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  • What Is It Like to Live in Ecuador, One of the Most Violent Countries?

    What Is It Like to Live in Ecuador, One of the Most Violent Countries?

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    A view of part of Guayaquil, Ecuador’s second most populated city and main port, which is now dominated by violence as a hub for shipping drugs out of the country to the United States and Europe. CREDIT: Carolina Loza León / IPS
    • by Carolina Loza (guayaquil, ecuador)
    • Inter Press Service

    José, a 45-year-old Venezuelan, came here looking for a better life in 2019. “You could scrape by, barely, but you could make a living,” he said.

    For José, Ecuador offered an opportunity for a peaceful life that allowed him to cover his expenses and raise his three children, something he could no longer do in his native Venezuela. He first moved to a shantytown in this part of western Guayaquil, which is also the country’s main port and one of its two economic hubs, along with Quito, the capital.

    José paused before telling IPS: “In the last two years, the violence has accelerated, it’s impossible to live.”

    This South American country has recently become one of the most violent in Latin America and the world. And José’s anxious observations coincide with the analysis of different organizations and experts.

    Ecuador’s geographic position between two cocaine producers, Colombia and Peru, make it a strategic location for drug distribution across the Pacific Ocean.

    The demand for drug trafficking, the gradual economic devastation and the weakening of the country’s political system exacerbated in 2023 with the dissolution of the legislature and a call for early elections, helped strengthen criminal gangs, which began to take root in Ecuador as part of the chain of trafficking of cocaine and other drugs.

    Growing institutional corruption enabled the gangs to infiltrate the police and the prison system, making it easier for imprisoned criminal leaders to turn prison facilities, intended for rehabilitation, into their centers of operations and expansion.

    In the gangs’ struggle to gain control, in 2021, the first large-scale massacre inside a prison in Ecuador occurred, something that became routine as the violence escalated.

    For years in Ecuador, criminal organizations have been coordinating their actions against the State, according to Renato Rivera-Rhon, an organized crime and security analyst. “Prisons are an environment of opportunity for organized crime in Ecuador,” he said in an interview with InSightCrime, an organization that focuses on criminal activities.

    Rivera-Rhon mentioned that networks within prisons facilitate dialogue, and gang leaders have lawyers within the network, indicating the existence of a web of a certain level of agreements between organized crime gangs.

    José told IPS how he went from being a street vendor outside schools in Guayaquil without any complications to becoming a victim of extortion, forced to make “protection payments” known locally as “vacunas” or vaccines.

    Monte Sinai was one of the first areas in Guayaquil where residents and business owners became the victims of criminal gangs who began demanding “vacunas”, although none of the residents consulted by IPS would identify the group that controls the area, and they never refer to it by name.

    The extortion method varies depending on the business and the payment can be demanded weekly, monthly or, as in José’s case, daily. “One of them (a gang member) would hang around when I was selling outside the schools, and would keep track of how much I sold and charge me a third of what I earned that day,” José said.

    “You can’t live like this. They don’t let you do anything, you can’t survive,” he complained.

    One of José’s three sons was also a victim of extortion when he set up a fast food business selling mainly hamburgers.

    Friends of José told him that when they rode on public transportation buses, people would get on and ask for “a little donation,” which was actually another form of extortion. The charge was one dollar, which they had to plan for on top of the 0.35 cent fare.

    “You prefer not to ride the bus, because you don’t have the money to pay a dollar for each trip,” said a friend of José’s who preferred not to be identified.

    Monte Sinai is a rapidly growing neighborhood, a city within a city as some demographers call it, where a large number of people make a living in the informal economy.

    In Ecuador, a country of some 17 million inhabitants, where more than 3.6 million people live in Greater Guayaquil, over 50 percent of the economically active population works in the informal economy.

    The growth of gangs in Ecuador took hold gradually, in poor areas such as Monte Sinai, and their presence and control boomed during the last two years. Bomb threats, sporadic detonations, leaflets in which gangs threaten individuals or groups such as immigrants, and an increase in robberies are reflections of the violent control exercised by these groups.

    The activity of the gangs has spread throughout the country, in an escalation that has reached the point of total chaos at times, such as on Jan. 9.

    That day, a television station was taken over by a gang in Guayaquil, there were bomb threats in several cities and shootings near judicial entities, which led the government to declare a state of emergency.

    The state of emergency allowed for joint military and police action in the streets and prisons, under the premise that the State is in conflict with armed criminal groups.

    Rivera-Rhon stressed that on Jan. 9, the alliances and ties between criminal gangs were demonstrated by the scope and coordination of the chaos in the country and the fear provoked among the public.

    He said that “if you look at things from the point of view of someone in the capital, law enforcement has a monopoly of force, but this is not the case in rural areas, where there is total abandonment by the State.”

    The expert on crime mentioned how in localities on the border with Colombia, there was already a social order imposed by armed groups that “generated a contagion to other areas of the country” and wondered whether the State had control over the exercise of force in other parts of the country and neighborhoods in cities such as Guayaquil.

    Carlos Carrión, secretary of the Fundación Desaparecidos en Ecuador (Foundation for Missing People), said abandonment by the State has been going on for decades. A resident of Jaramijó, a fishing village near the port city of Manta, for years he has led petitions for the repatriation of fishermen imprisoned in the United States for transporting drugs.

    Carrión pointed to the lack of response at the State level and the growing control of drug trafficking networks that recruit fishermen, without any control by the armed forces. “Nobody seems to have cared for years, and look where we’ve ended up,” Carrión told IPS by telephone from Jaramijó, some 190 kilometers north of Guayaquil.

    Lorenzo, 46, said the Jan. 9 violence was nothing new. In 2023 he had to move from Guayaquil to the port of Posorja, after he became the victim of robberies and closed down his small business.

    “Outside the store there were four guys on a motorcycle. From far away, one of them pulled a gun on me and I didn’t know how to get away. I had a backpack, where I carried my phone. I also had my watch and money that I always carry, about 20 or 40 dollars. They took everything,” said Lorenzo, who had worked hard to open a small store selling food and other products in Monte Sinai.

    He told IPS that “they said to me: ‘get out of here.’ They left quickly, after going around the same street twice.” It was the last episode of violence and extortion he put up with in Guayaquil and the one that led him to decide to close his shop and look for work in Posorja, a small fishing port 113 kilometers away.

    “I used to live here, but now we’re doing better. I had my monthly income from the store, but I had to leave the house in Monte Sinai to rent in Posorja,” he said during one of his last Sunday visits to the neighborhood to see friends and check on his now empty house.

    One of his sons, teenager Carlos, was with him on the Sunday he was interviewed by IPS in Monte Sinai. His two older sons have also moved out of the neighborhood.

    Lorenzo’s biggest fear before leaving Monte Sinai was that something would happen to his children. He even considered emigrating in 2022, crossing the Darien Gap, after hearing about people who had made it through that dangerous stretch of Panamanian jungle to the United States.

    Both José and Lorenzo lived in fear of the impact that the violence and increased insecurity could have on their families.

    According to José, violence during 2023 in the area “increased by 70 percent.” And so far, according to his former neighbors, the armed forces have not yet arrived in Monte Sinaí, despite the fact that a state of emergency has been declared and that the area is notorious for the violence suffered by local residents.

    José stays in contact with his former neighbors, a community that welcomed him with solidarity and to which he will always be grateful.

    “I love Ecuador, I was welcomed here, but the situation had become unlivable,” he said from Quito, the capital, where he now sells candy at stop lights. At the end of January, José decided to move to Quito and check out the possibility of settling in this city, where he feels safer.

    With most of Monte Sinai’s schools closed due to the violence, José had no alternative when he was left without a source of income and became subject to constant threats, he told IPS during a second meeting in Quito, 430 kilometers from his old life.

    His eldest son sold the supplies for his fast food business and returned to Venezuela, while his two teenagers are still in Guayaquil, waiting for their father to get everything ready in Quito.

    Lorenzo is no longer returning to Monte Sinai, he told IPS by telephone from Pasorj a few days after the interview there, because both he and his son Carlos received new threats. He is looking for alternatives to move to the coastal province of Manabí, which is also affected by violence, although to a lesser degree than Guayas province, of which Guayaquil is the capital.

    José finds some consolation in living in Quito and being able to go out on the street with a little more peace of mind. He quotes a friend who stayed in Guayaquil: “Back there, the only thing they don’t charge us for is breathing.”

    © Inter Press Service (2024) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service

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  • Inclusive & Sustainable Businesses Set New Pathways for Sri Lanka

    Inclusive & Sustainable Businesses Set New Pathways for Sri Lanka

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    • Opinion by Marta Perez Cuso, Yihan Zhao (bangkok, thailand)
    • Inter Press Service

    The bigger revenue margins of quality products translate into better incomes for women artisans. Thanks to its pioneering use of blockchain in the supply chain – consumers can track how their purchases translate into earnings for women in the informal economy.

    The Small Organic Farmers Association (SOFA) of Sri Lanka, produces and exports organic food while creating a sustainable and equitable environment for smallholder farmers. It facilitates fair trade certification for smallholders and links more than 3,600 organic farmers to export markets.

    WindForce, the largest renewable energy developer in Sri Lanka, owns, develops and operates renewable energy power plants that provide clean energy access to businesses, communities and industries. WindForce allocates a portion of the profits into community development projects to support the welfare of local communities including livelihood support, education and childhood development, environmental conservation and health care.

    These are a few examples of inclusive and sustainable businesses that go beyond the usual “profit-first” market approach to provide affordable goods, services and livelihoods to low-income people and to support environmental sustainability in Sri Lanka.

    With ambitious reforms taking centre-stage towards rebuilding Sri Lanka into a resilient and sustainable economy, the Government of Sri Lanka is exploring opportunities to harness the potential of the private sector in fostering inclusive and sustainable growth.

    On 31 January, a groundbreaking Strategy to Promote Inclusive and Sustainable Businesses to Achieve the Sustainable Development Goals was officially launched by the Government of Sri Lanka. Designed by the Sustainable Development Council of Sri Lanka in collaboration with the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) and United Nations Sri Lanka, this strategic roadmap envisions a strong and dynamic ecosystem where inclusive and sustainable businesses like Selyn, SOFA and WindForce can not only emerge but thrive.

    Inclusive and sustainable businesses are purpose-driven enterprises that deliberately seek positive change in communities and the environment. These impact businesses can play a crucial role to achieve national social development and environment sustainability goals. Inclusive and sustainable businesses use market-based approaches to achieve positive social and environmental impacts, while ensuring their own commercial sustainability.

    The Strategy seeks to put in place regulations that encourage and recognise inclusive and sustainable businesses, provide training and services that help businesses pivot towards more inclusive and sustainable practices, and improve access to finance for businesses.

    It builds on and brings together for the first time the collaborative and cross-sectoral efforts of government agencies, private sector organizations and development partners, to shape an inclusive, sustainable and resilient economy.

    Actions will cover five core areas:

      1) Setting the direction for Sri Lanka to become an inclusive and sustainable export and investment hub;
      2) Raising awareness on the economic and social value that impact businesses bring and recognizing local success stories, through award and formal accreditation;
      3) Building the capacities of businesses and governments to develop and to promote inclusive and sustainable businesses;
      4) Supporting impact measuring and reporting; and
      5) Enhancing access to finance for impact businesses.

    Sri Lanka’s commitment to this Strategy is a testament to its aspiration for a sustainable and inclusive future where businesses are not just economic entities but forces for positive change.

    Marta Perez Cuso is Economic Affairs Officer, UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP); Yihan Zhao is Associate Economic Affairs Officer, ESCAP.

    IPS UN Bureau


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    © Inter Press Service (2024) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service



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  • Poverty and Inequality Mark Rural Life in Latin America

    Poverty and Inequality Mark Rural Life in Latin America

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    • by Humberto Marquez (caracas)
    • Inter Press Service

    “Many people in our countryside simply no longer have a way to live, without services or incentives comparable to those in the cities, producing less and for less pay, under the threat of more disease and poverty,” Venezuelan coffee producer Vicente Pérez told IPS.

    In Mexico, whose countryside was home to 24 million of its 127 million inhabitants at the beginning of this decade, according to the World Bank, a study by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) showed that eight out of every 10 rural inhabitants lived in poverty, and six in extreme poverty.

    It was in the Mexican capital where experts from ECLAC and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) proposed this January “a new approach” to the concept of rural life in the region, to help public action to reduce inequality and contribute to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    The project’s director, Ramón Padilla, told IPS from Mexico City that “we need a new narrative about rural Latin America that goes beyond the traditional static and dichotomous vision, and that sees rural areas not as backward places, but as territories with great potential for development and connections.”

    Building a new narrative “is important for a better visualization, treatment and reduction of inequalities in income, infrastructure, education, health, gender, etc.,” added Padilla, head of ECLAC’s Economic Development Unit in Mexico.

    “Those who have access to electricity, drinking water, communications and transport to work or school in a big city are at a great distance from life in many depressed rural areas,” said Pérez, executive director of the Venezuelan Confederation of Agricultural Producers (Fedeagro).

    Entrenched rural poverty

    Hilda, the head of her household in Los Rufinos, a village of 40 families in the middle of a sandy dry forest in the northwestern department of Piura, Peru, told visitors from the Argentina-based Latfem regional feminist communication network what it is like to live without electricity and drinking water, to cook with firewood and, among other hardships, to get her granddaughters the schooling she did not have.

    In their dirt-floored houses with fences and walls made of logs, plastic and tin sheeting, the women in Los Rufinos cook in the early hours of the morning for the men of the village who go to work in the agro-exporting fruit plants in Piura, the departmental capital.

    “When there is no moon, the night is really dark, you can’t see a thing. It’s not like in the city, where there is so much light,” Hilda commented to the Latfem representatives.

    In Peru, a country of 33.5 million inhabitants (80 percent urban and 20 percent rural), 9.2 million people are poor, according to the government statistics institute. Poverty measured by income affects 24 percent of the urban population and 41 percent of the rural population, while extreme poverty affects 2.6 percent of the urban population and 16.6 percent of the rural population.

    Farther north, in a rural area of the department of Cundinamarca in central Colombia, Edilsa Alarcón showed on the television program “En los zapatos de” (In the Shoes of), on the Caracol network, how she goes every day to two small fields near her home to milk four cows, her family’s livelihood.

    She carries 18 liters of milk on the back of a donkey every morning, which she sells for 14 dollars, barely enough to live on. She owns no land and her biggest expense is renting pastureland for 860 dollars a year.

    Colombia’s rural areas are home to 12.2 million people (51.8 percent men and 48.2 percent women), 46 percent of whom live in poverty, according to ECLAC.

    “Gente de Guate”, produced by Guatemalan Youtubers , collects and delivers food, household goods and even cash for families in the countryside who barely scrape by in houses with four walls made of corrugated metal sheeting, boards and logs, wood stoves and a few chickens running around among corn and cooking banana plants.

    Of Guatemala’s 17.2 million inhabitants, 60 percent live in poverty and between 15 and 20 percent in extreme poverty, according to figures from official entities and universities. Half of the population lives in rural areas, where poverty affects two thirds of the overall population – and 80 percent of indigenous people – and extreme poverty affects nearly one-third of the total population.

    Regional data

    Some 676 million people live in Latin America and the Caribbean, of whom 183 million are poor (29 percent), and 72 million are in extreme poverty (11.4 percent), according to ECLAC data for 2022 and 2023.

    While 553 million people (81.8 percent) live in towns and cities, 123 million (18.2 percent) live in rural areas. And while in urban areas poverty stands at 26.2 percent and extreme poverty at 9.3 percent, in rural areas 41 percent of the inhabitants are poor and 19.5 percent are extremely poor.

    Gender inequality also persists, stubbornly. One figure that reflects it is that only 30 percent of rural women (58 million) have access to some form of land ownership, their jobs are often more precarious and less well paid, and at the same time they spend more time on household and family care tasks.

    Time to migrate from the countryside

    Latin America has experienced a massive exodus from rural to urban areas in the 20th century and so far in the 21st. “In 1960, less than half of the region’s population lived in cities. By 2016 that proportion had risen to over 80 percent,” wrote Matías Busso, a researcher at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).

    This process, driven by the search for better employment opportunities and living conditions, first fueled the expansion of the region’s major cities – to form megalopolises such as São Paulo and Mexico City – and more recently migration to foreign destinations, such as the United States.

    The largest migratory phenomenon abroad that the region has known, the exodus of more than seven million Venezuelans in the last decade, has involved numerous urban and suburban inhabitants, but also people from many rural areas.

    Pérez said that, in addition, in countries like Venezuela there is now a tendency to move from the countryside to urban areas, “but not to the big cities, like Caracas or Maracaibo, but to nearby towns or small cities, maintaining their ties to the plot of land where the family has crops or a few animals.”

    “New shantytowns form in small towns next to agricultural areas, such as coffee plantations in the Andes (southwest) or grain fields in the (central) Llanos, and people work for a few days in some urban job and then return to the countryside at the weekend. A sort of double life,” said Pérez.

    Seeking a new narrative

    New realities such as these prompted the ECLAC-IFAD initiative to “overcome the traditional view that contrasts rural and urban areas, recognizing the existence of different degrees of rurality in the territories and greater interaction between them,” according to its advocates.

    “The project seeks to replace the dominant narrative – which is reductionist and marginalizing – of rural areas as static and backwards, with one that recognizes the challenges and opportunities of today’s new rural societies,” said Peruvian economist Rossana Polastri, regional director of IFAD.

    The basis of the initiative is that between what is defined as rural and urban – the limit in countries such as Mexico is to consider urban areas as those with more than 2,500 inhabitants and rural areas as those below that level – there is a variety, degree and wealth of possibilities and opportunities to address issues of equity and development.

    Padilla from Mexico said that a first element of the work they propose is to collaborate with the public bodies in charge of designing and implementing policies for rural areas, since “technical work, well grounded in concepts and theories, has to go hand in hand with a dialogue with the public sector.”

    “A second element is continuous dialogue with the communities. The new understanding has to be translated into participatory solutions, in which each community and each territory creates a new vision, a renewed plan for sustainable development,” said the head of the project to build a new approach to rural life in Latin America.

    © Inter Press Service (2024) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service



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  • New Era: Unlocking Africas Agriculture Potential Through CGIAR TAAT Model

    New Era: Unlocking Africas Agriculture Potential Through CGIAR TAAT Model

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    Transforming food systems is key to solving food insecurity on the African continent. A powerful and unified effort is needed to ensure food systems are transformed to be robust enough to support the population. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS
    • by Joyce Chimbi (nairobi)
    • Inter Press Service

    Transforming food systems is key. A powerful and unified effort is needed to equip food systems to advance human and planetary health to their full potential. This was the message as CGIAR entered a new era under the leadership of Dr Ismahane Elouafi, the Executive Managing Director. Named one of the most influential Africans of 2023, she continues to stress the need to use science and innovation to unlock Africa’s potential to meet its food needs.

    During her inaugural field visit to an IITA center in Ibadan, Nigeria, alongside Dr Simeon Ehui, IITA’s Director General and CGIAR Regional Director for Continental Africa, she oversaw extensive discussions on transforming food systems and leveraging science and technology.

    “At COP28 in Dubai, UAE, there was high-level recognition and a wonderful spotlight on science and innovation. CGIAR has an opportunity to represent science and innovation at large, representing the whole community at large. We can cut down poverty and stop malnutrition, and we have the tools—we just need to bring them to the farmers,” she said.

    CGIAR continues to create linkages between agricultural and tech stakeholders, emphasizing digital innovation for agricultural development. CGIAR-IITA explores leveraging ICTs to tackle agricultural challenges, boost productivity, ensure sustainability, and enhance food security, featuring presentations, discussions, workshops, and networking across sectors.

    There was a significant focus on the CGIAR TAAT model as a tool to use technology to address Africa’s worsening food crisis. TAAT Technologies for African Agricultural Transformation (TAAT) is a key flagship programme of the African Development Bank’s Feed Africa strategy for 2016 to 2025.

    “We have the technology, and all hands are on deck to ensure that no one sleeps hungry. There are severe food insecurities on the continent today, deepening rural poverty and malnutrition. We have the capacity to achieve food security,” Ehui emphasized.

    IITA’s Dr Kenton Dashiell spoke about TAAT in the context of strategic discussions around policy and government engagement. Emphasizing the need for the government, private sector, and other key stakeholders to create effective and efficient food systems transformation paths. As a major continent-wide initiative designed to boost agricultural productivity across the continent by rapidly delivering proven technologies to millions of farmers, TAAT can deliver a food-secure continent.

    Elouafi stressed the need to ensure that technology is in the hands of farmers. in line with TAAT, which aims to double crop, livestock, and fish productivity by expanding access to productivity-increasing technologies to more than 40 million smallholder farmers across Africa by 2025. In addition, TAAT seeks to generate an additional 120 million metric tons.

    IITA’s Bernard Vanlauwe spoke about sustainable intensification with the aim of increasing production and improving the livelihoods of smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa. Farmers are increasingly dealing with higher temperatures and shorter rainy seasons, affecting the production of staple foods such as maize. Further stressing the need for improved crop varieties to meet Africa’s pressing food insecurities.

    Elouafi stressed that the needs are great, in particular, eliminating extreme poverty, ending hunger and malnutrition, turning Africa into a net food exporter, and positioning Africa at the top of the agricultural value chains. She emphasized the need to leverage progress made thus far, building on the commitments of Dakar 1, the 1st Summit of the World’s Regions on Food Security held in Dakar in January 2010, where representatives and associations of regional governments from the five continents noted that the commitments made at the World Food Summit in 2002 had had little effect and that the food crisis had only worsened.

    Elouafi said the UN Food System Summit in 2021 and the 2023 Dakar 2 Summit, with an emphasis on building sustainable food systems and aligning government resources, development partners, and private sector financing to unleash Africa’s food production potential, were important meetings to build on. The commitments made at these high-level meetings had already created a pathway towards ending hunger, food insecurity, and malnutrition and transforming food systems to meet the most pressing food needs today.

    It is estimated that Africa’s agricultural output could increase from USD 280 billion per year to USD 1 trillion by 2030. The visit and ensuing discussions highlighted how investing in raising agricultural productivity, supporting infrastructure, and climate-smart agricultural systems, with private sector investments, government support, and resources from multinational financial institutions, all along the food value chain, can help turn Africa into a breadbasket for the world. Private sector actors will be particularly urged to commit to the development of critical value chains.

    IPS UN Bureau Report


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    © Inter Press Service (2024) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service

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  • Ready or Not, America, Your Population Is Also Aging

    Ready or Not, America, Your Population Is Also Aging

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    The aging of America’s population is expected to have mounting effects on government programs, businesses, healthcare institutions, communities, families and individuals. Credit: Maricel Sequeira/IPS
    • Opinion by Joseph Chamie (portland, usa)
    • Inter Press Service

    America’s government and its citizens appear ill-prepared to address the daunting consequences of population aging for the country’s economy, workforce and entitlement programs. Among those challenging consequences are the rising costs of programs for the elderly, the need for financial aid and long-term care for many older people and the dwindling financial resources of elderly households.

    Many countries, including the United States, are well along in the demographic aging of their populations. While some countries, such as France, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea, have median ages above 40 years, other countries, including China, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States, have median ages of nearly 40 years (Figure 1).

    America’s elected officials tend to avoid addressing population aging. It seems that by ignoring or paying little attention to population aging, its many weighty consequences will diminish or simply go away.

    However, the consequences of population aging for America’s federal budget, its economy, workforce and the overall well-being of its citizens are not imaginary and will not go away by simply ignoring them. On the contrary, the aging of America’s population is expected to have mounting effects on government programs, businesses, healthcare institutions, communities, families and individuals.

    In ten years, for example, the U.S. federal government is expected to be spending half its budget on those aged 65 years or older. That spending will be used to support elderly Americans largely for health care and retirement benefits. Without sufficient government assistance, many elderly Americans will have to forgo needed care or rely on the uncertain assistance and care from family and friends.

    While a secure retirement is a widespread desire across America, the financial resources of most Americans are not sufficient to cover their retirement expenses. Among households headed by someone 55 years and older, nearly half of them lack some form of retirement savings. Also, close to 30 percent of those who are retired or nearing retirement do not have retirement savings or a defined benefit plan.

    In addition, the health conditions of America’s elderly are both worrisome and costly. About 80 percent of Americans 65 or older have at least one chronic condition, with about 68 percent having two or more.

    It is estimated that nearly a half of elderly Americans are affected by arthritis, a quarter have some type of cancer and a fifth have diabetes. A third of the elderly have cognitive issues with approximately half of them having dementia.

    Millions of older Americans are struggling with health challenges and increasing numbers are in need of caregiving services. Many elderly Americans also find it challenging to obtain or pay for the additional services they need as they age.

    It is estimated that approximately 70 percent of U.S. adults aged 65 years and older will require long-care at some point, with the average length of stay in long-term care about three years. In 2021, the average annual costs of long-term care in America ranged between $35,000 and $108,000.

    The median age of the U.S. population, which was about 27 years in 1965, has reached a record high of nearly 40 years. The median age of America’s population is continuing to rise and is projected to be 43 years by mid-century.

    In addition, the proportion of America’s population age 65 years or older is also expected to continue rising. Whereas approximately 9 percent of the U.S. population was 65 years or older in 1965 when the Medicare program was established, by 2022 the proportion had almost doubled to 17 percent. That proportion is expected to nearly double again by the century’s close when approximately one in three Americans will be 65 years or older (Figure 2).

    Furthermore, the U.S. will face noteworthy demographic aging turning points in the near future. Beginning in 2030, for example, all of America’s baby boomers will be older than 65 years. Also, in 2034 the share of America’s population age 65 years or older is expected to surpass that of children under age 18 year for the first time in the country’s history.

    A major demographic force behind the aging of populations is low fertility. Whereas America’s fertility rate was nearly three births per woman in 1965, today it has declined to nearly a half child below the replacement level at 1.7 births per woman. Moreover, the country’s fertility levels are expected to remain well below the replacement level throughout the remainder of the century.

    Increasing longevity among the elderly is also contributing to the aging of America’s population. U.S. life expectancies for males and females at age 65 years have risen markedly over the past sixty years. From 13 and 16 years for males and females in 1965, life expectancies at age 65 rose to 16 and 19 years by 2000 and further increased by 2022 to approximately 18 and 21 years, respectively. By mid-century, U.S. life expectancies at age 65 for males and females are expected to reach 20 and 22 years, respectively (Figure 3).

    America’s major government programs for the elderly are being seriously affected by population aging. As a result of the increase in both the absolute and relative numbers of the elderly, the two largest programs, Medicare and Social Security, are rapidly approaching insolvency, which is expected in 6 and 13 years, respectively.

    The U.S. Congress needs to act responsibly to address the expected funding imbalances and the insolvencies in those two programs. Not doing so would lead to across-the-board benefit cuts or abrupt changes to benefits or tax levels.

    Democrats are by and large committed to maintaining funding for Social Security and Medicare, programs that were established by the democratic administrations of President Franklin Roosevelt and President Lyndon Johnson, respectively. The Democrats believe that all Americans have the right to a secure and healthy retirement and are committed to preserving Social Security and Medicare for future generations.

    Over the years, public opinion polls have repeatedly demonstrated overwhelming support for those two programs. For example, approximately 80 percent of Americans support Social Security and oppose reducing benefits, and 70 percent are against increasing premiums for people enrolled in Medicare.

    Republicans, in contrast, are reluctant to raise taxes and have resisted increasing funding for the government’s major entitlement programs. They claim that with Social Security and Medicare facing insolvency if cuts to benefits and costs are not made, those two programs will not be available for future generations. Republicans in general prefer the private sector, freedom of choice and individual responsibility, such as private retirement investment accounts and a voucher system for private health insurance.

    Besides congressional actions, educational and community programs are needed to encourage responsible behaviors among Americans in preparing for and during old age. Men and women need to adopt behavior, take action and develop habits early on in their lives that promote their economic security, personal health and overall well-being in their retirement years.

    In sum, the United States seems neither ready nor willing to deal with the aging of its population. But demography doesn’t care. As the U.S. population continues to become older over the coming years, America’s elected officials, the private sector, social institutions, communities, families and individuals will be obliged to cope with the inevitable, momentous and far-reaching consequences of population aging.

    Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer and a former director of the United Nations Population Division. He is the author of numerous publications on population issues, including his recent book, “Population Levels, Trends, and Differentials”.

    © Inter Press Service (2024) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service

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  • Guns, germs, and drugs are largely responsible for the decline in U.S. life expectancy

    Guns, germs, and drugs are largely responsible for the decline in U.S. life expectancy

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    “America has a life expectancy crisis,” asserted a recent headline in The Washington Post. Why a crisis? Because American average life expectancy has been flat and then declining for the past decade or so.

    One bit of recent good news: The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported in November that average life expectancy at birth in 2022 was 77.5 years. While that is down from its 2014 peak of 78.8 years, the CDC notes that this is a post-pandemic increase of 1.1 years from its nadir of 76.1 years in 2021. The increase from 2021 to 2022, according to the CDC, “primarily resulted from decreases in mortality due to COVID-19, heart disease, unintentional injuries, cancer, and homicide. Declines in COVID-19 mortality accounted for approximately 84% of the increase in life expectancy.” While the big recent dip in American life expectancy was largely the result of the ravages of the COVID pandemic, the trend over the prior 10 years was basically flat.

    (MedPage Today)

    The Post article correctly noted that “the United States [was] increasingly falling behind other nations well before the pandemic.”

    (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality)

    The Post asked numerous members of Congress, including all 100 Senators, what they thought about falling life expectancy. While many replied that it was a serious problem, the article concluded that it “is not a political priority.” The Post did acknowledge that “there also is no single strategy to turn it around.” Politics being the art of the possible, there is little that politicians can do at this point in biomedical history to significantly increase average life expectancy.

    Public health efforts beginning the the late 19th century to provide access to clean water and improved sanitation, improve food safety, and champion widespread vaccination against infectious microbes were chiefly responsible for the increase in average American life expectancy from just 47 years in 1900 to the mid-70s in that late 20th century. “In 1900, one in 40 Americans died annually. By 2013, that rate was roughly one in 140, a cumulative improvement of more than two thirds,” reported a 2016 analysis by University of Pennsylvania researchers.

    Today the leading causes of the deaths that mainly afflict older Americans are cardiovascular diseases, cancers, unintentional injuries, lower respiratory illnesses, and diabetes. Nostrums prescribed by politicians are not likely to have much effect on them.

    (CDC)

    Among other policies, the Post reported that many of the public health officials and lawmakers with which it spoke decried, “a health-care payment system that does not reward preventive care.” And why not? After all, an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure, right? Not necessarily, according to a comprehensive analysis of preventive care studies published in the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) in 2021. “General health checks were not associated with reduced mortality or cardiovascular events,” noted the researchers. This bolstered the findings of a similar analysis in 2019 by researchers associated with the non-profit medical evidence review collaborative Cochrane that concluded that “health checks have little or no effect on total mortality.”

    The Post article also suggested that fighting between congressional Democrats and Republicans has stymied “legislation linked to gains in life expectancy, including efforts to expand access to health coverage and curb access to guns.” As it turns out, various studies over the past two decades have calculated that lack of health insurance is associated with only a slightly higher risk of death.

    A 2009 study in the American Journal of Public Health reported estimates that the lack of health insurance among Americans ages 25 to 65 may have been responsible for between 18,000 and 45,000 (0.8 to 1.8 percent) of deaths annually. At the time, 46 million Americans under the age of 65 were uninsured; by 2023 that had dropped to 23 million. As health insurance coverage increased, U.S. life expectancy stagnated and then fell.

    What about guns? Unfortunately, the trends in both the rate and absolute number of firearm deaths—homicides, suicides, and accidents—have been upward over the past decade. The rate of firearm deaths hovered around 15 per 100,000 during the 1970s and 1980s and began to fall in the mid-1990s, reaching its lowest point at 10 per 100,000 in 2004.

    (Pew Research)

    The rate of firearm mortality in the U.S. remained slightly over 10 per 100,000 over the next decade when in 2014 it began to rise, hitting in 2021 14.6 per 100,000, a rate last seen in the bad old days of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s.

    Deaths from suicide have consistently been greater than those from homicide. In 2022, for example, the number of people who killed themselves using firearms reached 26,993 whereas those killed by others numbered 19,592. Most gun deaths occur at earlier ages, thus proportionately lowering the U.S. population’s overall life expectancy. A 2018 study in BMJ Evidence-Based Medicine calculated that firearm deaths between 2000 and 2016 reduced U.S. average life expectancy by 2.48 years. The researchers argued that other health gains during that period masked this countervailing downward life expectancy trend. And it does coincide with the slow-down in life expectancy increase that began around 2010.

    What could politicians do about this? Setting aside constitutional issues, a 2023 comprehensive analysis of various policies aiming to reduce gun violence by researchers at the RAND Corporation think tank found relatively weak evidence that any of them worked all that well. For example, with respect to reducing violent crime, the evidence for the efficacy of policies such as banning assault weapons, imposing firearm safety training requirements, and requiring licenses and permits was inconclusive. Supportive evidence did, however, suggest that child access prevention laws could reduce youth suicides, accidents, and some violent crime deaths; and limits on concealed carry and stand-your-ground laws might reduce violent crime deaths.

    The Post reported that some politicians pointed to the rising death toll from “lethal drug overdoses” as a significant factor in declining U.S. life expectancy. The Post did, however, acknowledge that drug deaths “are not solely responsible for the decline in life expectancy.” It is worth noting that opioid overdose deaths began truly soaring after 2010 when users turned to illicit heroin and fentanyl after the introduction of Food and Drug Administration–approved abuse-deterrent formulations.

    (CDC)

    So how much do drug overdose deaths contribute to the recent decline in U.S. life expectancy? A 2021 comprehensive review of factors affecting mortality trends in the U.S. between 1999 and 2018 found that average life expectancy would “have been 0.3 years greater were it not for increases in unintentional drug poisoning.” In a 2023 preprint article, two Johns Hopkins University researchers calculated that opioid overdose deaths between 2019 and 2021 reduced U.S. life expectancy by 0.65 years. If politicians and policy makers really want to make increasing life expectancy a priority, one huge step would be to actually end the war on drugs. A cease-fire in the drug war would likely reduce gun deaths too.

    The fact that Americans have been getting fatter has also contributed to the recent stalling of and then decline in U.S. life expectancy. A 2022 preprint by researchers associated with Oxford University and the University of Texas Austin calculates that properly accounted mortality from obesity is perhaps cutting U.S. life expectancy by 1.7 years.

    (Heliyon Kranjac & Kranjac)

    In a 2023 working paper, Socio-Behavioral Factors Contributing to Recent Mortality Trends in the United States, a team of demographers observed with considerable understatement that “hundreds of factors affect levels of mortality in every population.” They nevertheless gamely sought to identify possible factors for the changes in U.S. adult mortality over the period 1997–2019, using data from the National Health Interview Surveys (NHIS) for years 1997–2018. The variables they examined included alcohol consumption, cigarette smoking, health insurance coverage, educational attainment, mental distress, obesity, and race/ethnicity.

    Among other things, the authors, in line with earlier studies, concluded that “changes in health care coverage, as measured here, had a negligible effect” on U.S. life expectancy trends over the past two decades. The two biggest factors they identified as affecting U.S. life expectancy trends were that “mortality falls with rising educational attainment” while “increasing mental distress contributed to the stagnation of mortality improvement.” Between 1997 and 2019, the percentage of college graduates rose from 24 percent to 36 percent of the U.S. population age 25 and above. Research consistently shows that college graduates tend to be less obese, smoke less, and eat better. Rising mental distress among NHIS participants as measured using the K-6 scale, especially after 2008, correlated with increasing mortality rates.

    The nine-year difference in adult life expectancy between those Americans who are college graduates and those who are not is particularly striking.

    (Brookings Institution)

    However, the U.S. is not alone with respect to differential socioeconomic life expectancy outcomes. Even countries famed for their government-run universal health care systems such as France experience them. For example, the European Commission’s 2019 country health profile of France reports that life expectancy for men and women in the top 5 percent of income is 84.4 and 88.3 years compared to those in the bottom 5 percent, which average 71.7 years and 80 years, respectively. This correspondingly results in male and female socioeconomic life expectancy gaps of 13 years and 8 years. The report notes that the gap in longevity can be explained at least partly by differences in education and living standards.

    In the Post article, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) says that achieving Norway’s average life expectancy of 83 years should be our goal. It is worth noting that the life expectancy of adult American college graduates is 83.3 years, three years higher than the 80.3 years average for the relatively well-off countries that are members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

    A 2019 report from the Norwegian Institute of Public Health compared the average life expectancies of that country’s richest 1 percent with its poorest 1 percent. The report noted that “the differences in life expectancy between the one per cent richest and one per cent poorest in Norway were 14 years for men and 8 years for women.” A 2016 study in the JAMA reported essentially the same gap between America’s richest and poorest citizens. “The gap in life expectancy between the richest 1% and poorest 1% of individuals was 14.6 years for men and 10.1 years for women,” observed the researchers in JAMA.

    “It has surprised researchers and policy makers that even with a largely tax-funded public health care system and relatively evenly distributed income, there are substantial differences in life expectancy by income in Norway,” said Dr. Jonas Minet Kinge, senior researcher at the Norwegian Institute of Public Health, in a press release about the report.

    So why did U.S. life expectancy trends slow and then peak in 2014? And what, if anything, can policy makers and politicians realistically do to make increasing it a priority? As noted above, the big recent dip largely resulted from the COVID-19 pandemic. A 2023 Scientific Reports article “estimated that US life expectancy at birth dropped by 3.08 years due to the million COVID-19 deaths” between February 2020 and May 2022. But let’s set aside that steep post-2020 downtick in life expectancy resulting from nearly 1.2 million Americans dying of COVID-19 infections.

    A 2020 study in Health Affairs chiefly attributed the 3.3-year increase in U.S. life expectancy between 1990 and 2015 to public health, better pharmaceuticals, and improvements in medical care. By public health, the authors meant such things as campaigns to reduce smoking, increase cancer screenings and seat belt usage, improve auto and traffic safety, and increase awareness of the danger of stomach sleep for infants. With respect to pharmaceuticals, they cited the significant reduction in cardiovascular diseases that resulted from the introduction of effective drugs to lower cholesterol and blood pressure.

    So a big part of what propelled increases in U.S. life expectancy is the fact that the percentage of Americans who smoke has fallen from 43 percent in the 1970s to 16 percent now. Smoking is associated with higher risks of cardiovascular diseases and cancers, rates of which have been dropping for decades. In addition, the rising percentage of Americans who are college graduates correlated with increasing life expectancy.

    However, since the 2004 peak, countervailing increases in the death rates from drug overdoses, firearms, traffic accidents, and diseases associated with obesity contributed to the flattening of U.S. life expectancy trends.

    A 2021 comprehensive analysis of the recent stagnation and decline in U.S. life expectancy in the Annual Review of Public Health (ARPH) largely concurs, finding that “the proximate causes of the decline are increases in opioid overdose deaths, suicide, homicide, and Alzheimer’s disease.” Interestingly, the U.S. trend in Alzheimer’s disease prevalence has been downward since 2011. In addition, the ARPH review noted that “a slowdown in the long-term decline in mortality from cardiovascular diseases has also prevented life expectancy from improving further.” So enabling and persuading more properly diagnosed Americans to take blood pressure and cholesterol-lowering medications would likely boost overall life expectancy.

    Hectoring members of Congress to make increasing life expectancy a “political priority” does not change the fact that there simply are no “silver bullet” policies available for achieving that goal.

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    Ronald Bailey

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  • Homeless Families Now a Growing Issue in Zimbabwe

    Homeless Families Now a Growing Issue in Zimbabwe

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    Gladys Mugabe (69) lives with her disabled son in Harare Gardens, a well-known recreational park in the Zimbabwean capital. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo/IPS
    • by Jeffrey Moyo (harare)
    • Inter Press Service

    Over the decades, Zimbabwe’s economy has underperformed. It started in 2000 with the departure of white commercial farmers, and the country has experienced subsequent periods of hyperinflation, which the International Monetary Fund estimated reached 172% in July last year.

    ISS Africa estimates that two out of five Zimbabweans were living in extreme poverty (living on less than US$3.20 per day) in 2019, and although this “poverty rate of nearly 45% is projected to decline to 20% by 2043, 4.7 million Zimbabweans will be living in extreme poverty on the current path.”

    Many, like Mugabe, find themselves in their open-air dwellings, and it would seem that being homeless has become a perpetual crisis.

    Trynos Munzira, a 43-year-old vendor in Harare, feels that the homeless have moved into the area, making it unsafe for regular people like him to visit the streets and parks.

    “People of my age—the 43-year-olds, the 44s—we used to frequent recreational parks, wiling away time, but nowadays it’s impossible because the homeless are all over the parks, contaminating the parks, and there in the parks, they just relieve themselves anywhere,” Munzira told IPS.

    Another Harare resident, 33-year-old Nonhlanhla Mandundu, said: “We have suffered because of homeless people who are picking left-over food containers from rubbish bins and leaving these on the streets; they have no toilets because all the toilets in towns are paid for, and so they relieve themselves all over town and urinate anywhere.”

    Meanwhile, Zimbabwe’s countrywide housing shortage is estimated at 1,25 million units, translating to a national backlog of five million citizens, or over 40 percent of the total population.

    As such, more than 1.2 million Zimbabweans remain on the government’s national housing waiting list.

    But this list is not likely to include everybody, like 21-year-old David Paina, an orphan who fled from his foster parents due to abuse. He moved to the streets for safety.

    “I started living here in Harare Gardens in 2012. What drove me here was the abuse I faced living with people who were not my parents. I am just crying for help from well-wishers so that I may do better in life,” Paina told IPS.

    Yet authorities in the Zimbabwean regime often don’t address the situation of the homeless.

    “I left the housing ministry. I am no longer allowed to talk about such issues,” July Moyo, the current Zimbabwean Minister of Local Government, told IPS.

    As authorities like Moyo evade accountability, more than two decades after the land reform program here, homeless families have turned out to be a growing issue in every town and city.

    Some teenage parents and their children also find themselves on the streets. Although the method of their relocation varies, they frequently experience eviction, move from door to door, find lodging with family and friends, and eventually end up living on the streets where they don’t need to pay rent.

    Baba Ano (19) said he started his family on the streets of Harare not so long ago.

    In cold and heat, these homeless families find life tough and uncertain, yet they have no choice except to soldier on.

    “I came here in October last year. The rain has been pounding me all this time in the open here. Up to now, I am still living here. I am looking for help with accommodation. I have my son, who is disabled, staying with me,” Mugabe told IPS.

    There are no official statistics from the country’s Ministry of Social Welfare documenting the number of homeless families.

    Local authorities have acknowledged the homelessness crisis that has gripped many Zimbabweans but don’t seem to have any ready answers.

    “It’s true we have a problem of homeless people in Harare—in Harare Gardens, Mabvuku Park, Budiriro, Mufakose, Mabelreign, and several others—all these parks have been taken over by homeless families. People are living in the streets and waking up every day, breaking up water pipes to access water, digging holes on the ground to trap water for bathing, and they bathe right there,” Denford Ngadziore, an opposition Citizens Coalition for Change Ward 16 councilor in Harare, told IPS.

    Stanely Gama, the Harare City Council spokesperson, said, “We have homeless people for sure who live in parks like Harare Gardens, Mabelreign, and Africa Unity Square. We always do operations to remove them, but we don’t know where they come from, and each time they are removed, they always come back. This is a case to be better handled by the government’s Social Welfare Department.”

    But lack of housing may not be the only factor that has rendered many Zimbabweans homeless, according to human rights activists.

    Some may be ex-convicts who struggle to return to society.

    “People who stay on the streets or in recreational parks are young children and adults—as young as 10. Some of the homeless adults living on the streets are ex-convicts who could not find acceptance with their relatives back home, forcing them to live on the streets and in recreational parks because they have nowhere to go,” said Peace Hungwe, founder of PeaceHub Zimbabwe, an organization that handles mental health cases in Harare.

    While the authorities dither, Mugabe counts her losses.

    “Where I used to stay, the plot of land was sold, and my belongings were burned in the house in which I used to live. Nothing was saved of all the things I worked to generate for the past 25 years. I am now just a nobody; the things you see gathered here are my only belongings in this world.”

    IPS UN Bureau Report


    Follow IPS News UN Bureau on Instagram

    © Inter Press Service (2024) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service

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    Global Issues

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  • Red state, red tape

    Red state, red tape

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    For years now, Miami Beach officials have talked and acted like the historic Clevelander hotel was the worst thing to ever happen to the city. That was until they saw the business’s plans for shutting down.

    Over the past decade, the adults-only hotel, bar, and restaurant on Ocean Drive has been beefing with the city over whether it is an iconic pillar of South Beach’s world-famous nightlife or a bad actor whose late-night operations are bringing crime and out-of-control revelers to the area.

    “It’s been a very contentious seven or eight years just to stay open,” says Alexander Tachmes, a lawyer and spokesperson for the Clevelander. He estimates that the business has spent $1 million challenging restrictions the city has slapped on its nighttime concerts and alcohol sales.

    Tiring of fighting continuous, expensive court cases, the Clevelander’s owners decided to do something different.

    In September 2023, they announced a plan to redevelop the five-story hotel into a 30-story residential tower. Most of the new homes would be luxury beachside condos. But 40 percent would be below–market rate, affordable units. The redevelopment would be a way to get out of the politically controversial bar business while cashing in on the growing demand for housing in ultra-expensive Miami Beach.

    As a bonus, it really pisses off the city.

    “I was hoping that it was simply a joke, but I don’t think it is,” says Miami Beach Mayor Dan Gelber. While he’d be happy to see the Clevelander replaced, he says the owners are scoring zero points with their “hideously out-of-scale” proposal.

    “It’s absurd,” the mayor tells Reason. “It’s like the kids that kill their parents and say, ‘Have mercy on us, we’re orphans.’”

    Under normal circumstances, that would be the end of it. The property’s low-density zoning and its location in a historic district would more or less require the owners to preserve the current building as is. Doing anything else would require the discretionary consent of Miami Beach’s elected city commission, which feels much the same way Gelber does.

    But these are not normal circumstances.

    Beginning during the pandemic, the Sunshine State has experienced a surge of domestic immigration. More and more people have been trading blue America’s high taxes, high rents, and excessive COVID-19 restrictions for Florida’s sun-drenched livability. In 2022, it was America’s fastest-growing state in percentage terms. Only Texas added more people in absolute terms.

    One consequence of having the country’s fastest-growing population is that Florida also has some of America’s fastest-growing home prices. Spiking demand has collided with a housing supply constrained by zoning codes, growth controls, and local politicians’ anti-development attitudes.

    To remedy the situation, Florida lawmakers passed the sprawling Live Local Act in March 2023.

    Tucked inside the legislation’s mess of cheap mortgages for schoolteachers and tax credits for low-income housing was a provision giving developers the right to build homes in areas and at heights not otherwise allowed by local zoning codes. As long as the builders include the requisite number of affordable units, local governments can’t say no to these denser housing projects.

    The premise is that removing zoning constraints on new housing supply will help moderate increasing housing costs. It’s a simple idea, and it’s also a very controversial one, as the blowup over the Clevelander illustrates.

    Builders are giddy at the prospects of getting once unthinkable projects built. Local governments are less pleased.

    “If this were a good thing, the Florida Legislature would not have tried to take local government out of the equation,” says Gelber. “If this is a route that’s available to the Clevelander, it’s a route that’s available to other properties. The pressure to make enormous amounts of money will result in the loss of Ocean Drive as we know it.”

    The brewing fight over the Clevelander is one battle in the larger war over zoning, growth, and Florida’s future generally.

    The state has a decision to make. Will it embrace its status as a growth machine and strip away the regulations preventing it from being more dynamic, free, and affordable? Or will it further empower the anti-development institutions that are so prevalent in the high-cost states that Florida’s cost-of-living refugees fled in the first place?

    Smart Degrowth

    Florida’s pandemic-era growth surge is remarkable, but it’s not unprecedented.

    The Sunshine State has undergone repeated population booms throughout its history, some even more dramatic than what it experienced during COVID-19.

    The Florida of the 1970s was adding 1,000 residents a day and posting annual population growth rates of 5 percent or more. Today, the state is growing by a mere 1.9 percent annually.

    The 1970s were a high point for anti-growth environmentalism. At the national and state levels, new laws were passed establishing long, complicated processes for approving new infrastructure and real estate developments. Locally, cities dramatically tightened their zoning codes.

    Florida wasn’t immune to this slow-growth wave. It started passing laws intended to protect its natural and agricultural environments from development. This culminated with the Growth Management Act of 1985. For the first time, counties and cities were required to come up with comprehensive plans showing where additional growth could go and then to create detailed zoning regulations to enforce that plan.

    These plans, and any subsequent changes to them, had to go through a lengthy process of public hearings and state sign-offs. Localities whose plans didn’t meet the state’s approval could be hit with financial sanctions and administrative appeals.

    The state wasn’t afraid to use its oversight powers. In the first years of the Growth Management Act, over half of the 399 city plans submitted were deemed inconsistent with Florida’s growth management goals.

    The result was a proliferation of rules and red tape across the state. Counties that had previously lacked zoning codes were forced to adopt them. Already-zoned municipalities were required to tighten regulations.

    “Land use is one of the most regulated parts of the state,” says Sam Staley, director of the DeVoe L. Moore Center at Florida State University. “Any market-oriented framework was largely gone by the mid-1990s.” The new growth management system, he adds, was “one of the most restrictive and most top-down.”

    In the years leading up to the Growth Management Act, Miami Beach had already been erecting a historic preservation system intended to prevent the redevelopment of much of the city. Even modest changes of historic properties now required additional city reviews. Properties could also be landmarked with the property owners’ consent.

    A year after the Growth Management Act passed, Miami Beach created its first historic preservation district. It covered the Clevelander and other older hotels on Ocean Drive.

    All these additional regulations constrained the housing supply and made homes less affordable. Since the state had to sign off on amendments to comprehensive plans, local governments couldn’t easily change regulations to accommodate growing demand for housing or changes in the kinds of housing demanded.

    A 2001 study by Reason Foundation (which publishes this magazine) found that Florida’s planning system was responsible for a 15 percent increase in housing costs. The state’s housing price growth outpaced nationwide housing price growth, even as income growth lagged behind national increases.

    Builders responded by concentrating construction at the upper end of the market, where prices and profit margins are higher. Housing production also shifted to the periphery of urban areas, where land was cheaper and regulation was lighter. That helped moderate price growth, but it also meant longer travel times and worsening traffic congestion.

    This heavily centralized system of state planning and control eventually provoked a backlash. The Tea Party wave of 2010 swept into power a state Legislature determined to roll back regulation. In 2011, lawmakers largely repealed the Growth Management Act—and with it the state government’s heavy-handed controls on development.

    This was a revolution half-complete. While Tallahassee’s role in land use regulation was much diminished, the system of local regulation it had helped create was firmly in place. The local anti-development politics that had grown up around these regulations didn’t go anywhere either.

    “The issue we have now is the legacy of growth management laws, which has made it much more difficult for the building industry to respond in real time to growing demand,” says Staley.

    Florida is less regulated than it used to be. It’s much easier to build a house there than in high-cost, high-regulation jurisdictions like California or Massachusetts. But the growth bombs now raining down on the state are making it clear how constrained new housing supply continues to be.

    Posting Gainesville

    A central part of Gov. Ron DeSantis’ pitch for his presidential candidacy is that Florida under his leadership has been better governed than its big blue peers. By resisting the worst COVID-19 restrictions and other big-government regulations, he says, he’s made the state a magnet for migrants from all over the country.

    Missing from his pitch is much mention of what has enabled people to move there at all: Florida’s relative openness to new housing.

    A quick glance at the raw numbers shows that, for all its land use regulations, Florida still builds far more housing for newcomers than its Democratic counterparts.

    In 2022 alone, Florida issued 80 percent more building permits than California, despite having only about half its population. Florida’s 7 percent rental vacancy rate—a good proxy for the elasticity of housing supply—is almost twice California’s vacancy rate.

    But with nearly half a million people moving to Florida this past year, there’s only so much new supply can do to suppress home price growth in the short term. It doesn’t help that in the years preceding the pandemic, the state was adding housing at a much slower clip than it was adding households.

    The state’s legacy of slow-growth central planning means that much of this new housing is being built away from the highly desirable cities people want to live in—and at price points many families can’t afford.

    Before the Live Local Act, state officials had mostly just tinkered around the edges to increase housing supply. They passed laws making it easier for localities to approve housing in new areas without first amending their comprehensive plans and allowing developers to build larger projects if they install greywater systems, for instance.

    Florida’s Republican Legislature has also cracked down on localities’ ability to pursue housing affordability through the tempting but always counterproductive approaches of mandates and price controls.

    In 2019, lawmakers passed a bill forbidding local governments from enforcing mandatory “inclusionary zoning” ordinances, whereby developers are required to give away a certain percentage of units they built at below-market rates without any offsetting compensation. After several county governments—including Orange County, which contains Orlando—tried to pass rent controls during the pandemic, the state banned that too.

    Both “inclusionary zoning” and rent control have a clear track record of destroying new housing supply. Their elimination isn’t a small accomplishment.

    Yet even as DeSantis pitches Florida as a refuge from progressive regulation, he has gone to war with locals trying to loosen regulations. Witness the dust-up over Gainesville’s zoning reforms.

    In October 2022, Gainesville’s city commission approved by a tight 4–3 vote a slew of reforms that shrank minimum lot sizes, reduced setback requirements, and, most controversially, allowed up to four-unit developments in the city’s single-family-only neighborhoods.

    “For so long the approach of local governments has been to say, ‘There’s nothing we can do, there’s only so much federal money coming in,’” says Lauren Poe, the former mayor of Gainesville. “I knew that, based on other jurisdictions and other models around the world, there are things local governments can do.”

    Poe argued allowing more homes on less land was one thing the city could proactively do to make his city more affordable.

    If a local government decides to do something more than shop around for subsidies, you might expect a governor who touts himself as pro-market to approve. But within a month of the Gainesville reforms being passed, DeSantis’ administration was suing the city to overturn the legalization of fourplexes.

    The state Department of Economic Opportunity argued that Gainesville’s Democratic-controlled city commission was relying too much on the free market to bring housing costs down. “The ‘invisible hand’ of a free market operates simply in this situation—without inclusionary zoning tools, developers will not build affordable housing,” the lawsuit reads.

    Partisan politics likely explains at least part of this: Fourplex legalization was deeply controversial in deeply progressive Gainesville, and DeSantis sensed a wedge issue.

    Even without the lawsuit, the reform was doomed: In January 2023, the first act of business for Gainesville’s newly elected city commission was another narrow 4–3 vote—this one to start the process of repealing fourplex legalization.

    This gives the city the dubious distinction of being the only American community in recent memory to vote to get rid of, and then reinstate, single-family-only zoning. The long arc of history doesn’t necessarily lean toward zoning reform.

    And yet this faceplant for local reform was soon followed by a far more sweeping deregulation at the state level.

    Crossroads and Cross-Purposes

    Just a couple of months after DeSantis’ administration sued to overturn Gainesville’s modest fourplex legalization, he was signing the Live Local Act into law.

    The governor’s press release about signing the bill didn’t mention zoning once; he focused instead on the legislation’s new housing subsidies. But the Live Local Act does more to pare back local zoning restrictions than basically any recent reform passed in the nation.

    The law says localities must approve housing projects in commercial, industrial, and mixed-use areas at the highest residential density allowed in the jurisdiction. New housing can also be as tall as the highest building within a mile of the project site.

    In exchange, developers making use of this density bonus must agree to make 40 percent of their new units affordable to people making 120 percent of the area median income—a threshold that allows for rents that are pretty close to market rates.

    For Florida’s sprawling suburban communities, this doesn’t authorize anything too dramatic. Developers can now replace a low-slung strip mall or ill-used warehouse with a three-story apartment building.

    But in urbanized areas like Miami Beach—where low-density zones and historic preservation districts exist alongside pockets of intense development—the law is revolutionary. Almost every commercial property owner can now theoretically throw up a skyscraper. The Clevelander can erect a middle finger to the officials it’s been fighting for years.

    The law’s primary benefit for developers is that it lets them route around the anti-development locals whom DeSantis was eager to win over with his Gainesville lawsuit.

    “From a land use perspective, the most amazing thing is the preemption [of local regulations and approval processes],” says Kevin Reali, a land use attorney with the firm Stearns Weaver Miller. “We just see so much opposition from local residents and local jurisdictions to approving multifamily.”

    Jeff Brandes, a former Republican state senator who now heads the Florida Policy Project, says DeSantis’ contradictory approach to zoning reform is part of a larger failure of Florida officials to adopt a coherent approach to housing affordability.

    “It seems like there’s no overall thought into what you’re trying to do,” he says. 

    This incoherence has long characterized Florida’s approach to growth generally. The state takes pride in its ability to attract newcomers, but their arrival has provoked a slow-growth backlash to the new homes the new residents require. When that approach proved too burdensome, the Legislature upended the state planning apparatus while leaving its legacy of heavy-handed local regulations in place. To make up for those regulations, Florida spends millions of dollars on affordable housing construction and rent subsidies—but much of that money ends up in the clutches of local governments that don’t plan for new housing and, in a few extreme cases, have adopted moratoriums on multifamily construction.

    Housing policy has never been the state’s top political issue. Its back-burner status means policy gets pulled between thoughtful reform, partisan backlashes, and disjointed half-measures. But there are signs this is changing.

    “This is the first time I can recall we’ve actually had housing become a top priority as a matter of general policy,” says Staley. “Here we’re talking about people that are really concerned in across-the-board reductions in housing affordability and how that’s related to the supply side.”

    That newly acquired salience could also be for good or ill. The desire to do something about housing spawned the Live Local Act.

    But the explosive density the law technically allows could also produce a backlash that undermines and weakens the law. Gelber, the Miami Beach mayor, promised the city would use whatever legal tools are available to stop the Clevelander’s redevelopment into a high-rise. That could just be one of many legal fights the new, untested Live Local Act produces.

    Meanwhile, the state’s housing reformers argue the state should press forward with reform, backlash be damned.

    Time is not on the state’s side, says Poe. “If you wait another decade, you’re talking about tens of thousands of people who might not be able to access housing.”

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    Christian Britschgi

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  • South Asian Women, Girls Need Responsive Legal System to Gender Violence

    South Asian Women, Girls Need Responsive Legal System to Gender Violence

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    • by Ranjit Devraj (new delhi)
    • Inter Press Service

    Nawmi Naz Chowdhury, a Global Legal Advisor at Equality Now, told a webinar titled ‘Future of Legal Aid in South Asia for Sexual Violence Offenses Against Women and Girls: Lessons from the Past Five Years’ that women and girls experience indifference and neglect at all levels, and there are gaps in legal protections that leave them vulnerable to sexual violence. Where laws do exist, common failures in implementation effectively prevent survivors from accessing justice.

    Research by Equality Now, Dignity Alliance International, and partners has revealed that sexual violence laws in South Asian countries are insufficient, inconsistent, and not systematically enforced, leading to extremely low conviction rates for rape.

    Long delays in medical examinations, police investigations, prosecutions, and trials are widespread. Survivors often have difficulties filing cases with the police and face community pressure to withdraw criminal complaints and accept informal mediation. Other protection gaps in legal systems include overly burdensome or discriminatory evidence requirements in rape cases and the failure to fully criminalize marital or intimate partner rape.

    To bring about change, more needs to be done by governments, and this requires an increase in budgeting and strategizing on a national level, taking lessons derived from best practices in the region and elsewhere.

    Training and raising awareness must go hand in hand with giving the police the tools to operate and upgrade their role to better meet society’s needs. This could include being trained in sign language interpretation, using technology to offer services and information, understanding communities and their intersectionality, and including women and girls from various backgrounds and diversities within the police force.

    Chowdhury spoke about how women from excluded groups are frequently targeted. “Women and girls from socially excluded communities are often at higher risk of being subjected to sexual violence as compared to other communities due to the use of rape as a weapon of suppression.

    “This is accompanied by a general culture of impunity for sexual violence and particular impunity for those from dominant classes, castes, or religions, which often leads to a denial of justice,” she said, with Dalit women and girls and those from indigenous communities encountering even greater obstacles to accessing justice.

    Legal weak spots also make young and adolescent girls more vulnerable to sexual violence and, in some circumstances, enable perpetrators of rape to avoid punishment, typically by marrying the victim or obtaining ‘forgiveness’ from the victim, says Choudhury. “Victims of crime have a right to free legal aid, but in countries where these protection gaps exist, access to legal aid for women and girls seeking justice for sexual violence is hindered.”

    Choudhury pointed to the high levels of stigma attached to rape in South Asian societies that often lead to the non-reporting or withdrawal of cases or settlements outside the court. Other factors that impede the reporting of sexual violence include fear of repercussions, such as violence, threats to life, or social ostracization.

    “How much support are women and girls in South Asia getting?” she asked. “While accessing the criminal justice system, they are met with indifference and neglect at all levels, and this often results in the withdrawal of cases or long delays in adjudication—despite the pervasiveness of sexual violence in the region.”

    Governments in the area rarely provide psychosocial care. While India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka have schemes for the payment of compensation to rape survivors, practical barriers often make compensation inaccessible for survivors, Choudhury explained.

    Participants in the webinar from various countries in the region offered insights into how access to justice rights functions on a practical level and shared methods by which civil society organizations nudge criminal justice systems to bring about progressive change.

    Sushama Gautam, at the Forum for Women, Law, and Development (FWLD) in Nepal, said that legal aid provided by her organization went beyond assisting individuals and included advocacy with key players and institutions like the police and the courts through public interest litigation.

    A significant achievement of FWLD was filing public interest litigation in 2001 to get the Supreme Court of Nepal to declare in 2002 that marital sex without the wife’s consent should be considered rape. Nepal’s parliament adopted in 2018 a new criminal code that increased punishment for marital rape but made it a lesser offense than non-marital rape.

    Nepal’s constitution guarantees legal aid as a fundamental right, said Gautam, explaining, “The national policy on legal aid and the policy on unified legal aid have also been formulated. These policies promote victim-centered legal aid, and there are digital mechanisms to ensure that legal aid has been established.”

    FWLD has an app that provides people with legal information on various violations and helps them contact legal aid providers. The organization also runs a Legal Clinic and Information Center that extends services to survivors of sexual violence, such as legal counseling, and helps take care of their immediate needs.

    Manisha Biswas, senior advocacy officer at the Bangladesh Legal Aid Services Trust (BLAST), says that while Bangladesh has made progress in ensuring access to justice for rape victims, estimates show that only one in 90 cases of sexual violence reaches the stage where the victim gets compensation.

    Leading the Rape Law Reform Coalition, comprising 17 rights organizations, BLAST was instrumental in getting the Bangladesh Parliament to amend evidence laws to disallow ‘character assassination’ of rape victims by questioning during prosecution.

    BLAST offers a range of legal support, including providing information, advice, and free legal representation, underpinned by a network of paralegal workers, many of whom are recruited from different law colleges. Other activities include public interest litigation and advocacy campaigns to increase awareness and understanding of legal rights, remedies, and services.

    “BLAST enjoys a good reputation that helps us to act as a guiding force and use our expertise in providing services such as training paralegal volunteers in police and court procedures and in proactively rehabilitating rape victims,” she said.

    Biswas reflected that much remains to be done. Bangladesh has one of the highest rates of child marriage in the world, with more than half of women marrying before reaching the minimum legal marriage age of 18. Bangladeshi laws also permit marital rape.

    Overall, says Choudhury, the reality in South Asia is that “the burden of supporting survivors of sexual violence falls on underfunded NGOs, predominantly legal aid organizations that may not have adequate resources.”

    This is particularly true for NGOs and CSOs that operate at the grassroots level, which affects access to justice rights for women and girls who have disabilities, indigenous women and girls, and women and girls from minority groups.

    IPS UN Bureau Report


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    © Inter Press Service (2023) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service

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  • Sustainability, Human Wellbeing Depend on Rethinking, Redefining Value of Resources

    Sustainability, Human Wellbeing Depend on Rethinking, Redefining Value of Resources

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    Credit: WRF
    • Opinion by Mathias Schluep (st. gallen, switzerland)
    • Inter Press Service

    The resounding consensus of the recent World Resources Forum Conference: in order to achieve wellbeing for all within planetary boundaries, humanity needs to rethink how it values resources.

    Keeping fossil fuels in the ground is a necessary condition, but not a sufficient one. To achieve the ultimate goal, we need to fundamentally rethink the value of natural resources and reassess their link to long-term human wellbeing.

    Having a world climate conference with a tunnel vision on fossil fuels does not help us in that.

    At stake is the long-term ability of human societies to provide for wellbeing, especially in light of a growing global population and widening inequalities. Over the past decades, resource use has significantly improved living standards for many, particularly in high-income countries, but this now comes at an unprecedented cost to the environment and human health.

    According to the UN International Resource Panel, today resource extraction and processing are responsible for 90% of biodiversity loss and water stress, 50% of carbon emissions and 1/3 of air pollution health impacts.

    The use of resources has more than tripled since 1970 and, if current trends continue, global material consumption is predicted to double again by 2060. This growth is especially prominent for metals and non-metallic minerals, which are the backbone of major industries and the enablers of the energy and digital transitions.

    The International Energy Agency forecasts that global demand for critical raw materials will quadruple by 2040 – in the case of lithium, demand is expected to increase by a factor of 42.

    Resources are the bridge between economic productivity and ecological balance. A bridge that, in most policy and governance frameworks, has often remained invisible. The main reason for this lies in an economic model not valuing natural resources.

    Economists have severely downplayed the dependence of economic activity on resources and the natural systems that generate them. This has contributed to overexploitation, environmental degradation and the exacerbation of global challenges, such as climate change and biodiversity loss.

    Distorted economic incentives and market signals are now ubiquitous, such as in the well-known cases of the deforestation of the Amazon rainforest or the depletion of fish stocks due to overfishing. Others are less discussed, especially in relation to the mining sector, which will become the engine of the global economy.

    If not responsibly managed, mining activities can lead to soil erosion, habitat destruction and contamination of water sources, impacting the local ecosystems and nearby communities who depend on those ecosystems.

    A prominent example is the handling of mining waste and mining tailings, the residue remaining after mineral processing. Recent research reveals that a third of the world’s mine tailings facilities are located within or near protected areas, posing a significant threat to biodiversity and ecosystem integrity in the event of facility failures or accidents.

    Unfortunately, these accidents are not as uncommon as one may think. The disaster of the Brumadinho (Brazil) tailings storage facility in 2019 unleashed a toxic tidal wave of around 12 million cubic meters, which killed 270 people and destroyed a significant area of the Atlantic forest and a protected area downstream.

    Economic models are human-made and can be changed. If we are serious about sustainability and long-term human wellbeing, they must be transformed to better account for the unreplaceable value that natural resources provide.

    This shift, advocated for by participants at the World Resources Forum 2023, requires acknowledging the interconnectedness of economic, ecological and social systems, underpinning the need for new accounting models to integrate ecological and social indicators.

    Profound changes need to permeate climate negotiations and international policies, if future COPs are to play a meaningful role in preserving life on this planet. This year we witnessed once again how climate change discussions tend to overlook the central role played by the excessive and irresponsible use of resources, and apply a tunnel vision focused on CO2 emissions which are a key aspect to tackle, but essentially a symptom of a more profound ill.

    The cure goes through integrating natural resource management in the institutional fabric and extending the relevant policy options beyond the prevailing energy supply. Ecological health and human wellbeing are interlinked objectives which call for reassessing our values and rethinking how we use natural resources.

    Mathias Schluep is Managing Director World Resources Forum

    IPS UN Bureau


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    © Inter Press Service (2023) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service

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  • Adorable ocelot kitten is born at L.A. Zoo. Here's when you'll be able to meet him

    Adorable ocelot kitten is born at L.A. Zoo. Here's when you'll be able to meet him

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    Visitors to the Los Angeles Zoo will soon have the chance to catch a glimpse of a new ocelot kitten, which zoo officials said is almost big enough to enter the animal’s public habitat.

    Zoo officials announced Monday the arrival of the baby ocelot, a 19-ounce male born Sept. 12 to mother Maya, who was described as “an experienced nurturing mom,” according to the press release.

    The kitten has been living “behind the scenes” under the care of his mom and zoo staff while he grows, receives vaccinations and is closely monitored. In the last three months, the kitten has already seen rapid development, now weighing 6 1/2 pounds — about five times his birth weight.

    “His eyes opened after nine days and his teeth began to erupt after 20 days,” said Los Angeles Zoo animal keeper Stephanie Zielinski. “At first he was toddling around on unsteady legs, but he’s become stronger and more agile every day. He has a big personality now, and he’s brave and curious.”

    The kitten, which hasn’t yet been named, will move to his outdoor habitat “in the coming days,” when zoo officials are confident he can safely do so, the release said.

    Ocelots, scientifically known as Leopardus pardalis, are listed as endangered by the U.S. Department of Fish and Wildlife, as the population native to Texas and Arizona has drastically declined due to habitat loss and fragmentation, as well as hunting. However, in Mexico, Central and South America, the ocelot’s population remains much healthier, according to the Center for Biological Diversity.

    The solitary cat requires about seven miles of dense vegetation for its nocturnal hunting, making it particularly vulnerable to urban development, agriculture and transportation corridors, according to the Center for Biological Diversity.

    The ocelot is a midsize cat — larger than a house cat but smaller than a bobcat, according to the zoo. They develop much faster than larger cats; by age 2, the ocelot kitten will be fully independent.

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    Grace Toohey

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  • Video shows Kim Jong Un crying over North Korea’s lack of babies

    Video shows Kim Jong Un crying over North Korea’s lack of babies

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    North Korea’s Kim Jong Un was caught in an apparent moment of weakness this week after state media aired footage showing the supreme leader wiping away tears as he discussed the country’s declining birth rate.

    On at least one occasion in a news bulletin broadcast on Monday, the official Korean Central Television showed an emotional Kim dabbing at his eyes with a handkerchief while seated on stage before thousands of women at a National Conference of Mothers.

    Women are treated as second class citizens under North Korea’s intensely patriarchal society, in what is already one of the poorest countries in the world, although their role as potential breadwinners has increased in recent decades—most working-age men are in state-assigned jobs with low wages or in the military.

    In this screen grab of a Korean Central Television broadcast on December 4, 2023, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un is seen dabbing at his eyes at a conference for mothers. Kim lamented the country’s falling birth rate and encouraged North Korean women to do their part to meet the challenge.
    KCNA

    Kim on Sunday named “stopping the declining birth rate” among the social challenges facing the nation, urging mothers to do their part, according to a transcript of his speech carried by the Pyongyang Times.

    The 39-year-old, who observers believe to be a father of three children, asked mothers to foster social unity and family harmony, to raise their children to “carry forward our revolution,” and to crack down on “non-socialist practices,” which he said were on the rise, the state-owned newspaper said.

    North Korean state media said gifts were handed out to conference participants as the gathering closed on Monday. KCTV showed thousands of women—belonging to varying age groups but all wearing traditional dress—overwhelmed with emotion at the sight of the country’s supreme leader.

    1 of 2

    North Korea’s fertility rate stands at 1.8 births per woman, according to estimates by the United Nations Population Fund, an agency focused on sexual and reproductive health.

    While this tops the birth rate of its neighbor to the south, the figure is lower than in the United States and other middle- to high-income economies and remains far below those of many other low-income countries.

    U.N. experts say a fertility rate of 2.1 is needed for a population to sustain itself over time.

    While a shrinking labor force may dampen the economic outlook for any country, this is particularly true for North Korea, owing to its lack of capital and technology inflows, South Korean think tank the Hyundai Research Institute said in an August report.

    The authors attributed the problem to a famine that gripped North Korea in the 1990s, coupled with policies from the 1970s-80s that limited population growth.

    The generation that grew up during the famine has now entered the workforce, according to the researchers, and the childhood malnutrition experienced by this demographic may negatively impact their productivity and reproduction levels.

    Kim’s appeal echoed those of other leaders in recent months.

    President Vladimir Putin of Russia in a speech last week prevailed upon women in his country to make large families, with as many as eight children, “the norm.”

    In late October, Kim’s Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, also called for more births to slow China’s plummeting population numbers.

    Japan, meanwhile, posted its steepest population decline on record, continuing a trend that has worried policymakers in Tokyo for decades.