sing the same songs to the babies. “When they hear our voices constantly, they know they’re in a safe space,” Hickey said. “This is calm.” 

    Teachers also follow the same familiar routines. The rooms are decorated simply, organized and filled with natural light. Teachers constantly scan the infants for signs of distress.

    “We have to be even more responsive,” Hickey said. “When the child starts crying, we don’t have the convenience to say, ‘I know you’re hungry, I’ll get to you.’” He said teachers want even the tiniest babies to learn that “we’re not going to leave you crying.’”

    Small nooks throughout the early learning center allow children to retreat into a comfortable setting when they need time to calm big emotions. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report

    Related: A federal definition of ‘homeless’ leaves some kids out in the cold. One state is trying to help

    Other needs arise with Horizons’ youngest children: Infants and toddlers living in homeless shelters often lag in gross motor skills. Many spend time on beds rather than on playmats on the floor, or they are kept in car seats or in strollers to keep them safe or from wandering off. That means they’re missing out on all the skills that come from active movement.  

    Even the arrangement of toys at the center has a purpose. Staff want children to know they can depend on toys being in the same location every day. For many children, those are some of the only items they can play with. Families entering a shelter environment can usually only bring a few bags, with no room for toys or books. A toddler who recently entered a shelter where Horizons runs a playroom came in holding a small empty chip bag, recalled Tara Spalding, Horizons’ chief of advancement and playspace. When a shelter staff member threw it away, the boy was inconsolable. “This is the only toy my child has,” staff recalled the mother saying.

    “This just shows the sheer poverty,” said Spalding. 

    As infant and toddler homelessness has increased, other cities and states have tried to provide more support to affected families and get a better sense of their needs. In Oklahoma, experts say, low wages, a lack of housing and eviction laws that favor landlords have led to rising homelessness rates. State officials are trying to gather better data about homeless families to determine the best use of resources, said Susan Agel, chair of Oklahoma’s Homeless Children and Youth Steering Committee. Their efforts are hampered, however, by the fact that many homeless families fear that their children will be taken away by child protective services because they are homeless. 

    In 2024, to fill that gap in data, the state launched a residency questionnaire given to every K-12 student that includes new questions about homelessness, including if there are younger children in the home who are not students and may not otherwise be counted in homeless populations. Officials say it isn’t a perfect solution, but it’s a start to get a sense of the severity of family homelessness. “We can’t devise a system for dealing with a problem if we don’t know what the problem is,” said Agel.

    In Sioux Falls, South Dakota, city officials have ramped up efforts to coordinate city agencies to respond to an increase in homelessness among infants and toddlers.

    “In general, the families we see more often have younger children. The school offers so much support, and there’s limited daycare access” to get similar support for infants and toddlers, said Tommy Fuston, Community Services and Housing Navigator at Minnehaha County’s Department of Human Services. “If a family has younger children, they’re going to struggle more.” 

    Each week, officials from the city, the Sioux Falls School District, local early childhood programs and shelters hold a “care meeting” to make sure any homeless families, or families at risk of homelessness, are quickly connected to the right resources and receive follow-up. “We don’t have unlimited resources, but I think it maximizes the resources that we do have,” Fuston said. “We’ve tried to create a village of supportive services to wrap around these folks.” The city relies extensively on private and faith-based donations to help. All shelters in town are privately funded, for example. 

    A preschool child paints in a classroom at Horizons. Families enrolled in the program receive child care for their children as well as classes and support for parents. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report

    Related: Shelter offers rare support for homeless families: a child care center

    Karian heard about the child care center run by Horizons from a social worker soon after she and her daughters moved into their Boston-area shelter. In the infant room, her youngest daughter quickly settled into a routine, something Karian said didn’t happen when the baby was watched at night by family members. When staff identified speech and developmental delays, they helped connect Karian to an early intervention program where her daughter could receive therapy. Now 4 years old and in pre-K at Horizons, “she’s thriving,” Karian said. “She’s getting that nourishment.” 

    Karian also received support. Each family at Horizons is assigned a coach to help parents set personal goals and connect with resources. The organization offers classes in computing, financial management and English, all within the early learning building.

    Two months after setting goals with a family coach, Karian earned her GED, with the help of  the child care assistance. A few months later, she graduated from a culinary training program. She now works a steady job as a cafeteria manager for a local school district, where she earns a salary with benefits. 

    After a year in the shelter, her family was approved for subsidized housing and moved into their own apartment. Horizons allows families to stay in its programs for at least two years after they secure housing to make sure they are stable. 

    Now, Karian has her sights set on eventually opening a restaurant. She also has big dreams for her daughters, something that once seemed out of reach. She wants them to have ambition to “work towards something big,” she said. “I want them to have a dream and be able to achieve it.” 

    Experts say there are larger policy changes that could help families like Karian’s: increasing the minimum wage, expanding child care options like Head Start, which saves a portion of seats for homeless children, and offering more affordable housing to low-income families, to start.

    Providing more federal money to the programs that help poor families pay for child care could also help. Those programs require states to prioritize homeless children and give them the first opportunity to access that money. 

    While important, experts argue, these solutions shouldn’t need to exist in the first place.

    “We should be able to come to an agreement as a society that we should prioritize keeping families with infants and toddlers in their homes,” said Melissa Boteach, chief policy officer at Zero to Three. “Babies shouldn’t be homeless.”

    Contact staff writer Jackie Mader at 212-678-3562 or mader@hechingerreport.org.

    This story about homeless children was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter

    Since you made it to the bottom of this article, we have a small favor to ask. 

    If you believe stories like the one you just finished matter, please consider pitching in what you can. This effort helps ensure our reporting and resources stay free and accessible to everyone—teachers, parents, policymakers—invested in the future of education.

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  • Conservatives see married parents as a solution to low student achievement. It’s not that simple

    Conservatives have long argued that unwed motherhood and single parenting are major drivers of poor student achievement. They contend that traditional two-parent families — ideally with a married mother and father — provide the stability children need to succeed in school. Single-parent households, more common among low-income families, are blamed for weak academic outcomes.

    That argument has resurfaced prominently in Project 2025, a policy blueprint developed by the conservative Heritage Foundation that calls for the federal government to collect and publish more education data broken out by family structure.

    Project 2025 acknowledges that the Education Department already collects some of this data, but asserts that it doesn’t make it public. That’s not true, though you need expertise to extract it. When I contacted the Heritage Foundation, the organization responded that the family-structure data should still be “readily available” to a layman, just like student achievement by race and sex. Fair point.

    Related: Our free weekly newsletter alerts you to what research says about schools and classrooms.

    With some help, I found the figures and the results complicate the conservative claim.

    Since 2013, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), often called the Nation’s Report Card, has asked students about who lives in their home. While the question does not capture every family arrangement, the answers provide a reasonable, albeit imperfect, proxy for family structure and it allows the public to examine how a nationally representative sample of students from different types of households perform academically. 

    I wanted to look at the relationship between family structure and student achievement by family income. Single-parent families are far more common in low-income communities and I didn’t want to conflate achievement gaps by income with achievement gaps by family structure. For example, 43 percent of low-income eighth graders live with only one parent compared with 13 percent of their high-income peers. I wanted to know whether kids who live with only one parent perform worse than kids with the same family income who live with both parents.

    To analyze the most recent data from the 2024 NAEP exam, I used the NAEP Data Explorer, a public tool developed by testing organization ETS for the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). I told an ETS researcher what I wanted to know and he showed me how to generate the cross-tabulations, which I then replicated independently across four tests: fourth- and eighth-grade reading and math. Finally, I vetted the results with a former senior official at NCES and with a current staff member at the governing board that oversees the NAEP assessment.

    The analysis reveals a striking pattern.

    Among low-income students, achievement differs little by family structure. Fourth- and eighth-grade students from low-income households score at roughly the same level whether they live with both parents or with only one parent. Two-parent households do not confer a measurable academic advantage in this group. Fourth-grade reading is a great example. Among the socioeconomic bottom third of students, those who live with both parents scored a 199. Those who live with just mom scored 200. The results are almost identical and, if anything, a smidge higher for the kids of single moms. 

    As socioeconomic status rises, however, differences by family structure become more pronounced. Among middle- and high-income students, those living with both parents tend to score higher than their peers living with only one parent. The gap is largest among the most affluent students. In fourth grade reading, for example, higher-income kids who live with both parents scored a 238, a whopping 10 points higher than their peers who live with only their moms. Experts argue over the meaning of a NAEP point, but some equate 10 NAEP points to a school year’s worth of learning. It’s substantial.

    Family structure matters less for low-income student achievement

    Note: Socioeconomic status (SES) combines family income, parents’ educational attainment and the number of books in the home. “Lives with mother and father” may include students in shared-custody households. Data source: National Center for Education Statistics, NAEP Data Explorer (2024). Table by Jill Barshay/The Hechinger Report

    Still, it’s better to be rich in a single-parent household than poor in a two-parent household. High-income students raised by a single parent substantially outperform low-income students who live with both parents by at least 20 points, underscoring that money and the advantages it brings — such as access to resources, stable housing, and educational support — matter far more than household composition alone. In other words, income far outweighs family structure when it comes to student achievement.

    Despite the NAEP data, Jonathan Butcher, acting director of the center for education policy at the Heritage Foundation, stands by the contention that family structure matters greatly for student outcomes. He points out that research since the landmark Coleman report of 1966 has consistently found a relationship between the two. Most recently, in a 2022 American Enterprise Institute-Brookings report, 15 scholars concluded that children “raised in stable, married-parent families are more likely to excel in school, and generally earn higher grade point averages” than children who are not. Two recent books, Brad Wilcox’s “Get Married” (2024) and Melissa Kearney’s “The Two-Parent Privilege” (2023), make the case, too, and they point out that children raised by married parents are about twice as likely to graduate from college as children who are not. However, it’s unclear to me if all of this analysis has disaggregated student achievement by family income as I did with the NAEP data.

    Related: Trump administration makes good on many Project 2025 education goals

    Family structure is a persistent theme for conservatives. Just last week the Heritage Foundation released a report on strengthening and rebuilding U.S. families. In a July 2025 newsletter, Robert Pondiscio, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank, wrote that “the most effective intervention in education is not another literacy coach or SEL program. It’s dad.” He cited a June 2025 report, “Good Fathers, Flourishing Kids,” by scholars and advocates. (Disclosure: A group led by one of the authors of this report, Richard Reeves, is among the funders of The Hechinger Report.)

    That conclusion is partially supported by the NAEP data, but only for a relatively small share of students from higher-income families (The share of high-income children living with only their mother ranges between 7 and 10 percent. The single-parent rate is higher for eighth graders than for fourth graders.)  For low-income students, who are Pondiscio’s and the scholars’ main concern, it’s not the case. 

    The data has limitations. The NAEP survey does not distinguish among divorced families, grandparent-led households or same-sex parents. Joint custody arrangements are likely grouped with two-parent households because children may say that they live with both mother and father, if not at the same time. Even so, these nuances are unlikely to alter the core finding: For low-income students, academic outcomes are largely similar regardless of whether they live with both parents all of the time, some of the time or only live with one parent. 

    The bottom line is that calls for new federal data collection by family structure, like those outlined in Project 2025, may not reveal what advocates expect. A family’s bank account matters more than a wedding ring. 

    Contact staff writer Jill Barshay at 212-678-3595, jillbarshay.35 on Signal, or barshay@hechingerreport.org.

    This story about family structure and student achievement was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Proof Points and other Hechinger newsletters.

    Since you made it to the bottom of this article, we have a small favor to ask. 

    If you believe stories like the one you just finished matter, please consider pitching in what you can. This effort helps ensure our reporting and resources stay free and accessible to everyone—teachers, parents, policymakers—invested in the future of education.

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  • Talk nerdy to me: Teachers who use math vocabulary help students do better in math

    Students, parents and school principals all instinctively know that some teachers are better than others. Education researchers have spent decades trying — with mixed success — to calculate exactly how much better.

    What remains far more elusive is why.

    A new study suggests that one surprisingly simple difference between stronger and weaker math teachers may be how often they use mathematical vocabulary, words such as “factors,” “denominators” and “multiples,” in class.

    Related: Our free weekly newsletter alerts you to what research says about schools and classrooms.

    Teachers who used more math vocabulary had students who scored higher on math tests, according to a team of data scientists and education researchers from Harvard University, Stanford University and the University of Maryland. The size of the test score boost was substantial. It amounted to about half of the benefit researchers typically attribute to having a highly effective teacher, which is among the most important school-based factors that help children learn. Students with highly effective teachers can end up months ahead of their peers. 

    “If you’re looking for a good math teacher, you’re probably looking for somebody who’s exposing their students to more mathematical vocabulary,” said Harvard data scientist Zachary Himmelsbach, lead author of the study, which was published online in November 2025.

    The finding aligns with a growing body of research suggesting that language plays a critical role in math learning. A 2021 meta-analysis of 40 studies found that students with stronger math vocabularies tend to perform better in math, particularly on multi-step, complex problems. Understanding what a “radius” is, for example, can make it more efficient to talk about perimeter and area and understand geometric concepts. Some math curricula explicitly teach vocabulary and include glossaries to reinforce these terms.

    Related: Three reasons why so few eighth graders in the poorest schools take algebra

    But vocabulary alone is unlikely to be a magic ingredient.

    “If a teacher just stood in front of the classroom and recited lists of mathematical vocabulary terms, nobody’s learning anything,” said Himmelsbach. 

    Instead, Himmelsbach suspects that vocabulary is part of a broader constellation of effective teaching practices. Teachers who use more math terms may also be providing clearer explanations, walking students through lots of examples step-by-step, and offering engaging puzzles. These teachers might also have a stronger conceptual understanding of math themselves.

    It’s hard to isolate what exactly is driving the students’ math learning and what role vocabulary, in and of itself, is playing, Himmelsbach said.

    Himmelsbach and his research team analyzed transcripts from more than 1,600 fourth- and fifth-grade math lessons in four school districts recorded for research purposes about 15 years ago. They counted how often teachers used more than 200 common math terms drawn from elementary math curriculum glossaries.

    The average teacher used 140 math-related words per lesson. But there was wide variation. The top quarter of the teachers used at least 28 more math terms per lesson than the quarter of the teachers who spoke the fewest math words. Over the course of a school year, that difference amounted to roughly 4,480 additional math terms, meaning that some students were exposed to far richer mathematical language than others, depending on which teacher they happened to have that year.

    The study linked these differences to student achievement. One hundred teachers were recorded over three years, and in the third year, students were randomly assigned to classrooms. That random assignment allowed the researchers to rule out the possibility that higher performing students were simply being clustered with stronger teachers.

    Related: A theory for learning numbers without counting gains popularity

    The lessons came from districts serving mostly low-income students. About two-thirds of students qualified for free or reduced-price lunch, more than 40 percent were Black, and nearly a quarter were Hispanic — the very populations that tend to struggle the most in math and stand to gain the most from effective instruction.

    Interestingly, student use of math vocabulary did not appear to matter as much as teacher use. Although the researchers also tracked how often students used math terms in class, they found no clear link between teachers who used more vocabulary and students who spoke more math words themselves. Exposure and comprehension, rather than verbal facility, may be enough to support stronger math performance.

    The researchers also looked for clues as to why some teachers used more math vocabulary than others. Years of teaching experience made no difference. Nor did the number of math or math pedagogy courses teachers had taken in college. Teachers with stronger mathematical knowledge did tend to use more math terms, but the relationship was modest.

    Himmelsbach suspects that personal beliefs play an important role. Some teachers, he said, worry that formal math language will confuse students and instead favor more familiar phrasing, such as “put together” instead of addition, or “take away” instead of subtraction. While those colloquial expressions can be helpful, students ultimately need to understand how they correspond to formal mathematical concepts, Himmelsbach said.

    This study is part of a new wave of education research that uses machine learning and natural language processing — computer techniques that analyze large volumes of text — to peer inside the classroom, which has long remained a black box. With enough recorded lessons, researchers hope not only to identify which teaching practices matter most, but also provide teachers with concrete, data-driven feedback.

    Related: A little parent math talk with kids might really add up

    The researchers did not examine whether teachers used math terms correctly, but they noted that future models could be trained to do just that, offering feedback on accuracy and context, not just frequency.

    For now, the takeaway is more modest but still meaningful: Students appear to learn more math when their teachers speak the language of math more often.  

    Contact staff writer Jill Barshay at 212-678-3595, jillbarshay.35 on Signal, or barshay@hechingerreport.org.

    This story about math vocabulary was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Proof Points and other Hechinger newsletters.

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  • From Bus Driver to President: Venezuela’s Maduro Never Escaped His Predecessor’s Shadow

    U.S. President Donald Trump, in an early morning social media post, announced Maduro’s capture. Venezuela’s vice president, Delcy Rodríguez, later announced that the whereabouts of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, remained unknown. Trump’s attorney general, Pam Bondi, said Maduro and Flores, would face charges after an indictment in New York.

    Maduro’s fall was the culmination of months of stepped-up U.S. pressure on various fronts.

    He had spent the last months of his presidency fueling speculation over the intentions of the U.S. government to attack and invade Venezuela with the goal of ending the self-proclaimed socialist revolution that his late mentor and predecessor, Hugo Chávez, ushered in 1999. Maduro, like Chávez, cast the United States as Venezuela’s biggest threat, railing against Democratic and Republic administrations for any efforts to restore democratic norms.

    Maduro’s political career began 40 years ago. In 1986, he traveled to Cuba to receive a year of ideological instruction, his only formal education after high school. Upon his return, he worked as a bus driver for the Caracas subway system, where he quickly became a union leader. Venezuela’s intelligence agencies in the 1990s identified him as a leftist radical with close ties to the Cuban government.

    Maduro eventually left his driver job and joined the political movement that Chávez organized after receiving a presidential pardon in 1994 for leading a failed and bloody military coup years earlier. After Chávez took office, the former youth baseball player rose through the ranks of the ruling party, spending his first six years as a lawmaker before becoming president of the National Assembly. He then served six years as foreign minister and a couple months as vice president.


    Appointed the political heir to Chávez

    Chávez used his last address to the nation before his death in 2013 to anoint Maduro as his successor, asking his supporters to vote for the then-foreign affairs minister should he die. The choice stunned supporters and detractors alike. But Chávez’s enormous electoral capital delivered Maduro a razor-thin victory that year, giving him his first six-year term, though he would never enjoy the devotion that voters professed for Chávez.

    Maduro married Flores, his partner of nearly two decades, in July 2013, shortly after he became president. He called her the “first combatant,” instead of first lady, and considered her a crucial adviser.

    Maduro’s entire presidency was marked by a complex social, political and economic crisis that pushed millions into poverty, drove more than 7.7 million Venezuelans to migrate and put thousands of real or perceived government opponents in prison, where many were tortured, some at his direction. Maduro complemented the repressive apparatus by purging institutions of anyone who dared dissent.

    Venezuela’s crisis took hold during Maduro’s first year in office. The political opposition, including the now-Nobel Peace Prize winner María Corina Machado, called for street protests in Caracas and other cities. The demonstrations evidenced Maduro’s iron fist as security forces pushed back protests, which ended with 43 deaths and dozens of arrests.

    Maduro’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela would go on to lose control of the National Assembly for the first time in 16 years in the 2015 election. Maduro moved to neutralize the opposition-controlled legislature by establishing a pro-government Constituent Assembly in 2017, leading to months of protests violently suppressed by security forces and the military.

    More than 100 people were killed and thousands were injured in the demonstrations. Hundreds were arrested, causing the International Criminal Court to open an investigation against Maduro and members of his government for crimes against humanity. The investigation was still ongoing in 2025.

    In 2018, Maduro survived an assassination attempt when drones rigged with explosives detonated near him as he delivered a speech during a nationally televised military parade.


    Bedeviled by economic problems

    Maduro was unable to stop the economic free fall. Inflation and severe shortages of food and medicines affected Venezuelans nationwide. Entire families starved and began migrating on foot to neighboring countries. Those who remained lined up for hours to buy rice, beans and other basics. Some fought on the streets over flour.

    Ruling party loyalists moved the December 2018 presidential election to May and blocked opposition parties from the ballot. Some opposition politicians were imprisoned; others fled into exile. Maduro ran virtually unopposed and was declared winner, but dozens of countries did not recognize him.

    Months after the election, he drew the fury after social media videos showed him feasting on a steak prepared by a celebrity chef at a restaurant in Turkey while millions in his country were going hungry.

    Under Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy shrank 71% between 2012 and 2020, while inflation topped 130,000%. Its oil production, the beating heart of the country, dropped to less than 400,000 barrels a day, a figure once unthinkable.

    The first Trump administration imposed economic sanctions against Maduro, his allies and state-owned companies to try to force a government change. The measures included freezing all Venezuelan government assets in the U.S. and prohibiting American citizens and international partners from doing business with Venezuelan government entities, including the state-owned oil company.

    Out of options, Maduro began implementing a series of economic measures in 2021 that eventually ended Venezuela’s hyperinflation cycle. He paired the economic changes with concessions to the U.S.-backed political opposition with which it restarted negotiations for what many had hoped would be a free and democratic presidential election in 2024.

    Maduro used the negotiations to gain concessions from the U.S. government, including the pardon and prison release of one of his closest allies and the sanctions license that allowed oil giant Chevron to restart pumping and exporting Venezuelan oil. The license became his government’s financial lifeline.


    Losing support in many places

    Negotiations led by Norwegian diplomats did not solve key political differences between the ruling party and the opposition.

    In 2023, the government banned Machado, Maduro’s strongest opponent, from running for office. In early 2024, it intensified its repressive efforts, detaining opposition leaders and human rights defenders. The government also forced key members of Machado’s campaign to seek asylum at a diplomatic compound in Caracas, where they remained for more than a year to avoid arrest.

    Hours after polls closed in the 2024 election, the National Electoral Council declared Maduro the winner. But unlike previous elections, it did not provide detailed vote counts. The opposition, however, collected and published tally sheets from more than 80% of electronic voting machines used in the election. The records showed Edmundo González defeated Maduro by a more than 2-to-1 margin.

    Protests erupted. Some demonstrators toppled statues of Chávez. The government again responded with full force and detained more than 2,000 people World leaders rejected the official results, but the National Assembly sworn in Maduro for a third term in January 2025.

    Trump’s return to the White House that same month proved to be a sobering moment for Maduro. Trump quickly pushed Maduro to accept regular deportation flights for the first time in years. By the summer, Trump had built up a military force in the Caribbean that put Venezuela’s government on high alert and started taking steps to address what it called narco-terrorism.

    For Maduro, that was the beginning of the end.

    Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

    Photos You Should See – December 2025

    Associated Press

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  • Venezuelans Worried About Economic Turmoil Shun Black Friday Deals

    CARACAS, Venezuela (AP) — Window displays advertising 30% discounts and shoes for $20 were not enough to draw throngs of bargain hunters this Black Friday to a popular mall in Venezuela’s capital. Even the newly opened H&M store was virtually empty in the morning.

    The country’s suffocating economy, Venezuelans said, not the threats of U.S. military action, is to blame for Friday’s stark contrast to other post-pandemic years when enthusiastic shoppers formed lines outside stores. Years of experiences riding the twists and turns of their country’s complex crisis have taught them to focus on their immediate individual needs, like buying food or medicines, and not the collective long term, like a possible military strike.

    “The country’s economy is based on day-to-day survival. What do I do to survive today and live tomorrow?” physician Luisa Torrealba said outside an appliance store. “We don’t have the luxury of stopping because there’s going to be a war, because there’s a psychological war going on, because the government says one thing or the United States says another.”

    A day earlier, U.S. President Donald Trump increased pressure on his Venezuelan counterpart, Nicolás Maduro, by suggesting during a Thanksgiving address to troops that the military could “very soon” begin hitting alleged drug-trafficking targets within the South American country. So far, a monthslong U.S. military operation has killed 80 people in strikes against vessels in international waters in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific.

    Since returning to office, Trump has increased the pressure on Maduro and his allies, including by doubling to $50 million the reward for information that leads to his arrest on narcoterrorism charges. Maduro, who denies the accusations, and his allies have repeatedly said that the U.S. military operation is designed to force a government change in Venezuela.

    But while White House evaluates if and when to strike on Venezuelan soil, the country’s economy continues to suffer and millions of Venezuelans struggle to buy food.

    Families these days need more than $500 to buy the basics for a month. Yet, Venezuela’s monthly minimum wage of 130 bolivars, or $0.52, has not increased since 2022, putting it well below the United Nations’ measure of extreme poverty of $2.15 a day.

    Many public sector workers survive on roughly $160 per month, while the average private sector employee earned about $237, according to the independent Venezuelan Observatory of Finances.

    On Friday, Marian García expected to see a crowd outside a shoe store at the mall in Caracas where she wanted to buy a pair of boots. But she found herself being the first in line.

    The store’s windows promised shoes for $20, an unbeatable deal for García, who had set her eyes on boots that regularly range from $60 to $80, or more than 10% of the monthly combined income with her partner.

    “It’s difficult to indulge in luxuries,” García, 26, said. “Due to the current economic situation, people are cutting back and only spending on the essentials, such as food.”

    Yarbelis Revilla, who works three jobs and considers herself a master bargain hunter, also looked around the mall for deals on shoes. She checked out offers at different stores but in the end felt that many of this year’s Black Friday discounts did not feel like a steal.

    Amid the country’s conditions, Revilla explained that looking for shoes may seem like “vanity,” but she works hard to meet her needs and does not dwell on the future.

    “I am a Christian, and the Bible says, ‘Do not worry. Do not make plans for the future because you won’t really know what’s coming,’” she said.

    Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

    Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

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  • Is the poverty line really $100,000?

    Total falsehoods: “I want for people to recognize a great job that I’ve done on pricing, on affordability, because we brought prices way down,” said President Donald Trump on Monday. (The White House released a semi-propagandistic fact sheet that same day to bolster the president’s talking points, as all White Houses do at one time or another.)

    “We are doing better than we’ve ever done as a country. Prices are coming down and all of that stuff,” he said the week before. “And you know, they talk about different terms for that, but I will tell you that nobody has done what we’ve done in terms of pricing.”

    “Walmart just announced that the cost of their standard Thanksgiving meal is reduced by 25 percent this year from last year,” Trump said recently, failing to account for the fact that the price change is due to Walmart…changing the goods offered via their Thanksgiving meal bundle (and drastically shrinking its size) to get prices lower for cost-burdened consumers.

    Since January 2025, the Consumer Price Index has ranged between 3.3 percent and 2.7 percent,” writes National Review‘s Jim Geraghty. “That’s much better than the worst days of the Biden administration in 2022, but that’s also roughly where it was for Biden’s final year in office.”

    But Trump, ever a salesman, recognizes which messages are winning for other politicians: It’s affordability season, and you’ve gotta appeal to people’s bottom lines if you want to be taken seriously right now.

    The Free Press‘ related entry into this discourse is rather interesting, albeit wrong: “The poverty line, a six-decade-old benchmark, claims to define the threshold to the middle class,” writes Michael W. Green. “The number is a lie.”

    Green goes on to promote the idea that a household income of $100,000 is “the new poverty”; that the reason the affordability messaging is so salient is because even households that look well-off on paper are actually struggling to make ends meet; that the ways we measure poverty and economic struggle are way outdated.

    “In 1963, Mollie Orshansky, an economist at the Social Security Administration, observed that families spent roughly one-third of their income on groceries,” writes Green. “Since pricing data was hard to come by for many items (e.g., housing), if you could calculate a minimum adequate food budget at the grocery store, you could multiply by three and establish a poverty line. Orshansky presented her findings in 1965. She was drawing a floor, a line below which families were clearly in crisis.” (This is not totally correct; the actual story of how the poverty line was calculated is a bit more complex.)

    “For that time, that floor made sense,” continues Green. “Housing was relatively cheap. A family could rent a decent apartment or buy a home on a single income. Healthcare was provided by employers and cost relatively little (Blue Cross coverage cost in the range of $10 per month). Childcare didn’t really exist as a market—mothers stayed home, family helped, or neighbors (who likely had someone home) watched each others’ kids. Cars were affordable, if prone to breakdowns. College tuition could be covered with a summer job.” Today, argues Green, the labor market has transformed, requiring two earners, not one—and thus childcare expenses (for families that end up having kids, which is to say: not everyone). Housing is a larger share of the monthly household budget. Ditto for healthcare. “If you keep Orshansky’s logic—if you maintain her principle that poverty could be defined by the inverse of food’s budget share—but update the food share to reflect today’s reality, the multiplier is no longer three,” argues Green. “It becomes 16. Which means if you measured income inadequacy today the way Orshansky measured it in 1963, the threshold for a family of four—the official poverty line in 2024—wouldn’t be $31,200. If the crisis threshold—the floor below which families cannot function—is honestly updated to current spending patterns, it lands at close to $140,000.”

    “The idea that over time we should dynamically multiply a food budget by the inverse of food’s share of the budget to get the poverty line is laughable,” argues American Enterprise Institute’s Scott Winship. “Engel’s law says that as societies grow richer, the food share of the budget falls. But by Green’s logic, the richest possible society is really the poorest. If we got the food share down to 1% of household budgets, we’d need to multiply the food budget by 99 instead of Green’s 16. This multiplier is actually a measure of a society’s affluence!”

    I’m persuaded by Winship’s argument that this model is bad and I think Green’s argument sells short the massive quality-of-life gains we’ve had since the ’60s. Success and stability, to my mind, are not defined solely by material objects. But at the same time, the fact that pretty much all of us have little tiny supercomputers in our pockets that connect us to infinite reserves of knowledge (and to each other) is a vast improvement. The fact that household goods are cheap and easy to come by is no small thing (even though we sometimes trick ourselves into believing durability is suffering, when nowadays, a lot of the time, the cost of repair is higher than the cost of replacing). Sure, a lot of people are wasting $150,000 (or more) on educations that, well, maybe they could’ve gotten for “$1.50 in late fees at the public library“—but isn’t it a huge boon to self-starters everywhere that you don’t even need to go to the public library anymore to access that type of knowledge? The worldwide web is a gift to us all (if only we’d stop mainlining 60-second vertical videos).

    At the same time, despite his bad model and questionable portrayal of history, Green is correct to identify housing, childcare, healthcare, and education costs as areas that have not gotten better over time to the degree that many of us had hoped. These are extreme pain points for many Americans, particularly for those who find themselves too rich for welfare, but too poor to be able to have much margin. (“Our entire safety net is designed to catch people at the very bottom,” writes Green, accurately, “but it sets a trap for anyone trying to climb out.”)

    It’s easy to say issues like housing are only bad in large metro areas, not the rest of the country, but roughly 20 percent of the U.S. population lives in a large metro area (20 million in New York, 13 million in L.A., 9 million in Chicago, 8 million apiece in Dallas and Houston). Six percent of the U.S. population lives within the New York metro area alone. And it is a good thing for people to care about agglomeration effects and to want to go where the jobs are, to be upwardly mobile and thus geographically mobile; if the price to doing so is incurring massive housing costs, one response is that those tradeoffs are natural and part of life. Another response is that we’re disincentivizing people who would otherwise be highly productive workers, that we’re making it costlier for them to pursue the most productive use of their time and talent.

    It’s the same story with childcare expenses. There’s no way around the fact that childcare requires lots of human labor. But most localities have heaped on burdensome regulations and degree requirements that make it even harder and more expensive to hire competent workers and maintain licensed facilities. One answer to this is for families to have only one earner during the young-kid years, not two; but this comes at great cost to future earnings, and it can be easier to enter and exit at will in some industries than in others. The young-kid years are relatively short (especially as family sizes shrink), but it’s not crazy for families in larger metro areas to feel hit rather hard by the dual needs of childcare and housing.

    Perhaps the greatest issue with Green’s writing is that he confuses “poverty” and “economic strain.” It is very possible that dual-earner households making six figures feel economic strain from high childcare, housing, and healthcare costs. But feeling encumbered by tradeoffs is rather different than being poor. We should allow these words to retain their meanings. Affordability discourse is useless if it’s not accurate, and every politician and pundit should strive to accurately describe Americans’ financial realities, not inflate or exaggerate hardship to serve a particular political agenda.

    Most of the time, politicians will offer one solution and one solution only: the warm embrace of the state to alleviate people’s financial woes. In reality, getting the state the hell out of the way would help bring down prices in most of the categories people cite as the ones giving them the most trouble.


    Scenes from New York: Incoming mayor Zohran Mamdani has asked 179 Eric Adams staffers to resign from their City Hall posts. Mamdani “has already named Dean Fuleihan, a longtime government hand, as his first deputy mayor and has retained the police commissioner, Jessica Tisch,” reports The New York Times. His longtime top aide, Elle Bisgaard-Church, will serve as his chief of staff. (“Ursulina Ramirez, who helped lead Bill de Blasio’s transition in 2013, said Mr. Mamdani’s housecleaning was reminiscent of Mr. de Blasio’s after he succeeded Michael R. Bloomberg,” per the Times.)


    QUICK HITS

    • Happy Thanksgiving! Look, I like politics, but what I really like is PIE. DM me/email me/sound off in the comments section about the most important issue of all: Which pies are you baking/eating tomorrow? I always make the GoHo, a recipe I adapted from Martha Stewart and have made dozens of times over the years, with elements of pecan but a little more sophistication than your standard pecan-and-corn-syrup getup. This year I am also experimenting with a cranberry curd tart (think tarte au citron but a little tangier, with a delicate hazelnut crust) and a maple chess pie with coffee whipped cream. And, in the spirit of the holiday, let me also mention: I am so deeply grateful for each person who takes time out of their busy day to read this newsletter. I hope it leaves you better informed and even makes you chuckle every once in a while. Cheers to freedom and to pie!
    • “My therapist always asks me to transcribe my dreams and the recurring dream I’ve had is standing up in a cafeteria full of women and saying ‘I don’t want children. I want power!’” said Tennessee state representative Aftyn Behn on a recent podcast. And indeed, power she seeks: Behn is running to represent Tennessee’s 7th congressional district and replace U.S. Rep. Mark Green, a Republican, in a special election that will be held on December 2. Maybe it’s just me, but any politician who is so blatant about wanting power immediately rubs me the wrong way. Behn should want to improve the lives of her constituents. It is uncouth to say the quiet part out loud!
    • This Jonathan Haidt piece is actually just a rehashing of The Screwtape Letters.
    • Black Friday purchases as a recession indicator?
    • Gavin Newsom better become a bit more pro-tech mighty fast:

    Liz Wolfe

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  • AP mapping shows France’s poorest regions backing Le Pen’s party as support for Macron wanes

    PARIS (AP) — The date was May 7, 2017. Addressing cheering supporters, the newly elected leader of France, Emmanuel Macron, made a promise that now, in his waning 18 months as president, lies in tatters.

    The rival that Macron defeated that day, Marine Le Pen, had secured 10,638,475 votes. They were nowhere near enough for the far-right leader to win. But they were too numerous for Macron to ignore, a best-ever watershed at the ballot box for Le Pen’s once-ostracized National Front party that she inherited from her Holocaust-denying father.

    Gazing out over a sea of French flags, Macron acknowledged “anger” and “distress” that he said motivated Le Pen voters. He pledged to do everything to win them over, “so they no longer have any reason to vote for the extremes.”

    But since then, Le Pen’s us-against-them nativist politics targeting immigrants, Muslims and the European Union have made millions more converts. Her National Rally party, rebranded in 2018 to broaden its appeal and shed its sulfurous links to her dad, Jean-Marie Le Pen, has become the largest in parliament and has never appeared closer to power, with the next presidential and legislative elections scheduled in 2027.

    Poverty worsened under Macron

    Many factors explain why Le Pen has gone from strength to strength. Some are intrinsic: The 57-year-old cat-loving mother of three is more polished and popular than her gruff ex-paratrooper father who had multiple convictions for inciting racial hatred and for downplaying Nazi atrocities in World War II. He died in January.

    Others are external and include voter disgruntlement over wealth inequality that has worsened significantly under Macron.

    An additional 1.2 million people have fallen below the poverty threshold in the world’s seventh-largest economy since the 2017 election and 2022 reelection of France’s pro-business president.

    The former investment banker slashed business taxes and watered down a wealth tax to boost France’s allure for investment. Left-wing critics labeled Macron “president of the rich.”

    The poverty rate was 13.8% when Macron took power and had barely shifted during the previous presidency of François Hollande, a Socialist.

    By 2023, into Macron’s second term and the most recent year with official data from the French national statistics agency, the poverty rate had ballooned to 15.4%, which is its highest level in nearly 30 years of measurements.

    The following year, National Rally triumphed in French voting for the European Parliament. So heavy was the defeat for his centrist camp that Macron stunned France by then dissolving the National Assembly.

    Again, National Rally surged in the ensuing legislative election. It didn’t come close to winning a majority — no party did. But with 123 of the 577 lawmakers, National Rally vaulted past all other parties and surpassed its previous best of 89 legislators elected in 2022.

    Put bluntly: the worse off France becomes, the better National Rally seems to fare.

    Showing the correlation

    Mapping by The Associated Press both of poverty in France and of the Le Pen vote in the four French legislative elections since she took over her father’s party in 2011 show how both have grown.

    The maps show particularly evident progress by National Rally in some of France’s poorest regions, especially in what have become National Rally strongholds: the deindustrialized northeast of France and along its Mediterranean coast.

    Region-by-region poverty rates were mapped through 2021, beyond which the national statistics agency INSEE doesn’t have data for all 96 of mainland France’s regions. The AP mapped support for the National Front and then National Rally by using the party’s showing in the first rounds of voting in legislative elections in 2012, 2017, 2022 and 2024.

    “We clearly see that the National Rally vote is very strongly correlated with issues of poverty, of difficulties with social mobility” and with voters “who are most pessimistic about the future of their children or their personal situation,” said Luc Rouban, a senior researcher at Paris’ elite Sciences Po school of political sciences who studies the party.

    François Ouzilleau, who stood for Macron’s party in the 2022 legislative election and lost to a National Rally winner in his district in Normandy west of Paris, puts it more simply.

    “It feeds off anger and people’s problems,” he said.

    Parallels with Trump are apparent

    But poverty is only part of the Le Pen success story and her appeal isn’t limited to voters who struggle to make ends meet. Combating immigration, the party’s bread and butter since its foundation, remains a central plank of Le Pen-ism.

    Rouban sees National Rally similarities with the playbook of U.S. President Donald Trump.

    “They’re doing Trump-ism à la française,” he said. “They say, ‘We’re wary of the justice system,’ like Trump. ‘We’re taking back control of our national borders,’ like Trump.”

    National Rally establishes strongholds

    The party says that its proposals to slash France’s spending on migrants and on the EU and to redirect money to people’s pockets by reducing the costs of energy and other necessities appeal to voters in financial need.

    “The French have clearly understood that the ones defending the purchasing power of the working and middle classes are the National Rally,” Laure Lavalette, a parliamentary spokesperson for the party, told the AP.

    Lavalette represents the southern Var region, one of National Rally’s new strongholds as Macron’s popularity has plummeted.

    In legislative elections that followed his election in 2017, Le Pen’s party failed to win any seats in Var. But after Macron’s reelection in 2022, National Rally grabbed seven of Var’s eight seats and repeated that feat in 2024.

    Poverty rates in the Var have long surpassed the national average, the AP’s mapping shows.

    Lavalette says that making ends meet is “crazy difficult” for some of her constituents and that “some tell me that they have to chose between eating or heating.”

    Voters hunger for change

    The 2024 legislative election produced a fractured parliament with fragile minority governments collapsing one after the other. To untangle that knot, Macron could have dissolved the National Assembly again this year, triggering a new election.

    That is what National Rally wanted, buoyed by polls suggesting it could perhaps win enough seats to form its first government.

    Mindful that such an outcome could saddle him with a National Rally prime minister for the remainder of his presidency, Macron held his fire.

    And for now at least, enough lawmakers have rallied around Macron’s prime minister, Sébastien Lecornu, to keep him afloat, mindful of the risk of losing their seats if Macron called voters back to the ballot boxes.

    “There’s a sword of Damocles hanging over us, it’s called the National Rally,” said Ouzilleau, who serves as mayor in the Normandy town of Vernon and is a long-time friend of Lecornu.

    He says voters have increasingly been telling him that they are ready to test-drive National Rally, breaking decades of uninterrupted rule by mainstream parties.

    “It’s been two or three years that we’ve been hearing this: ‘We’ve tried everything except the National Rally, so what is the risk?’” he said.

    ___

    William Jarrett reported from London.

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  • AP Mapping Shows France’s Poorest Regions Backing Le Pen’s Party as Support for Macron Wanes

    PARIS (AP) — The date was May 7, 2017. Addressing cheering supporters, the newly elected leader of France, Emmanuel Macron, made a promise that now, in his waning 18 months as president, lies in tatters.

    The rival that Macron defeated that day, Marine Le Pen, had secured 10,638,475 votes. They were nowhere near enough for the far-right leader to win. But they were too numerous for Macron to ignore, a best-ever watershed at the ballot box for Le Pen’s once-ostracized National Front party that she inherited from her Holocaust-denying father.

    Gazing out over a sea of French flags, Macron acknowledged “anger” and “distress” that he said motivated Le Pen voters. He pledged to do everything to win them over, “so they no longer have any reason to vote for the extremes.”

    But since then, Le Pen’s us-against-them nativist politics targeting immigrants, Muslims and the European Union have made millions more converts. Her National Rally party, rebranded in 2018 to broaden its appeal and shed its sulfurous links to her dad, Jean-Marie Le Pen, has become the largest in parliament and has never appeared closer to power, with the next presidential and legislative elections scheduled in 2027.


    Poverty worsened under Macron

    Many factors explain why Le Pen has gone from strength to strength. Some are intrinsic: The 57-year-old cat-loving mother of three is more polished and popular than her gruff ex-paratrooper father who had multiple convictions for inciting racial hatred and for downplaying Nazi atrocities in World War II. He died in January.

    Others are external and include voter disgruntlement over wealth inequality that has worsened significantly under Macron.

    An additional 1.2 million people have fallen below the poverty threshold in the world’s seventh-largest economy since the 2017 election and 2022 reelection of France’s pro-business president.

    The former investment banker slashed business taxes and watered down a wealth tax to boost France’s allure for investment. Left-wing critics labeled Macron “president of the rich.”

    The poverty rate was 13.8% when Macron took power and had barely shifted during the previous presidency of François Hollande, a Socialist.

    By 2023, into Macron’s second term and the most recent year with official data from the French national statistics agency, the poverty rate had ballooned to 15.4%, which is its highest level in nearly 30 years of measurements.

    Again, National Rally surged in the ensuing legislative election. It didn’t come close to winning a majority — no party did. But with 123 of the 577 lawmakers, National Rally vaulted past all other parties and surpassed its previous best of 89 legislators elected in 2022.

    Put bluntly: the worse off France becomes, the better National Rally seems to fare.

    Mapping by The Associated Press both of poverty in France and of the Le Pen vote in the four French legislative elections since she took over her father’s party in 2011 show how both have grown.

    The maps show particularly evident progress by National Rally in some of France’s poorest regions, especially in what have become National Rally strongholds: the deindustrialized northeast of France and along its Mediterranean coast.

    Region-by-region poverty rates were mapped through 2021, beyond which the national statistics agency INSEE doesn’t have data for all 96 of mainland France’s regions. The AP mapped support for the National Front and then National Rally by using the party’s showing in the first rounds of voting in legislative elections in 2012, 2017, 2022 and 2024.

    “We clearly see that the National Rally vote is very strongly correlated with issues of poverty, of difficulties with social mobility” and with voters “who are most pessimistic about the future of their children or their personal situation,” said Luc Rouban, a senior researcher at Paris’ elite Sciences Po school of political sciences who studies the party.

    François Ouzilleau, who stood for Macron’s party in the 2022 legislative election and lost to a National Rally winner in his district in Normandy west of Paris, puts it more simply.

    “It feeds off anger and people’s problems,” he said.


    Parallels with Trump are apparent

    But poverty is only part of the Le Pen success story and her appeal isn’t limited to voters who struggle to make ends meet. Combating immigration, the party’s bread and butter since its foundation, remains a central plank of Le Pen-ism.

    Rouban sees National Rally similarities with the playbook of U.S. President Donald Trump.

    “They’re doing Trump-ism à la française,” he said. “They say, ‘We’re wary of the justice system,’ like Trump. ‘We’re taking back control of our national borders,’ like Trump.”


    National Rally establishes strongholds

    The party says that its proposals to slash France’s spending on migrants and on the EU and to redirect money to people’s pockets by reducing the costs of energy and other necessities appeal to voters in financial need.

    “The French have clearly understood that the ones defending the purchasing power of the working and middle classes are the National Rally,” Laure Lavalette, a parliamentary spokesperson for the party, told the AP.

    Lavalette represents the southern Var region, one of National Rally’s new strongholds as Macron’s popularity has plummeted.

    In legislative elections that followed his election in 2017, Le Pen’s party failed to win any seats in Var. But after Macron’s reelection in 2022, National Rally grabbed seven of Var’s eight seats and repeated that feat in 2024.

    Poverty rates in the Var have long surpassed the national average, the AP’s mapping shows.

    Lavalette says that making ends meet is “crazy difficult” for some of her constituents and that “some tell me that they have to chose between eating or heating.”

    The 2024 legislative election produced a fractured parliament with fragile minority governments collapsing one after the other. To untangle that knot, Macron could have dissolved the National Assembly again this year, triggering a new election.

    That is what National Rally wanted, buoyed by polls suggesting it could perhaps win enough seats to form its first government.

    Mindful that such an outcome could saddle him with a National Rally prime minister for the remainder of his presidency, Macron held his fire.

    And for now at least, enough lawmakers have rallied around Macron’s prime minister, Sébastien Lecornu, to keep him afloat, mindful of the risk of losing their seats if Macron called voters back to the ballot boxes.

    “There’s a sword of Damocles hanging over us, it’s called the National Rally,” said Ouzilleau, who serves as mayor in the Normandy town of Vernon and is a long-time friend of Lecornu.

    He says voters have increasingly been telling him that they are ready to test-drive National Rally, breaking decades of uninterrupted rule by mainstream parties.

    “It’s been two or three years that we’ve been hearing this: ‘We’ve tried everything except the National Rally, so what is the risk?’” he said.

    William Jarrett reported from London.

    Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

    Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

    Associated Press

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  • Healey to Trump: Release LIHEAP fuel assistance

    BOSTON — Gov. Maura Healey is joining a chorus demanding the Trump administration release federal dollars aimed at helping low-income people heat their homes with winter fast approaching.

    On Thursday, Healey blasted President Donald Trump for delays in distributing Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program funding, which comes even after the federal government reopened last week following a 43-day shutdown. The Democrat said the Trump administration has said it will not release LIHEAP money to states until the end of the month.

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    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • Donate a coat: Atlanta coat drives aim to help low-income families in need

    For the first time since 2010, the poverty rate in America shot up dramatically in 2022, according to data from the Census Bureau. That means more Americans can’t afford basic needs like food, clothing, shelter, and utilities than has been the case in more than a decade.

    But the situation isn’t just affecting Americans living in poverty. United Way uses the term ALICE to refer to the increasing number of people who are asset-limited, income-constrained, and employed but are still not able to afford their basic needs. In 2021, 13% of Americans earned below the federal poverty level but many more, 29%, fell under the ALICE umbrella, according to the grassroots movement United for ALICE.

    A study published in August 2022 from Brandeis University found that more than 75% of low-income families working full-time cannot cover the cost of basic needs. What’s more, fewer than 1 in 5 low-income Hispanic and Black families in particular are able to afford the costs of a household budget. “Full-time work alone isn’t enough to cover the everyday essentials most families need to support themselves,” the study’s lead author, Pamela Joshi, who holds a doctorate in social policy, said in a statement.

    If you’re looking for ways to help, particularly as the temperatures drop and the holidays approach, consider cleaning out your closet and donating a coat to those in need. To help point you in the right direction, Stacker compiled a list of coat drives near Atlanta using data from One Warm Coat, a nonprofit that provides free coats to children and adults in need across America. Since 1992, they’ve given out more than 7.85 million coats.

    “This is one very small way to take a step forward and do something very tangible,” One Warm Coat CEO Beth Amodio told USA Today in October 2023. “It’s impossible to change the world. But it is possible to change one person’s experience, one person at a time.”

    Read on to find out where you can contribute.

    Gateway Center
    – Address: 275 Pryor St., SW, Atlanta, GA 30303

    3Keys
    – Address: 234 Memorial Dr SW, Atlanta, GA 30303

    Rice Ministries
    – Address: PO Box 490875, Atlanta, GA 30349

    Barred Business
    – Address: 477 Windsor Street, Atlanta, GA 30312

    Barred Business
    – Address: 477 Windsor St, Suite 204 A, Atlanta, GA 30312

    Communities In Schools of Atlanta
    – Address: 101 Marietta Street, NW Suite 2800 Atlanta GA 30303, Atlanta, GA 30303

    SafeHouse Outreach
    – Address: 89 Ellis St nE, Atlanta, GA 30303

    Crossroads Community Ministries
    – Address: 420 Courtland st ne, Atlanta, GA 30308

    Southside Medical Center
    – Address: 1046 Ridge Ave SW, Atlanta, GA 30315

    Midtown Assistance Center
    – Address: 613 Spring St NW, Atlanta, GA 30308

    Atlanta’s Children’s Shelter
    – Address: 607 Peachtree St NE, Atlanta, GA 30308

    CHRIS 180
    – Address: 1976 Flat Shoals Rd A, Atlanta, GA 30316

    J.Crew – Ponce City Market
    – Address: 675 Ponce De Leon Ave NE, Atlanta, GA 30308

    Kera’s Helping Hands
    – Address: 542 Moreland Ave., Atlanta, GA 30316

    Intown Cares
    – Address: 1026 Ponce De Leon Ave NE, Atlanta, GA 30306

    Stacker

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  • A Development Economist Returns to What He Left Behind

    Each table at the meeting suggested ideas for how to spend the money on offer from the national government to improve Scunthorpe. Most of the proposals were sensible but small-scale: clearing rubbish, improving the parks, reimagining the libraries. Then it was Collier’s turn to speak. He took the microphone and stood, slightly stooped, in the middle of the room. He is not a fluent orator, but he has a gruff magnetism. He praised the energy of the discussion. “That’s your future,” Collier said. “It’s your own energy, right?”

    He was doubtful about the ostensible purpose of the discussion: how to distribute the twenty million pounds of national funding. Scunthorpe has a population of eighty thousand people. The money would be paid over ten years. Collier pointed out that this amounted to one cup of coffee a month per adult resident—at Scunthorpe, rather than London, prices. “That’s not going to transform anybody’s life,” Collier said. “But you thinking about ‘What can we do together?’ That will transform.” He ignored the residents’ suggestions and urged them to think more ambitiously, about the kind of work that might keep young people in the town. “There are jobs here,” Collier said. “But they’re crap jobs, warehouse jobs in Amazon, that sort of rubbish.” Quiet, stunned laughter filled the room. “You need jobs that are interesting, worth doing. Where are those interesting, worthwhile jobs in the future going to come from? Well, we don’t know.”

    Part of Collier’s role in places like Scunthorpe is to say the unsayable. “He will challenge in, like, really blunt terms,” Allen told me. “And that’s really, really valuable, because we’re all really close to it.” Collier’s idea for what to do with the government money was to start clearing disused parts of the steelworks, in order to make way for a new business park for local entrepreneurs. “Instead of drinking one cup of coffee extra a month for the next ten years, clear that site,” Collier said. “And make it work with your own brilliant talent.” Collier’s boldness was informed, at least in part, by necessity. “You can see the forces,” he confided later. “The steel company’s going to close. The Treasury has got no money to fund it for very long.”

    After Collier spoke, the meeting took on a looser feel. Jonathan Frary, another Scunthorpe Tomorrow volunteer, stood up to close the session. Frary is a former triathlete who runs Curly’s Athletes, a sporting-events business in the town. He spent seven years in London, working in H.R., before returning to Scunthorpe. It was difficult to talk about his home town when he lived away from it. “Most people just said, ‘I bet you are glad to be out,’ ” Frary said. “You kind of carry that with you.”

    When Collier visits Scunthorpe, Frary likes to give him a lift in his truck and collar him for big-picture conversations about A.I. and the evolution of humanity. He says that the economist’s message is always the same: “You can’t rely on what you already know.” In the bar at Heslam Park, Frary channelled Collier as he exhorted the residents. “Make a start. Doesn’t have to be right. Doesn’t have to be a project,” he said. “It’s a journey. Just do something and find other people that are passionate about doing it. So, go do shit.”

    Collier grew up in Sheffield, a steel city in South Yorkshire, about an hour west of Scunthorpe, after the Second World War. His parents, who ran a butcher’s shop, left school when they were twelve. Collier won a place at a grammar school and then at Oxford. He never really looked back. Between 1970, when Collier was twenty-one, and last year, employment in the British steel industry shrank by ninety per cent. People in Sheffield and South Yorkshire suffered just as badly as those in Scunthorpe, if not worse. The Colliers were not immune. “My family back in Sheffield is bimodal,” he said. “Two of us have been really successful, and quite a few who are just total disasters.”

    Two of Collier’s young relatives from Sheffield—the grandchildren of his first cousin—were taken away from their parents. In 2008, Collier and his wife, Pauline, who had a young son of their own at the time, became the children’s guardians and brought them to live in Oxford. “We took them when they were nearly two and nearly three,” Collier recalled. “By which time they were already totally emotionally traumatized.”

    Sam Knight

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  • Images after Hurricane Melissa expose Cuba’s descent into extreme poverty

    Screenshot of a video published by Santiago de Cuba Catholic Priest Leandro NaungHung (right) showing the needs of his congregation in the aftermath of Hurricane Melissa.

    Screenshot of a video published by Santiago de Cuba Catholic Priest Leandro NaungHung (right) showing the needs of his congregation in the aftermath of Hurricane Melissa.

    Leandro NaungHung, You Tube.

    After Hurricane Melissa ravaged eastern Cuba last month and left thousands stranded without a home, a number of church groups, private business owners, activists, artists and social media influencers have been traveling to some of the worst-hit areas, recording powerful accounts of the state of abandonment and destitution that make up everyday life in the country’s remote rural areas.

    One after another, photos and videos coming out of eastern Cuba show undernourished, men, women and children dressed in rags, often with no shoes and living in makeshift homes. The images reveal not simply the destruction caused by the powerful storm, but the calamitous effects of the economic crisis gripping the country.

    “I have nothing to feed my child. He has anemia, he is sick,” Rosa del Carmen Lopez, a resident of Chavaleta, a rural village in Mayarí, in the province of Holguín says in a video shared by Cuban journalist José Luis Tan Estrada. As she complains about what the hurricane did to her home, the camera shows a one-room shack with no bathroom or kitchen, no windows, the sunlight filtering through the gaps in the wooden roof and walls. Clothes are piled on the floor and on a bed she said she had to borrow. As her toddler cries, she said he has scabies because she has no water or soap to wash him with. They will soon need to leave the shack, which is not hers, she said.

    “What am I supposed to do?” she asks. “Sleep with this child on the road? I have nothing because they don’t want to help me,” she said, referring to local authorities and a social worker she said she reached out for help with no success.

    A video shared by the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights, a Spain-based non-governmental organization, shows a family with a child with special needs living in similar precarious conditions, in a hut that lost its roof to the storm. The boy’s mother said she receives 2,500 Cuban pesos monthly — about $5 — in government assistance, not enough to cover his medications.

    “During the delivery of aid in the provinces affected by the hurricane, we have found families living in truly inhumane conditions,” the Observatory said. “This is not about the effects of the hurricane, but about decades of impoverishment and neglect by the state.”

    The organization recently published a survey estimating that 89% of Cuba’s population lives in extreme poverty.

    “When we say that 89% of Cuban households live in extreme poverty, it is not just a headline or another statistic; it is the lived reality for millions of Cubans,” the Observatory said.

    Long before Melissa hit the island, Cubans across the country have been sharing videos highlighting their deteriorating living conditions.

    There are images of residents in the city of Matanzas collecting water from a hole in the street because they said they lack a regular water supply. Many other photos show Havana streets covered in garbage.

    There are photos of a group of children sleeping on the street near a luxury hotel in Havana that created such an uproar that authorities responded — not by addressing the levels of homelessness and poverty, as many people on social media suggested, but by charging the parents with neglect.

    Bárbara García Jiménez, a Havana resident, says she has not received treatment for her genetic disease in several years. “Here, if you don’t have money, you have nothing,” she told the Miami Herald.
    Bárbara García Jiménez, a Havana resident, says she has not received treatment for her genetic disease in several years. “Here, if you don’t have money, you have nothing,” she told the Miami Herald. Courtesy.

    And there’s Barbara García Jiménez showing in a video the tumors covering her body and how she lives with her two children in a decrepit house with the roof on the brink of collapse. In a low voice without looking at the camera, she asks viewers for help “within your means.” Two massive tumors hanging from her buttocks suggest she has not gotten medical attention.

    In a video call from Havana, García Jiménez, 36, said she has had no treatment for her genetic condition, neurofibromatosis, in 12 years.

    “Here, if you don’t have money, you have nothing,” she said. “Nothing happens if you don’t know someone. At the good hospitals, if you don’t have someone to guide you, you can’t do anything. You go, and they tell you they can’t treat you because they don’t have the resources. “

    She lives with her two sons and her grandmother, who all have the same illness. She said she receives 2,600 pesos, about $6, in social assistance.

    “That’s not even enough for me to buy a package of chicken, or the medicines I need,” she said. “I made the video because I am in pain. I don’t feel well, and I have no help.”

    Alarming poverty levels

    The authors of the recent book “The Real Impact of Sanctions on Cuba and Venezuela,” published by Sergio Arboleda University in Colombia, note that policies that began after Fidel Castro handed power to his brother Raúl in 2006, such as the reduction in government assistance and the lack of investment on healthcare and education, have increased inequality, poverty and mortality on the island.

    Under the government of Miguel Díaz-Canel, living conditions on the island have sharply worsened. That’s due in part to external factors — including the COVID-19 pandemic, the decrease in subsidies from Venezuela and tightened U.S. sanctions — as well as the chronic inefficiency of a socialist planned economy “that has failed everywhere,” along with poorly designed monetary policies that have fueled skyrocket inflation, prominent Cuban-American economist Carmelo Mesa-Lago wrote in the book.

    Central to the crisis is “the inability of the Cuban economy to finance its imports of goods with its own exports due to the fall in domestic production,” he added.

    Mesa-Lago, professor emeritus at the University of Pittsburgh, provided an astounding figure in the book: Since the U.S. embargo began in 1961, Cuba has received about $238 billion in Soviet and Venezuelan subsidies, debt forgiveness and money sent from abroad to families in Cuba.

    That’s almost 1.8 times the amount of assistance the U.S. provided Western Europe after World War II as part of the massive Marshall Plan, he wrote, and vastly greater than the $20 billion the U.S. gave to Latin America during the two decades the Alliance for Progress launched by President John F. Kennedy was in place.

    And still, he added, “Cuba is currently experiencing the worst economic, political and social crisis in its history.”

    The Cuban military conglomerate GAESA, which controls large segments of the economy, has played a significant role in the impoverishment of the population, stashing as much as $18 billion in secret bank accounts and directing the country’s foreign currency revenue away from social spending and investments on agriculture and other key areas to build hotels for tourists, reporting by the Miami Herald shows.

    As a result, the country’s poorly maintained infrastructure is crumbling all at once, and authorities struggle to provide basic public services. The electrical grid has collapsed several times since last year, and hours-long daily blackout are the new normal.

    “We don’t have enough fuel for electricity generation, water supply, hygiene control and proper food distribution,” Díaz-Canel acknowledged in October, blaming “the war without bombs we are facing,” a reference to the U.S. embargo.

    He has recently insisted his government’s policies have not made the country a failed state. The proof, he said, is that no one died because of the hurricane thanks to the government’s evacuation orders.

    Then, in an unscripted moment during his tour of some of the affected areas, he revealed his government’s inability to provide immediate help to those in need. A woman in the town of Cauto Embarcadero, where many lost their homes and belongings because of the flooding, told him: “We don’t have beds nor mattresses.” A visibly annoyed Díaz-Canel snapped at her: “And I just told you that I don’t have any to give you.”

    He then added that she needed to wait for donations.

    But the government has been slow delivering donations made by foreign governments and the United Nations, especially to the most remote areas in eastern Cuba, where members of an artists’ group called La Familia Cubana and others have been delivering aid donated by Cubans in Havana and Miami.

    https://www.facebook.com/reel/2226181714533249

    Videos published by those delivering aid from the Catholic Church, the private sector or concerned citizens show some of the poorest people affected by the storm have been sleeping among the rubble inside their destroyed homes, with nowhere to go. Tents usually provided in disaster relief efforts in other countries are conspicuously absent from the images.

    In a series of videos posted by Santiago de Cuba priest Leandro Naung Hung, chronicling his visits to small rural villages to distribute aid after the hurricane, there is also little sign of any help other than what he is able to provide: spaghetti, canned food, a few nails to a resident whose shack was hit by a tree during the storm.

    Indeed, his videos show few signs of the government’s presence, or of modern life, for that matter, as residents of small communities in Santiago de Cuba provice – El Desierto, San José, Gran Piedra – live without running water, kitchens or toilets in makeshift homes and huts that have not changed much from those Fidel Castro denounced in the 1950s as one of the reasons for his revolution.

    A bony old woman living in a hovel that lost its tin roof in the San José community told the priest the hurricane caught her “sleeping.”

    “We ate early and went to bed to wait for it,” she said. She told him the government gave her some tiles in 2008 for the roof, then Hurricane Sandy in 2012 destroyed everything.

    “From then on, we haven’t been able to rebuild,” she said.

    Cuba is ‘bankrupt’

    Just days before Hurricane Melissa wrecked eastern Cuba, damaging over 90,000 homes, destroying roads and bringing down the electrical grid and telecommunications, a group of economists gathering in Miami had warned that the island’s economy had hit rock bottom.

    Experts gathered at the annual conference of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy at Florida International University presented figures based on official data that illustrate the economic collapse: between 2019 and 2024, the island’s gross domestic product decreased by 11%, agriculture declined by 57% and trade by almost 30%.

    “The Cuban economy is bankrupt… and the Cuban authorities are taking measures that do not favor a change in these trends,” said Omar Everleny Pérez, an economist based in Cuba.

    The island’s economic collapse is best illustrated by sugar production figures. Cuba, once known for being the main sugar producer in the world, is now forced to import it.

    The latest sugar harvest, which began in 2024, produced less than 150,000 tons — the worst in more than 100 years, even smaller than when Cubans fighting the Spanish were burning sugarcane fields during the war for independence in the 19th century. Since 2019, sugar production has collapsed 87%, according to figures based on official data compiled by Pérez.

    Crops of Cuban cuisine staples like rice are at a minimum. In 2023, the last figure available, Cuba produced just 57,766 tons of rice, down from over 700,000 in 2003. State companies produced only 42,000 tons of milk in 2023, less than during the “Special Period,” the economic crisis during the 1990s caused by the downfall of the Soviet empire.

    The collapse of agricultural production has led to the end of one of the symbols of Castro’s revolution: Food ration cards. “The cards still exist, but you can’t get any products,” Pérez said.

    The end of food subsidies have hit pensioners and those dependent on the country’s welfare system the hardest. The government recently raised state monthly pensions to a maximum of 4,000 pesos, about $8.60, at a time when a carton of eggs sells for as much as 3,000 pesos in Havana, according to the National Statistics Office of Cuba.

    In 2021 the price of a carton of eggs was 400 pesos, one of the signs that inflation has skyrocketed.

    The consumer price index, a measure of inflation, has grown 487% over its 2010 value. That means, for example, that a family of two would need 51,798 pesos monthly, equivalent to $105, to cover food, transportation, clothing, personal care and internet expenses, according to a very conservative estimate presented by Pérez. The average monthly salary of a state worker is 6,685 pesos — about $14 — Cuba’s National Statistics Office said last week.

    The crisis has been brewing for years, but the government has resisted any significant reforms out of fear of losing political control.

    There was consensus among the economists gathered at FIU that the government needs to urgently enact much needed and overly delayed market-oriented reforms, even if they disagree on how far to go in a transition to capitalism.

    And yet, the words “reform” or “change” do not appear in the 92 pages of the “Government program to correct distortions and reboot the economy,” a voluminous plan with more than 700 goals that Cuban authorities published ahead of Hurricane Melissa.

    The words “to propose” — more plans, more new measures, more updated policies —appear 55 times in the document that reads at times as a rushed to-do-list written by a government bureaucrat. And yet, there is little actually new in the proposals, many of which have been already floated by the country’s prime minister, Manuel Marrero, including more austerity measures and cutting back the welfare system. Absent in the document is any revamp of the country’s laws to expand the private sector and attract foreign investment, or a sense of urgency to meet some of the population’s most pressing needs.

    As is customary, the plan will now undergo several rounds of discussions.

    Those affected by Melissa, however, need help immediately.

    While delivering aid sent by his followers to those in need in Holguín, Norge Ernesto Díaz Blak, an influencer known as Noly Blak who has long documented extreme poverty in that eastern province, stopped to speak to a distressed, emaciated young mother with four children he found on the street in Cacocún. Her home was destroyed by the hurricane, she told him.

    “What do you need?” he is heard asking in a video he posted on his social media account.

    “I don’t want anything for me,” she replied. “What I need is food for my children.”

    Nora Gámez Torres

    el Nuevo Herald

    Nora Gámez Torres is the Cuba/U.S.-Latin American policy reporter for el Nuevo Herald and the Miami Herald. She studied journalism and media and communications in Havana and London. She holds a Ph.D. in sociology from City, University of London. Her work has won awards by the Florida Society of News Editors and the Society for Professional Journalists.//Nora Gámez Torres estudió periodismo y comunicación en La Habana y Londres. Tiene un doctorado en sociología y desde el 2014 cubre temas cubanos para el Nuevo Herald y el Miami Herald. También reporta sobre la política de Estados Unidos hacia América Latina. Su trabajo ha sido reconocido con premios de Florida Society of News Editors y Society for Profesional Journalists.

    Nora Gámez Torres

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  • Eviction sets single mom on a quest to keep her kids in their schools

    This story was produced by the Associated Press and reprinted with permission.

    ATLANTA — It was the worst summer in years. Sechita McNair’s family took no vacations. Her younger boys didn’t go to camp. Her van was repossessed, and her family nearly got evicted — again.

    But she accomplished the one thing she wanted most. A few weeks before school started, McNair, an out-of-work film industry veteran barely getting by driving for Uber, signed a lease in the right Atlanta neighborhood so her eldest son could stay at his high school.

    As she pulled up outside the school on the first day, Elias, 15, stepped onto the curb in his new basketball shoes and cargo pants. She inspected his face, noticed wax in his ears and grabbed a package of baby wipes from her rental car. She wasn’t about to let her eldest, with his young Denzel Washington looks, go to school looking “gross.”

    He grimaced and broke away.

    “No kiss? No hugs?” she called out.

    Elias waved and kept walking. Just ahead of him, at least for the moment, sat something his mother had fought relentlessly for: a better education.

    The link between where you live and where you learn

    Last year, McNair and her three kids were evicted from their beloved apartment in the rapidly gentrifying Old Fourth Ward neighborhood of Atlanta. Like many evicted families, they went from living in a school district that spends more money on students to one that spends less.

    Thanks to federal laws protecting homeless and evicted students, her kids were able to keep attending their Atlanta schools, even though the only housing available to them was in another county 40 minutes away. They also had the right to free transportation to those schools, but McNair says the district didn’t tell her about that until the school year ended. Their eligibility to remain in those schools expired at the end of last school year.

    Still wounded by the death of his father and multiple housing displacements, Elias failed two classes last year, his freshman year. Switching schools now, McNair fears, would jeopardize any chance he has of recovering his academic life. “I need this child to be stable,” she says.

    Related: Become a lifelong learner. Subscribe to our free weekly newsletter featuring the most important stories in education.

    With just one week before school started, McNair drove extra Uber hours, borrowed money, secured rental assistance and ignored concerns about the apartment to rent a three-bedroom in the Old Fourth Ward. At $2,200 a month, it was the only “semi-affordable” apartment in the rapidly gentrifying ward that would rent to a single mom with a fresh eviction on her record.

    On Zillow, the second-floor apartment, built in 2005, looked like a middle-class dream with its granite countertops, crown molding and polished wood floors. But up close, the apartment looked abused and held secrets McNair was only beginning to uncover.

    The first sign something was wrong came early. When she first toured the apartment, it felt rushed, like the agent didn’t want her to look too closely. Then, even as they told her she was accepted, the landlord and real estate agent wouldn’t send her a “welcome letter” laying out the agreement, the rent and deposit she would pay. It seemed like they didn’t want to put anything in writing.

    When the lease came, it was full of errors. She signed it anyway. “We’re back in the neighborhood!” she said. Elias could return to Midtown High School.

    But even in their triumph, no one in the family could relax. Too many things were uncertain. And it fell to McNair — and only McNair — to figure it out.

    The first day back

    Midtown is a high school so coveted that school administrators investigate student residency throughout the year to keep out kids from other parts of Atlanta and beyond. For McNair, the day Elias returned to the high school was a momentous one.

    “Freedom!” McNair declared after Elias disappeared into the building. Without child care over the summer, McNair had struggled to find time to work enough to make ends meet. Now that the kids were back in class, McNair could spend school hours making money and resolving some of the unsettled issues with her new apartment.

    McNair, the first person in her family to attend college, studied theater management. Her job rigging stage sets was lucrative until the writers’ and actors’ strike and other changes paralyzed the film industry in 2023. The scarcity of work on movie sets, combined with her tendency to take in family and non-family alike, wrecked her home economy.

    The family was evicted last fall when McNair fell behind on rent because of funeral expenses for her foster daughter. The teen girl died from an epileptic seizure while McNair and everyone else slept. Elias found her body.

    McNair attributes some of Elias’s lack of motivation at school to personal trauma. His father died after a heart attack in 2023, on the sidelines of Elias’s basketball practice.

    Elias Washington talks to a friend on the phone as he walks to Midtown High School in Atlanta. Credit: AP Photo/Brynn Anderson

    On his first day back at school this August, Elias appeared excited but tentative. He watched as the seniors swanned into school wearing gold cardboard crowns, a Midtown back-to-school tradition, and scanned the sidewalk for anyone familiar.

    If Elias had his way, his mom would homeschool him. She’s done it before. But now that he’s a teenager, it’s harder to get Elias to follow her instructions. As the only breadwinner supporting three kids and her disabled uncle, she has to work.

    Elias hid from the crowds and called up a friend: “Where you at?” The friend, another sophomore, was still en route. Over the phone, they compared outfits, traded gossip about who got a new hairdo or transferred. When Elias’s friend declared this would be the year he’d get a girlfriend, Elias laughed.

    When it was time to go in, Elias drifted toward the door with his head down as other students flooded past.

    The after-school pickup

    Hours later, he emerged. Despite everything McNair had done to help it go well — securing the apartment, even spending hundreds of dollars on new clothes for him — Elias slumped into the backseat when she picked him up after class.

    “School was so boring,” he said.

    “What happened?” McNair asked.

    “Nothing, bro. That was the problem,” Elias said. “I thought I was going to be happy when school started, since summer was so horrible.”

    Of all of the classes he was taking — geometry, gym, French, world history, environmental science — only gym interested him. He wished he could take art classes, he said. Elias has acted in some commercials and television programs, but chose a science and math concentration, hoping to study finance someday.

    After dinner at Chick-fil-A, the family visited the city library one block from their new apartment. While McNair spoke to the librarian, the boys explored the children’s section. Malachi, 6, watched a YouTube video on a library computer while Derrick, 7, flipped through a book. Elias sat in a corner, sharing video gaming tips with a stranger he met online.

    Related: Schools confront a new reality: They can’t count on federal money 

    “Those people are learning Japanese,” said McNair, pointing to a group of adults sitting around a cluster of tables. “And this library lets you check out museum passes. This is why we have to be back in the city. Resources!”

    McNair wants her children to go to well-resourced schools. Atlanta spends nearly $20,000 per student a year, $7,000 more than the district they moved to after the eviction. More money in schools means smaller classrooms and more psychologists, guidance counselors and other support.

    But McNair, who grew up in New Jersey near New York City, also sees opportunities in the wider city of Atlanta. She wants to use its libraries, e-scooters, bike paths, hospitals, rental assistance agencies, Buy Nothing groups and food pantries.

    “These are all resources that make it possible to raise a family when you don’t have support,” she said. “Wouldn’t anyone want that?”

    Support is hard to come by

    On the way home, the little boys fall asleep in the back seat. Elias asks, “So, is homeschooling off the table?”

    McNair doesn’t hesitate. “Heck yeah. I’m not homeschooling you,” she says lightly. “Do you see how much of a financial bind I’m in?”’

    McNair pulls into the driveway in Jonesboro, the suburb where the family landed after their eviction. Even though the family wants to live in Atlanta, their stuff is still here. It’s a neighborhood of brick colonials and manicured lawns. She realizes it’s the dream for some families, but not hers. “It’s a support desert.”

    As they get out of the car, Elias takes over as parent-in-charge. “Get all of your things,” he directs Malachi and Derrick, who scowl as Elias seems to relish bossing them around. “Pick up your car seats, your food, those markers. I don’t want to see anything left behind.” Elias would be responsible for making the boys burritos, showering them and putting them to sleep.

    McNair heads out to drive for Uber. That’s what is necessary to pay $450 a week to rent the car and earn enough to pay her rent and bills.

    But while McNair is out, she can’t monitor Elias. And a few days after he starts school, Elias’s all-night gaming habit has already drawn teachers’ attention.

    “I wanted to check in regarding Elias,” his geometry teacher writes during the first week of school. “He fell asleep multiple times during Geometry class this morning.”

    Elias had told the teacher he went to bed around 4 a.m. the night before. “I understand that there may be various reasons for this, and I’d love to work together to support Elias so he can stay focused and successful in class.”

    A few days later, McNair gets a similar email from his French teacher.

    That night, McNair drives around Atlanta, trying to pick up enough Uber trips to keep her account active. But she can’t stop thinking about the emails. “I should be home making sure Elias gets to bed on time,” she says, crying. “But I have to work. I’m the only one paying the bills.”

    Obstacles keep popping up

    Ever since McNair rented the Atlanta apartment, her bills had doubled. She wasn’t sure when she’d feel safe giving up the house she’d been renting in Clayton County, given the problems with the Atlanta apartment. For starters, she was not even sure it was safe to spend the night there.

    A week after school started in August, McNair dropped by the apartment to check whether the landlords had made repairs. At the very least, she wanted more smoke detectors.

    She also wanted them to replace the door, which looked like someone had forced it open with a crowbar. She wanted a working fridge and oven. She wanted them to secure the back door to the adjoining empty apartment, which appeared to be open and made her wonder if there were pests or even people squatting there.

    But on this day, her keys didn’t work.

    She called 911. Had her new landlords deliberately locked her out?

    When the police showed up outside the olive-green, Craftsman-style fourplex, McNair scrolled through her phone to find a copy of her lease. Then McNair and the officer eyed a man walking up to the property. “The building was sold in a short sale two weeks ago,” he told McNair. The police officer directed the man to give the new keys to McNair.

    Related: The new reality with universal school vouchers: Homeschoolers, marketing, pupil churn

    The next day, McNair started getting emails from an agent specializing in foreclosures, suggesting the new owners wanted McNair to leave. “The bank owns the property and now you are no longer a tenant of the previous owner,” she wrote. The new owner “might” offer relocation assistance if McNair agreed to leave.

    McNair consulted attorneys, who reassured her: It might be uncomfortable, but she could stay. She needed to try to pay rent, even if the new owner didn’t accept it.

    So McNair messaged the agent, asking where she should send the rent, and requested the company make necessary repairs. Eventually, the real estate agent stopped responding.

    Some problems go away, but others emerge

    Finally, McNair moved her kids and a few items from the Jonesboro house to the Atlanta apartment. She didn’t allow Elias to bring his video game console to Atlanta. He started going to bed around 11 p.m. most nights. But even as she solved that problem, others emerged.

    It was at Midtown’s back-to-school night in September that McNair learned Elias was behind in most of his classes. Some teachers said maybe Midtown wasn’t the right school for Elias.

    Perhaps they were right, McNair thought. She’d heard similar things before.

    Elias also didn’t want to go to school. He skipped one day, then another. McNair panicked. In Georgia, parents can be sent to jail for truancy when their kids miss five unexcused days.

    McNair started looking into a homeschooling program run by a mother she follows on Facebook. In the meantime, she emailed and called some Midtown staff for advice. She says she didn’t get a response. Finally, seven weeks after the family’s triumphant return to Midtown, McNair filed papers declaring her intention to homeschool Elias.

    It quickly proved challenging. Elias wouldn’t do any schoolwork when he was home alone. And when the homeschooling group met twice a week, she discovered, they required parents to pick up their children afterward instead of allowing them to take public transit or e-scooters. That was untenable.

    Elias wanted to stay at home and offered to take care of McNair’s uncle, who has dementia. “That was literally killing my soul the most,” said McNair. “That’s not a child’s job.”

    Hell, no, she told him — you only get one chance at high school.

    Elias Washington watches a video on his phone as he rests on a bed left by a previous tenant in his family’s new apartment in Atlanta. Credit: AP Photo/Brynn Anderson

    Then, one day, while she was loading the boys’ clothes into the washing machine at the Atlanta apartment, she received a call from an unknown Atlanta number. It was the woman who heads Atlanta Public Schools’ virtual program, telling her the roster was full.

    McNair asked the woman for her opinion on Elias’s situation. Maybe she should abandon the Atlanta apartment and enroll him in the Jonesboro high school.

    Let me stop you right there, the woman said. Is your son an athlete? If he transfers too many times, it can affect his ability to play basketball. And he’d probably lose credits and take longer to graduate. He needs to be in school — preferably Midtown — studying for midterms, she said. You need to put on your “big mama drawers” and take him back, she told McNair.

    The next day, Elias and his mother pulled up to Midtown. Outside the school, Elias asked if he had to go inside. Yes, she told him. This is your fault as much as it’s mine.

    Now, with Elias back in school every day, McNair can deliver food through Uber Eats without worrying about a police officer asking why her kid isn’t in school. If only she had pushed harder, sooner, for help with Elias, she thought. “I should have just gone down to the school and sat in their offices until they talked to me.”

    But it was easy for her to explain why she hadn’t. “I was running around doing so many other things just so we have a place to live, or taking care of my uncle, that I didn’t put enough of my energy there.”

    She wishes she could pay more attention to Elias. But so many things are pulling at her. And as fall marches toward winter, her struggle continues. After failing to keep up with the Jonesboro rent, she’s preparing to leave that house before the landlord sends people to haul her possessions to the curb.

    As an Uber driver, she has picked up a few traumatized mothers with their children after they got evicted. She helped them load the few things they could fit into her van. As they drove off, onlookers scavenged the leftovers.

    She has promised herself she’d never let that happen to her kids.

    Bianca Vázquez Toness is an Associated Press reporter who writes about the continuing impact of the pandemic on young people and their education.

    The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

    The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

    Join us today.

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    Bianca Vázquez Toness

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  • Getting the story: How an AP reporter chronicled a sensitive story about school and eviction

    ATLANTA (AP) — As an education reporter, I’ve heard teachers worry that the most pernicious challenges their students face, like poverty or housing insecurity, are beyond the realm of what schools can fix.

    I wanted to understand better how the rising cost of housing and the prevalence of eviction could undermine a young person’s ability to thrive in school and in life.

    Research shows schoolchildren threatened with eviction are more likely to transfer to another school, often one with less funding, more poverty and lower test scores. They’re more likely to miss school, and those who end up transferring are suspended more often.

    I’ve seen this firsthand through my own reporting. A few years ago, when I was writing about students who missed school for months or longer, many of them said a housing disruption had first kept them out of class. They lost their home, ended up staying with a relative, and didn’t get back in school for weeks or longer.

    So I called up a parent organizer in Atlanta who had introduced me to other families struggling with that city’s rapid gentrification.

    She told me about Sechita McNair, a talkative mother of three trying to move back to Atlanta after an eviction so her kids could stay in their schools.

    McNair was one of the easiest people I’ve ever written about because she was a film-industry veteran. She understood my desire to document or understand every step in the process of getting evicted or advocating for her children. I never had to explain why I was asking a question, why I wanted so much detail about where she was when she received a certain phone call, or why I wanted her to send me emails or documents. She’s an open book and sincerely thought others might benefit from reading about her perseverance and resourcefulness.

    She also was challenging to write about because her life was extremely complicated. McNair has immense family responsibilities, without support from other relatives, yet she holds a deep belief that things will work out if she just keeps moving. Her situation and plans would change rapidly. Sometimes I struggled to keep up.

    I traveled to Atlanta three times over several months to visit McNair, and in between we were in constant touch. I often spoke to her while she drove the kids to and from school or while she picked up orders for Uber Eats. The result is a close-up portrait of life as a single mother trying to swim upstream while carrying three boys on her back.

    This is the hardest part: Everything McNair was working toward — getting her kids back into Atlanta — is exactly what researchers would say she should do. She should keep her kids in the same school so they can be in a stable environment.

    But so far, it hasn’t been enough.

    ____

    Bianca Vázquez Toness covers the intersection of education and children’s well-being. She led the nation in showing how many students were missing school after the pandemic, and her work was honored as a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize.

    ____

    The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

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  • Getting the Story: How an AP Reporter Chronicled a Sensitive Story About School and Eviction

    ATLANTA (AP) — As an education reporter, I’ve heard teachers worry that the most pernicious challenges their students face, like poverty or housing insecurity, are beyond the realm of what schools can fix.

    I wanted to understand better how the rising cost of housing and the prevalence of eviction could undermine a young person’s ability to thrive in school and in life.

    Research shows schoolchildren threatened with eviction are more likely to transfer to another school, often one with less funding, more poverty and lower test scores. They’re more likely to miss school, and those who end up transferring are suspended more often.

    I’ve seen this firsthand through my own reporting. A few years ago, when I was writing about students who missed school for months or longer, many of them shared a housing disruption had first kept them out of class. They lost their home, ended up staying with a relative, and didn’t get back in school for weeks or longer.

    So I called up a parent organizer in Atlanta who had introduced me to other families struggling with that city’s rapid gentrification.

    McNair was one of the easiest people I’ve ever written about because she was a film-industry veteran. She understood my desire to document or understand every step in the process of getting evicted or advocating for her children. I never had to explain why I was asking a question, why I wanted so much detail about where she was when she received a certain phone call, or why I wanted her to send me emails or documents. She’s an open book and sincerely thought others might benefit from reading about her perseverance and resourcefulness.

    She also was challenging to write about because her life was extremely complicated. McNair has immense family responsibilities, without support from other relatives, yet she holds a deep belief that things will work out if she just keeps moving. Her situation and plans would change rapidly. Sometimes I struggled to keep up.

    I traveled to Atlanta three times over several months to visit McNair, and in between we were in constant touch. I often spoke to her while she drove the kids to and from school or while she picked up orders for Uber Eats. The result is a close-up portrait of life as a single mother trying to swim upstream while carrying three boys on her back.

    This is the hardest part: Everything McNair was working toward — getting her kids back into Atlanta — is exactly what researchers would say she should do. She should keep her kids in the same school so they can be in a stable environment.

    But so far, it hasn’t been enough.

    Bianca Vázquez Toness covers the intersection of education and children’s well-being. She led the nation in showing how many students were missing school after the pandemic, and her work was honored as a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize.

    The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

    Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

    Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

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  • The Human Toll of the Suspension of SNAP

    Angel Goodwin used to work remotely, processing applications for Medicaid and for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP. People would sometimes yell at her over the phone—“I’ve been called every name but a child of God,” she said—but it was worse when they cried. “Especially the elderly. They would be approved for, like, thirty dollars a month, and they’re getting Social Security for, like, nine hundred and forty-three dollars. They’d be, like, ‘Honey, I can’t—I don’t know what I’m going to do, I don’t have anybody.’ ” Goodwin, a single mother with an eleven-year-old son, also received SNAP benefits. “Little do they know I’m in the same boat,” she said.

    Earlier this year, Goodwin began to feel pain shooting down from her shoulder, most likely a consequence of repetitive computer work. At the beginning of October, she took a short-term disability leave. Then, toward the end of the month, she logged in to her SNAP account and saw an alarming notification: November benefits weren’t coming. She and her son had already scaled back to subsist on the short-term disability benefits, which were “not very much at all,” she said. Now they’d have to make do with less, even as food prices seemed to get higher every week. “Personally, my faith will always outweigh my fear,” she said. “But it’s at a scary point now.”

    Amid the prolonged government shutdown, which is now the longest in American history, SNAP benefits have become a political football. In previous shutdowns, emergency funds have been used to cover the program, which serves around forty-two million Americans. But the Trump Administration has declined to do so. A number of states have stepped in to cover the gap, or to provide additional money to food banks; Texas, which has a multibillion-dollar rainy-day fund, has done neither. (H-E-B, the grocery-store chain which arguably serves as a second layer of social services in the state, has donated six million dollars to food banks.) At the end of October, a federal judge ordered the Administration to continue SNAP payments. But, several days later, there was nothing in Goodwin’s SNAP account; the Administration has said that November payments will be only partial, and it’s unclear when the funds will arrive.

    Goodwin, who grew up in South Carolina, had what she describes as “a pretty rough childhood.” In her early twenties, she cut ties with her family, and found herself with a young child and no real support system. She slept on friends’ couches and then, when she felt her welcome wearing out, in her car. Being homeless was tolerable—“You meet cool people on the streets, people with wisdom,” she said—but she wanted her son to have a more stable life. She got a job working the night shift at a gas station, and earned enough money to move into a hotel where she paid by the week. It took two years to save up enough to cover a deposit to rent a small apartment. “I didn’t have any furniture—no couch or anything like that, just a couple of pans that I’d had in the hotel,” she said. “We pretty much slept on the floor. We literally started from zero.” When she felt overwhelmed, she prayed to God for guidance. She began having dreams about Texas, the state’s outline popping up in unexpected places. In her journal, she asked God if this was really what he wanted her to do— she’d never left South Carolina before. Yes was the answer she received, so she began researching apartments online. By now, she was working remotely as a customer-service representative for a bank, but she’d need more money to fund the move. On YouTube, she learned about retail arbitrage—essentially, buying discounted items in bulk and then reselling them on Amazon at a markup. The scheme eventually stopped working, but by then she’d saved up enough money to cover the deposit on an apartment in Houston. Two years ago, she moved into a renovated two-bedroom with pale-gray walls and a bright, narrow kitchen. Her days were taken up with work and with homeschooling her son.

    On the morning of November 3rd, day three of no SNAP, Goodwin put her son in the car and drove twenty-five minutes to the West Houston Assistance Ministries, a nonprofit social-services organization, which was hosting a special food-distribution event for SNAP recipients. When she arrived, at around 9 A.M., a line of cars snaked down the block, and volunteers in neon vests directed traffic. Nationwide, fourteen per cent of households are considered food-insecure. In Harris County, which comprises Houston, the figure is close to forty per cent. WHAM had seen a notable uptick in need since the shutdown began, on October 1st. “We’ve been focussed on food, but we’ve also seen an increase in evictions—it’s a crisis on top of a crisis,” Neysa Gavion, a social worker and a senior case manager at WHAM, told me. “And the interesting thing is, while we’ve always had people at the poverty line or below, this is the middle class.” Recently, the organization had provided assistance to an I.R.S. employee and single mother who was days from being evicted. “People that weren’t impacted before are being impacted now,” Gavion said. A retired woman waiting in line told me that she had contemplated growing her own food. “I got a little balcony. Maybe I can grow some beans?” she said.

    Rachel Monroe

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  • Child care crisis deepens as funding slashed for poor families

    by Jackie Mader, The Hechinger Report
    November 1, 2025

    The first hint of trouble for McKinley Hess came in August. 

    Hess, who runs an infant and toddler care program in Conway, Arkansas, heard that the teen moms she serves were having trouble getting their expected child care assistance payments. Funded by a mix of federal and state dollars, those subsidies are the only way many low-income parents nationwide can afford child care, by reimbursing providers for care and lowering the amount parents have to pay themselves.

    In Arkansas, teen parents have long been given priority to receive this aid. But now, Hess heard, they and many other families in need were sitting on a growing wait-list.

    Hess had just enrolled eight teen moms at her central Arkansas site, Conway Cradle Care, and was counting on state subsidies to pay for their children’s care. As the moms were stuck waiting for financial assistance, Hess had two options: kick them out, or care for their infants for free so their mothers wouldn’t have to drop out of school. She chose the latter. 

    Just a month later, another hit: Arkansas government officials announced they were going to cut the rates they pay providers on behalf of low-income families. Beginning Nov. 1, Hess will get $36 a day for each infant in her care and $35 a day for toddlers, down from $56 and $51 a day respectively. She’s already lost out on more than $20,000 by providing free care for 8 infants for the past two months.

    “Financially, it really is going to hurt our day care,” Hess said. But the stakes are also high for the parents who need child care assistance, she said: “For them to be able to continue school, these vouchers are essential.” 

    As states face having to cut spending while bracing for fewer federal dollars under the budget bill President Trump signed in July, some, including Arkansas, view early learning programs as a place to slash funding. They’re making these cuts even as experts and providers predict they will be disastrous for children, families and the economy if parents don’t have child care and can’t work. 

    The same families face other upheaval: The ongoing government shutdown means states may not receive their Nov. 1 shares of federal money for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, also known as food stamps, meaning families may not get that aid. Across the country, more than 100 Head Start centers, part of a federally funded preschool program that provides free child care, may have to close, at least temporarily, if the shutdown drags on as expected and they do not get expected federal cash by the start of next month. 

    Related: Young children have unique needs and providing the right care can be a challenge. Our free early childhood education newsletter tracks the issues. 

    Elsewhere, Colorado, Maryland and New Jersey recently stopped accepting new families into their child care assistance programs. In June, Oregon’s Democratic-led legislature cut $20 million from the state’s preschool program for low-income families. In September, Indiana joined Arkansas in announcing reductions in reimbursement rates for providers who care for low-income children. This summer, the governor of Alaska vetoed part of the state’s budget that would have given more money to child care and early intervention services for young children with developmental disabilities. Washington state legislators cut $60 million last month from a program that provides early learning and family support to preschoolers. Additional cuts or delays in payments have cropped up in Ohio, Nevada and the District of Columbia.

    “Almost every state is facing a very, very, very significant pullback of federal dollars,” said Daniel Hains, chief policy officer at the D.C.-based National Association for the Education of Young Children. “It does not help families when you cut provider reimbursement rates, when you cut funds going to providers, because it makes it less likely that those families are going to access the high-quality child care that they need.”

    This trend could further devastate America’s fragile child care industry, which has been especially slow to recover since the pandemic due to a lack of funding. Child care programs are expensive to run and, with limited public support, providers rely heavily on tuition from parents to pay their bills.

    In many parts of the country, parents already pay the equivalent of college tuition or a second mortgage on child care and have little ability to pay more. Yet child care staff generally make abysmally low wages and have high turnover rates. There’s often little wiggle room in program budgets.

    One of the only sources of federal funding for child care centers comes from the federally funded Child Care and Development Fund. Each year, Congress sets the level of block grants to states, which add matching funds. Arkansas officials said recent cuts to their subsidy program are in response to an unexpected $8 million decrease in federal CCDF funding this year after post-pandemic changes to the way state payouts are calculated.

    In September, Arkansas Secretary of Education Jacob Oliva told lawmakers that without cutting rates to providers, the state would be unlikely to be able to sustain the program. “The last thing I want to do is set up a reimbursement rate that at Christmas we have to call everybody and say we’re done, we spent all our money,” he said during a hearing.

    In addition to cutting payments to providers, the state increased family co-payments, the amount parents must pay toward child care in addition to what their subsidy covers. It’s far from a perfect solution, Oliva told lawmakers. “But we have to do something.”

    Related: How early ed is affected by federal cuts

    During the pandemic, child care programs and states received a fresh infusion of public funds from the American Rescue Plan Act and the Child Care and Development Block Grant, helping to stabilize those businesses. Many states used the influx to bolster their subsidy programs, allowing more children to use them and increasing what providers were paid.

    As that aid expired over the last two years, some states found money to sustain that expansion, but others did not. Indiana was left with a $225 million gap between the cost of its child care subsidy program and the state money dedicated to filling it. In October, officials cut reimbursement rates by 10 to 35 percent, saying in a statement that “there is only one pot of money — we could either protect providers or kids, and we chose kids.”

    Experts and child care directors say, however, that in the child care business it’s impossible to decouple kids from providers. The decision to cut reimbursement rates will ultimately hurt both, they insist, especially as providers find it hard to keep their doors open. Already, some programs have shuttered or announced plans to close by the end of the year. At others, families have left in search of more affordable care.

    Cori Kerns, a senior staff consultant at Little Duckling Early Learning Schools in Indianapolis, said that now that schools are receiving less money from the state, parents must make up the difference. Since the changes were announced in September, Little Duckling has lost 26 children — nearly 18 percent of its enrollment — because parents cannot afford that increase. 

    “That could be a tank of gas to them, that could be some groceries, that could be school supplies or medical needs. Some of them have had to literally stop and stay home with their child in order to survive and also not pay for child care,” Kerns said. “Those kids are suffering” as they stay home with stressed parents who are worrying about lost income, she added.  

    As families pulled their children, Kerns merged two buildings of her program into one, creating larger class sizes and new teacher assignments. That’s led to challenging behavioral problems for children who must adjust to new environments. Kerns anticipates losing teachers now that the work environment has become more stressful.

    Experts warn this trend in some states of scaling back early childhood investments is widening an existing nationwide disparity in the availability of affordable, high-quality child care. While states like Arkansas and Indiana pull back, a handful of others are moving the opposite direction, putting more money toward early learning. In New Mexico, for example, the nation’s first free universal child care program will launch on Nov. 1, paid for by oil and gas revenue that is routed to the state’s Early Childhood Education and Care Fund. In 2023, Vermont passed a payroll tax to increase child care funding in the state, while Connecticut established an endowment this year to route surplus state funds into early learning programs. 

    States have already been diverging in their approach to the child care industry since the pandemic. Rather than invest in more qualified workers, some states have opted to deregulate child care and bring teenagers in to care for young children. At the same time, places like the District of Columbia have increased qualifications for child care providers.

    Related: Rural Americans rely on Head Start. Federal turmoil has them worried

    “This is what happens when you don’t have public federal dollars in the system,” said NAEYC’s Hains. In states that are clawing back child care funds, “it’s going to result in lower quality care for children, or it’s going to result in families pulling back from the workforce and facing greater economic insecurity,” Hains said. “We’re going to see a real harmful impact on children and families as these investments are pulled back.”

    In Mooresville, Indiana, Jen Palmer calculated that her program, The Growing Garden Learning Center, will lose about $260,000 from its annual budget because of cuts in state contributions to care for children from low-income families. 

    “If nothing changes as of today, I can sustain for a year,” Palmer said. “Past that, I’m going to start dipping into my retirement savings.” She’s hesitant to discuss closing the program, one of highest-quality centers in the area. “I believe in this place. What we do is amazing. We just have to make it through this.”

    The lower subsidy rate is just the latest of a series of changes that Palmer has endured. Last December, Indiana stopped accepting new applicants into the care aid program and instead launched a waiting list. Palmer stopped getting calls from parents who wanted to enroll their children, as they couldn’t pay for care on their own. 

    Earlier this year, Indiana also announced cuts to reimbursement rates for its pre-K program, which is run in schools and child care programs throughout the state. Palmer now receives about $148 a week for each pre-K student she serves, down from more than $300 a week last year. Over the past three months, she’s had to lay off seven teachers and has taken over teaching in a pre-K classroom in the mornings. “We’re going to do our darndest that the kids don’t feel the impact,” she said. 

    She hasn’t been able to completely shield them. One toddler in her program recently shocked and delighted his teachers when he said his first word in English: a bold “no.” Concerned that the child had language delays, they were thrilled that he was starting to make progress. 

    Then the child’s family pulled him out of the program. His mother, who works as a delivery driver, had previously qualified for free child care paid for by state. With the state now paying less, her tuition jumped to $167 a month. 

    Instead of interacting with other children and teachers, playing and learning new skills, the toddler is now “sitting in mom’s car in a car seat driving around all over the county while she delivers for Uber,” said Palmer. “That just set that little guy years back. When he enters school, he’s no longer going to be on par with his classmates. That’s not fair. That can’t be the answer.”

    Contact staff writer Jackie Mader at 212-678-3562 or mader@hechingerreport.org 

    This story about child care was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.

    This <a target=”_blank” href=”https://hechingerreport.org/child-care-crisis-deepens-as-funding-slashed-for-poor-families/”>article</a> first appeared on <a target=”_blank” href=”https://hechingerreport.org”>The Hechinger Report</a> and is republished here under a <a target=”_blank” href=”https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/”>Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src=”https://i0.wp.com/hechingerreport.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/cropped-favicon.jpg?fit=150%2C150&amp;ssl=1″ style=”width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;”>

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    Jackie Mader

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  • Bill Gates calls for climate fight to shift focus from curbing emissions to reducing human suffering

    NEW YORK — Bill Gates thinks climate change is a serious problem but it won’t be the end of civilization. He thinks scientific innovation will curb it, and it’s instead time for a “strategic pivot” in the global climate fight: from focusing on limiting rising temperatures to fighting poverty and preventing disease.

    A doomsday outlook has led the climate community to focus too much on near-term goals to reduce emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases that cause warming, diverting resources from the most effective things that can be done to improve life in a warming world, Gates said. In a memo released Tuesday, Gates said the world’s primary goal should instead be to prevent suffering, particularly for those in the toughest conditions in the world’s poorest countries.

    If given a choice between eradicating malaria and a tenth of a degree increase in warming, Gates told reporters, “I’ll let the temperature go up 0.1 degree to get rid of malaria. People don’t understand the suffering that exists today.”

    The Microsoft co-founder spends most of his time now on the goals of the Gates Foundation, which has poured tens of billions of dollars into health care, education and development initiatives worldwide, including combating HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. He started Breakthrough Energy in 2015 to speed up innovation in clean energy.

    He wrote his 17-page memo hoping to have an impact on next month’s United Nations climate change conference in Brazil. He’s urging world leaders to ask whether the little money designated for climate is being spent on the right things.

    Gates, whose foundation provides financial support for Associated Press coverage of health and development in Africa, is influential in the climate change conversation. He expects his “tough truths about climate” memo will be controversial.

    “If you think climate is not important, you won’t agree with the memo. If you think climate is the only cause and apocalyptic, you won’t agree with the memo,” Gates said during a roundtable discussion with reporters ahead of the release. “It’s kind of this pragmatic view of somebody who’s, you know, trying to maximize the money and the innovation that goes to help in these poor countries.”

    Every bit of additional warming correlates to more extreme weather, risks species extinction and brings the world closer to crossing tipping points where changes become irreversible, scientists say.

    University of Washington public health and climate scientist Kristie Ebi said she thoroughly agrees with Gates that the U.N. negotiations should focus on improving human health and well-being. But, she said, Gates assumes the world stays static and only one variable changes — faster deployment of green technologies — to curb climate change. She called that unlikely.

    Jeffrey Sachs, director of the Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia University, called the memo “pointless, vague, unhelpful and confusing.”

    “There is no reason to pit poverty reduction versus climate transformation. Both are utterly feasible, and readily so, if the Big Oil lobby is brought under control,” he wrote in an email.

    Stanford University climate scientist Chris Field said there is room for a healthy discussion about whether the current framing of the climate crisis is typically too pessimistic.

    “But we should also invest for both the long term and the short term,” he wrote in an email. “A vibrant long-term future depends on both tackling climate change and supporting human development.”

    Princeton University climate scientist Michael Oppenheimer said he doesn’t dispute the principle of making human well-being the primary objective of policy, but what about the natural world?

    “Climate change is already wreaking havoc there,” he wrote in an email. “Can we truly live in a technological bubble? Do we want to?”

    Gates is clear in his memo that every tenth of a degree of warming matters: “A stable climate makes it easier to improve people’s lives.”

    A decade ago, the world agreed in a historic pact known as the Paris agreement to try to limit human-caused warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) since pre-industrial times. The goal: to stave off nastier heat waves, wildfires, storms and droughts.

    In a 2021 book, Gates laid out a plan for reducing emissions to avoid a climate disaster. But humans are on track to release so much greenhouse gas by early 2028 that scientists say crossing that 1.5-degree threshold is now nearly unavoidable.

    Breakthrough Energy focuses on areas where the cost of doing something cleanly is much higher than the polluting way, such as making clean steel and cement. Gates concluded his memo by saying governments should work toward driving this difference to zero, and be rigorous about measuring the impact of every effort in the world’s climate agenda.

    Gates said the pace of innovation in clean energy has been faster than he expected, allowing cheap solar and wind energy to replace coal, oil and natural gas plants for electricity and averting worst-case warming scenarios. Artificial intelligence is helping accelerate advances in clean energy technologies, he added.

    At the same time, money to help developing countries adapt to climate change is shrinking. Led by the United States, rich countries are cutting their foreign aid budgets. President Donald Trump has called climate change a hoax.

    Gates criticized the aid cuts. He said Gavi, a public-private partnership started by his philanthropic foundation that buys vaccines, will have 25% less money for the next five years compared to the past five years. Gavi can save a life for a little more than $1,000, he added.

    Vaccines become even more important in a warming world because children who aren’t dying of measles or whooping cough will be more likely to survive when a heat wave hits or a drought threatens the local food supply, he wrote.

    Health and prosperity are the best defense against climate change, Gates said, citing research from the University of Chicago Climate Impact Lab that found projected deaths from climate change fall by more than 50% when accounting for the expected economic growth over the rest of this century.

    Under these circumstances, he thinks the bar must be “very high” for what’s funded with aid money.

    “If you have something that gets rid of 10,000 tons of emissions, that you’re spending several million dollars on,” he said, “that just doesn’t make the cut.”

    ___

    AP Writer Seth Borenstein in Washington contributed to this report.

    ___

    The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

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  • Salem Pantry to increase regional food storage capacity through $2 million grant

    SALEM — The Salem Pantry will soon lease a 20,000-square-foot warehouse with five times the food storage capacity of the organization’s current warehouse with the help of a $2 million grant.

    The new warehouse, strategically located on Highland Avenue at the border of Peabody and Lynn, will provide warehouse space, cold storage, and distribution infrastructure for up to 20 additional emergency food distribution partners in lower Essex County, according to the Greater Boston Food Bank.


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    By Michael McHugh |Staff Writer

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  • Elon Musk Couldn’t Care Less About Poverty

    Tesla held its third-quarter earnings call on Wednesday, and CEO Elon Musk seemed particularly focused on getting his $1 trillion payday. But before the world’s wealthiest man made the case for why he deserves to be the first trillionaire, he wanted to make sure you understand one thing: He’s going to help abolish poverty.

    “We’re excited about the updated mission of Tesla, which is sustainable abundance,” Musk said on the call.

    “So going beyond sustainable energy to, say, sustainable abundance is the mission, where we believe with Optimus and self-driving, that you can actually create a world where there is no poverty, where everyone has access to the finest medical care. Optimus will be an incredible surgeon, for example. And imagine if everyone had access to an incredible surgeon.”

    To be clear, Optimus, Tesla’s robot, is nowhere near ready to be a “surgeon.” But Musk went on, tossing in a caveat about safety.

    “So I think there’s… you know, of course, we make sure Optimus is safe and everything, but I do think we’re headed for a world of sustainable abundance. And I’m excited to work with the Tesla team to make that happen,” said Musk.

    Musk’s utopian vision isn’t new

    The billionaire has long teased the idea that the future will be filled with so many robots and so much automation that nobody will have to work. It’s an idea that was incredibly popular in the 20th century, not just in science fiction but among serious academics. Back in the 1960s, it was just taken as a given that people of the year 2000 would only work maybe 20 hours per week. And beyond that, by the mid-21st century, no one would have to work at all.

    That vision for the future didn’t work out, of course. Granted, much of the U.S. workforce became George Jetson-style button pushers in the sense that we have a large information-based economy where many people sit at keyboards typing. But the ability to just sit at home and not work while robots do everything is still a fantasy. And it’s a fantasy because the problem isn’t technological, it’s political.

    There is no way to ever deliver a leisure society where everyone gets paid to do nothing unless you create a political and economic system that delivers that. The “free market” will not just cause that to happen by magic. When Amazon uses robots to streamline its operations—replacing workers and sorting packages more efficiently—the online retailer doesn’t give the money it saves to workers. That money goes to shareholders. And it’s unclear how many people actually believe that Musk’s robots would somehow deliver what he dubs a “universal high income” in the future, above and beyond a universal basic income.

    Musk doesn’t understand poverty

    In reality, Musk does not give a fuck about poverty. To guys like Musk, people who are poor are just getting what they deserve. And all it takes is a quick search of his X account to see how often he says things to degrade homeless people.

    “In most cases, the word ‘homeless’ is a lie,” Musk tweeted on Dec. 10, 2024. “It’s usually a propaganda word for violent drug addicts with severe mental illness.”

    You may notice that Musk’s tweet was sent a month following the 2024 presidential election, after Donald Trump beat Kamala Harris, but before Trump was sworn in for his second term on January 20.

    Musk would soon join Trump’s government as the head of the so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), where he helped unlawfully abolish the foreign aid program USAID and ran riot through just about every federal agency, destroying programs he didn’t like and hoovering up personal data along the way. What gave him the legal authority to do that? Nothing. But Musk did it anyway with the blessing of President Trump, until the two men predictably had a falling out.

    Who deserves a good life?

    Musk believes that the U.S. is built on meritocracy, where people who have billions of dollars obviously deserve that money, and people who are poor deserve to stay poor. He demonstrated that time and again with DOGE, claiming that he was rooting out waste, fraud, and abuse. The “fraud,” as he saw it, was people who were undeserving of the government benefits they received, whether it was food stamps or Social Security, a program he called a Ponzi scheme.

    Remember when Musk went to CPAC in February and swung around a chainsaw, symbolic of the government programs he was going to cut? Those programs are what would be necessary to deliver money and services to people in order to make sure no one is poor. Why on Earth would anyone believe that he cares about poverty after such a ridiculously over-the-top display of his power?

    Elon Musk holds a chainsaw reading “Long live freedom, damn it” during the annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) at the Gaylord National Resort & Convention Center at National Harbor in Oxon Hill, Maryland, on February 20, 2025. © Photo by SAUL LOEB/AFP via Getty Images

    Musk frequently insists that America’s homelessness problem is the fault of those on the streets.

    “The vast majority of those on the streets are there due to severe drug addiction and/or mental illness,” Musk tweeted on Nov. 9, 2024. “The issue not that they got a little behind in their mortgage payments and would be back on their feet if someone just offered them a job.”

    But Musk doesn’t know what he’s talking about. The billionaire quite literally doesn’t see the people who are struggling as he gets shuttled around the world. The majority of people who are homeless “have no mental health or substance use disorder,” according to the United States Interagency on Homelessness. Somewhere between 40-60% of people who lack homes also have a job.

    As the agency explains on its website: “Today, only 37 affordable homes are available for every 100 extremely low-income renters. As a result, 70% of the lowest-wage households spend more than half their income on rent, placing them at high risk of homelessness when unexpected expenses (such as car repairs and medical bills) arise.”

    Elon doesn’t believe in charity

    Musk has repeatedly said that he doesn’t really believe in charity. The CEO insists that he’s doing enough good in the world through his private companies. When the head of the UN World Food Program noted in 2021 that Musk could end world hunger with just 2% of his wealth, Musk balked at the idea.

    Instead of giving $6 billion to end hunger for 42 million people, as the UN had proposed, he gave $5.7 billion to an undisclosed charity. Forbes reports the most likely recipient was a donor-advised fund (DAF), which “behaves like a philanthropic bank account.” Forbes doesn’t even count DAF donations as charitable contributions when tracking billionaires because the money can just sit in the account indefinitely.

    Forbes also notes that donating to a DAF gets Musk a huge tax break. So it seems pretty obvious what’s happened there. Musk’s private foundation hasn’t donated the legally required 5% of its assets for three years in a row, more evidence that any “giving” he does is mostly for tax reasons.

    Musk’s promises about fixing poverty are PR

    Investors vote on Musk’s $1 trillion pay package on Nov. 6, calling the people who oppose it “corporate terrorists” during his call on Wednesday. And he knows full well that he needs to pay lip service to those struggling financially right now, since he’s accumulating an obscene amount of wealth.

    But Musk has to know that his utopian pitch for Optimus will not deliver a work-free society. And selling robots has nothing to do with creating that perfect world; it’s about making more money for him. Same as it ever was.

    Matt Novak

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