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Tag: Palestine

  • Israel Hits Dozens of Targets in Gaza After Saying Hamas Killed Troops in Attack

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    TEL AVIV—Israel conducted dozens of airstrikes across Gaza on Sunday and halted humanitarian aid into the enclave after it accused Hamas of killing troops inside Israeli-controlled areas in what is shaping up to be the biggest test yet of the fragile cease-fire.

    The Israeli military said two soldiers were killed in southern Gaza, where militants targeted troops inside Israeli-controlled areas with an antitank missile and gunfire. Another soldier was severely injured, the military said.

    Hamas made two other attempts to attack Israeli soldiers on Sunday, the military said.

    Israel decided to halt humanitarian aid, which Israeli officials confirmed, following calls from Israeli politicians across the political spectrum for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to respond forcefully to the attack against troops.

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    [ad_2] Dov Lieber
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  • The Israeli Politician Who Became Netanyahu’s Top Trump Whisperer

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    TEL AVIV—When President Trump presented his 20-point plan to bring the Gaza war to an end last month from a White House lectern, he interrupted himself twice to talk directly to someone sitting in the front row: “Right, Ron?” he said.

    That man was Ron Dermer, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s closest confidant and the manager of Israel’s relationship with America—and by extension, Trump. Most Americans don’t know his name and he rarely speaks publicly in Israel. But he is one of the most influential American-born Israeli politicians in the nation’s history and has been key to maintaining U.S. support for the war and cutting a deal to end it largely on Israel’s terms.

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    Anat Peled

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  • Israel Still Carrying Out Some Strikes During Gaza Cease-Fire

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    The military has said it was targeting militants who posed a threat or vehicles that came too close and didn’t stop when warned.

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    Anat Peled

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  • What Comes After Starvation in Gaza?

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    A few weeks ago, Soliman Zyad, a young health-care worker in northern Gaza, told me that his family was near starvation. On some days, he and his uncle AbdulKareem walked in search of food from 3 A.M. until the afternoon. “We swore we would not return home without finding flour,” Zyad told me. “People were ready to risk their lives for a single sack.” Almost forty per cent of the population was going days at a time without eating, according to the World Health Organization. Sometimes AbdulKareem would vomit from hunger and fatigue. His wife, pregnant with twins, was severely anemic.

    The latest food shortage in Gaza began in March, when Israel ended a ceasefire and imposed a blockade on all aid that lasted eleven weeks. After that, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which was backed by Israel and the U.S., began distributing limited amounts of aid; around three thousand Palestinians were killed while seeking food. This month, a United Nations study published in The Lancet reported that more than fifty-four thousand children are malnourished in Gaza. “Every family, by now, has been affected,” John Kahler, a pediatrician and a co-founder of MedGlobal, a humanitarian organization that operates in Gaza, told me. About one in five babies was born premature or underweight. MedGlobal cared for one infant, Rafeef, who weighed just four pounds at birth. Her mother was too malnourished to breast-feed; the baby cried constantly, began losing weight, and developed ulcers and infections. On August 18th, she died.

    “We live day by day,” Eyad Amawi, a father of four who works as an aid coördinator in Gaza, told me in September. “We have just enough to survive, but not enough to carry out our normal activities.” On the black market, the price of a kilogram of flour—about ten cents before October 7, 2023—had risen to thirty-five dollars, when it could be found at all. Amawi often saw malnourished children who lacked the strength to play. He worried that months of famine had already inflicted irreversible damage. “We are losing the next generation,” he said. “They will suffer for all their lives from this.”

    Now that a ceasefire is in place, aid is trickling in. Under the terms of the ceasefire agreement, six hundred trucks a day are meant to enter Gaza. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East reports that it has stockpiled three months of food for everyone in the territory. There is reason to hope that, for all the lasting destruction in Gaza, the immediate crisis of hunger will come to an end. “As this famine is entirely man-made, it can be halted and reversed,” the Famine Review Committee, an international body that monitors food insecurity worldwide, wrote in August.

    Yet numerous experts warned that not all consequences of famine can be undone. “People don’t realize that one doesn’t just recover from starvation,” Dana Simmons, a historian and the author of “On Hunger: Violence and Craving in America, from Starvation to Ozempic,” said. For the severely malnourished, simply starting to eat normal meals again can cause sickness—even death. And survivors of starvation are at risk of chronic diseases and mental-health conditions for decades after they regain access to food. “You’ve stunted a generation,” Nathaniel Raymond, the director of the Humanitarian Research Lab at Yale, told me. Ruth Gibson, a scholar at Stanford’s Center for Innovation in Global Health, spoke in even starker terms. “Can this be reversed?” she said. “The answer is, it can’t be.”

    Much of what we know about the toll of starvation comes from the Warsaw Ghetto, where the Nazis forcibly resettled about half a million Jews starting in 1940. German authorities in occupied Poland restricted provisions to “less than the minimum to preserve life”; a ration card from October, 1941, allotted most Jews roughly three hundred daily calories. Deaths eventually climbed to five hundred per day. Under these horrific conditions, twenty-eight Jewish doctors who had been sent to the Ghetto, led by a dermatologist named Izrael Milejkowski, recruited seventy adults and forty children for research into what they called pure starvation, meaning that those afflicted had no additional infections or diseases. As the physician Leonard Tushnet wrote, in 1966, the researchers—who were themselves going hungry—conducted “an exhaustive and precise study of the effects of starvation.” The study continued until deportations to the Treblinka extermination camp, where many of the researchers would ultimately perish, began, in 1942. They hurriedly compiled their charts and graphs into a manuscript, which was then buried in a steel jar. It was recovered after the war and published, in Polish, in 1946.

    In the forties, exactly how the body dealt with starvation remained a mystery. The doctors used equipment that had been smuggled into the Ghetto to measure capillary circulation, examine bone marrow under microscopes, and record electrocardiograms. The quality of their scientific work was “amazing,” Merry Fitzpatrick, a scholar of malnutrition and famine at Tufts University, told me. They wrote that muscle melted away, skin acquired the texture of cigarette paper, and swelling often afflicted the legs, scrotum, labia, heart, and lungs. In a cemetery shed, the doctors performed more than three thousand autopsies, which revealed that starvation softened the bones and atrophied vital organs. Starving children stopped playing and appeared sluggish or apathetic; cognitive development seemed to halt or even regress. Some looked like “skin-covered skeletons.”

    A nurse attends to two starving children at a hospital in the Warsaw Ghetto, in 1942.Photograph from United States Holocaust Memorial Museum / Maladie de Famine / American Joint Distribution Committee

    One of the study’s most important findings was that the body has sophisticated ways of saving energy and sparing critical tissues and functions. Reserves of glucose in the blood, liver, and muscle quickly run low. Then the body shifts to burning fat in three different ways. Some of the fat molecules can be used to create glucose; some can be used to create ketones, an alternative energy source for certain tissues, including the brain; and some can be directly broken down inside the mitochondria to create adenosine triphosphate, or ATP, the primary energy source for our cells.

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    Clayton Dalton

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  • A Family’s Odyssey to Find Somewhere Safe in Gaza

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    In a corner of their ramshackle tent in southern Gaza, Ghaidaa Qudaih and her family keep a baby stroller and three backpacks filled with clothes, diapers, milk and other necessities close at hand. They need them in case they have to run for their lives, as they have 11 times over the past two years. 

    “Each time, it has been a struggle,” said Qudaih, a 29-year-old vegetable farmer. “Sometimes hope came to us, and sometimes we lost it.”

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    Sudarsan Raghavan

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  • Trump’s Middle East Peace Plan Hits an Early Snag in Gaza

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    TEL AVIV—At the start of the week, President Trump declared the historic dawn of a new Middle East” after securing a truce between Israel and Hamas that stopped the war in Gaza. Days later, the peace process is already stumbling.

    The reason: a controversy over Hamas’s failure to return all of the bodies of dead hostages that remain in Gaza. Israel and the Arab mediators in the talks knew Hamas wasn’t able to locate all of them, but the militant group’s initial decision to return only four looked like foot-dragging to Israel and set off a highly political skirmish amid demands the deal be halted until the bodies were back.

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    [ad_2] Summer Said
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  • Opinion | The Hamas Rule of Terror in Gaza

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    Hamas has returned only nine of the 28 dead Israeli hostages it promised President Trump. Perhaps the terrorists are busy dealing with the corpses of the Palestinians they have been executing since the cease-fire. Where are the protests now from those in the West who claimed to speak for Gazans?

    “Death to Zionism. Death to all collaborators,” the National Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) wrote in an online post Sunday, echoing Hamas’s usual excuse for killing its rivals and dissenters. SJP led the 2024 campus protests in the U.S. and received fawning press coverage for its humanitarian concern.

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    The Editorial Board

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  • What Palestinians and Israelis Have Learned Since October 7th

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    Earlier this week, Hamas and Israel agreed to a ceasefire that included the release of the twenty living hostages who remained in Gaza and some two thousand Palestinians who are held in Israeli jails. The success of the exchange has raised hopes that the devastating war may really be coming to an end. President Donald Trump, who took credit for the deal after pressuring Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to accept it, now wants both sides to implement his twenty-point peace plan, which would require Hamas to disarm and Israel to leave Gaza. (Israeli officials told the New York Times that they are now considering punitive measures after Hamas said late on Wednesday that the remains of more than a dozen Israeli hostages—who are also supposed to be returned to Israel—were unable to be located. Separately, Israeli forces that still operate in Gaza have continued to kill Palestinians since the ceasefire began.)

    I recently spoke by phone with Nathan Thrall, a former director of the International Crisis Group’s Arab-Israeli Conflict project. Thrall, who lives in Jerusalem, is also the author of the book “A Day in the Life of Abed Salama.” I wanted to talk to Thrall about what the Palestinian national struggle might look like going forward. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we also discussed his fears about what lessons Israel may have taken from the war, why America is so unwilling to use its leverage to help resolve a conflict it has exacerbated, and whether Hamas’s attack on October 7, 2023, was a strategic as well as moral catastrophe.

    In terms of the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict, what has changed most in terms of the way you thought about it on October 6, 2023, versus today?

    The largest change that has happened in the past two years is that the possibility of large-scale ethnic cleansing has become very real. Of course, we’ve already seen large-scale ethnic cleansing within Gaza. But what I have seen over the past two years is an Israeli society that is powerful, that faces very few obstacles, and that has the ability, and, in the right circumstances, the willingness, to expel huge numbers of Palestinians and, in the view of many Israelis, resolve the Palestinian issue once and for all.

    I’m talking about all of the territory under Israel’s control, so, historic Palestine. Seventy-eight per cent of historic Palestine is within Israel’s pre-1967 borders. This doesn’t include the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which make up the remaining twenty-two per cent. But the West Bank is occupied by Israel, and, prior to October 7th, if you totalled the entirety of the territory actually under the control of Palestinians—meaning where the Palestinian Authority has control in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza—that together made up about ten per cent of historic Palestine. And, of course, Israel still made raids into those areas at will. So we are talking about Israel administering directly around ninety per cent of historic Palestine.

    There’s a distinction between ethnic cleansing within the occupied territories—what we’ve seen both in the West Bank and on a much larger scale in Gaza over the past two years—and what might come next, which is the possible expulsion of large numbers of Palestinians to areas outside of historic Palestine. The Arab states’ fear of precisely this outcome, and the destabilizing effects it might have on their own regimes, was one of the reasons that they unified around a deeply problematic Trump plan for Gaza, even though that plan offers no assurance that Israel will fully withdraw from the territory or cease attacks on Palestinians within it.

    So, in your mind, October 7th and the ensuing war changed the idea of what’s possible for Israelis, because despite some pushback from the international community, and lots of stories that indicate that Israel’s reputation is the lowest it’s ever been, the actual lesson is that they can do what they want?

    Yes. And what has really changed is that ethnic cleansing has become a part of the mainstream public discourse. It is something that I had previously thought was not unimaginable but very unlikely outside of some major regional war. Now it is discussed. People are polled on it. One poll found that eighty-two per cent of Israeli Jews favored expelling Gazans. You can quibble with one poll or another, but you have clear Israeli Jewish majorities in favor of pushing Palestinians outside of Gaza. At some level, many Israelis feel that their basic predicament, the predicament of Zionism, is unresolved so long as there are millions of Palestinians living in the territory under their control.

    When you say this has become part of mainstream discourse, what are you referring to?

    I’m talking about leading figures in the media, ministers in the government, and members of the Knesset discussing expulsion. I’m talking about Israelis from the center left putting forward plans for what they call voluntary “transfer” from Gaza. Ram Ben-Barak, a Knesset member from a centrist party, was the co-author of one of these plans. This is not a fringe notion anymore. And this comes from the fact that Israelis are unwilling to give Palestinians a state, or equal rights. What is left is either the continuation of apartheid or ethnic cleansing—and ethnic cleansing is appealing because it feels like a solution. Whereas apartheid feels like it may be sustainable, but is a nonsolution. It feels like the issue is not resolved.

    O.K., but why hasn’t the international condemnation and Israel’s falling popularity registered with Israelis and convinced them that they should change course? Why do you think they have drawn the opposite lesson?

    There is a huge difference between a change in public opinion and policy changes that actually affect Israelis. And we have really not seen the latter. During a genocide, the Israeli arms industry was booming. They were making record profits. And we have at a bare minimum almost seventy thousand dead in Gaza. It took that to even get the first bills for banning settlement products introduced in some countries in Europe. But you still cannot get an E.U.-wide ban on settlement products. It’s a non-starter. So Israelis don’t feel any real consequences.

    I agree with everyone on the left who believes this shift in global public opinion is important, but what it means is so often overstated. The U.S. is arming Israel, and the Europeans are Israel’s No. 1 trading partner. It’s embarrassing to see how many people are calling this deal a peace deal—not just Trump but Chancellor Friedrich Merz, of Germany. The Europeans will likely reverse even their modest steps. The Eurovision Song Contest was going to hold a vote, in November, on not having Israel compete next year, and that vote has now been postponed. You see headline after headline about how Europe is preparing to reëmbrace Israel.

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    Isaac Chotiner

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  • Opinion | Gaza Deal Is a Big Win for Trump—but Voters Are Fickle

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    He has secured a place in history, but the midterm elections are another matter.

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    Karl Rove

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  • Tens of thousands in Spain strike to protest Israel’s military action

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    Five days after the start of a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip, tens of thousands of people in Spain took part in a strike on Wednesday to protest Israel’s military action in the coastal territory.

    Trade unions called on people to stop work for two hours at a time in the morning, around lunchtime and in the evening.

    Besides slight delays to local transport and short interruptions to television broadcasts, there were no major reports of disruption to public life.

    Demonstrations were held in large cities including Madrid, Bilbao and Barcelona, each of which counting several thousand participants.

    In Barcelona, broadcaster RTVE reported that protesters clashed with police, with officers using pepper stray against people who tried to enter a train station.

    Some demonstrators threw bottles at the police, according to the newspaper La Vanguardia.

    Demonstrators also set fire to some of the large plastic containers for household waste that can be found on almost every corner in Barcelona.

    Spain is one of the European Union’s harshest critics of Israel’s military action in the Gaza Strip. The country has imposed an arms embargo on Israel and issued entry bans for far-right members of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.

    Left-wing Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez accuses Israel of committing genocide in Gaza.

    The Gaza war was triggered by the massacre carried out by Hamas and other extremists from the Gaza Strip in Israel on October 7, 2023, which saw around 1,200 people killed and some 250 others taken hostage.

    Israel responded by launching a massive offensive against Hamas in the densely population territory, which Palestinian sources say has killed more than 67,000 people, mainly civilians.

    People with banners and Palestinian flags march between Atocha and Callao in solidarity with Palestine. Richard Zubelzu/ZUMA Press Wire/dpa

    People Palestinian flags during a united march of pro-Palestinian entities, organized by Prou complicitat amb Israel, in favor of Palestine. David Zorrakino/EUROPA PRESS/dpa

    People Palestinian flags during a united march of pro-Palestinian entities, organized by Prou complicitat amb Israel, in favor of Palestine. David Zorrakino/EUROPA PRESS/dpa

    Riot police detain demonstrators during riots at a united march of pro-Palestinian entities, organized by Prou complicitat amb Israel, in favor of Palestine. David Zorrakino/EUROPA PRESS/dpa

    Riot police detain demonstrators during riots at a united march of pro-Palestinian entities, organized by Prou complicitat amb Israel, in favor of Palestine. David Zorrakino/EUROPA PRESS/dpa

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  • Netanyahu on if peace can last in the Middle East and why he opposes Palestinian statehood

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    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyah speaks with “CBS Mornings” co-host Tony Dokoupil about whether peace can last in the region amid the fragile ceasefire in Gaza, saying, “we agreed to … give peace a chance.” He also speaks in the exclusive interview about his views on a two-state solution.

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  • Israel and Hamas Start Next Phase of Talks on Trump Plan

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    Israel and Hamas began negotiating the second phase of a plan outlined by President Trump to end the war in Gaza, as debates continued about the militant group’s failure to return all the bodies of dead hostages as required in the first phase.

    On Wednesday morning, Israel said three bodies turned over by Hamas a day earlier were Israeli hostages, but that a fourth body wasn’t a match. 

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    [ad_2] Summer Said
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  • After Israeli Withdrawal, Hamas Launches Violent Crackdown on Rivals in Gaza

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    A U.S.-brokered cease-fire has hit pause on the war between Hamas and Israel. In its place, a fight between Hamas and other armed Palestinian groups in the Gaza Strip is now under way.

    As Israeli troops pulled back last week to facilitate a deal that freed the living hostages still held in Gaza, Hamas surged security forces in behind them—a public assertion of authority intended to make clear the group remains the enclave’s governing power.

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    Benoit Faucon

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  • A Plan to Rebuild Gaza Lists Nearly 30 Companies. Many Say They’re Not Involved

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    The GHF was created in early 2025, having emerged from conversations between individuals such as Eisenberg, Tancman, and consultant Yotam HaCohen—who, like Tancman, is a part of COGAT. They were reportedly concerned that Hamas was stealing aid meant for civilians, however, an analysis by a USAID agency found no evidence of this.

    Through conversations with Israeli officials, GHF began to receive on-ground support from two American companies: Safe Reach Solutions, run by former CIA officer Philip Reilly, and UG Solutions, run by former Green Beret Jameson Govoni. Neither responded to requests for comment.

    GHF is currently run by Johnnie Moore Jr., a former Trump official, and evangelical Christian. It was originally headed by Jake Wood, a former Marine who founded Team Rubicon, an organization that deploys veterans to disaster zones. Wood resigned after about three months, claiming that he couldn’t oversee aid distribution at GHF while “adhering to the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence.”

    Alternative Paths

    The GREAT Trust presentation is not the only business-minded plan for redeveloping Gaza.

    Former UK prime minister Tony Blair has been linked to the development of an alternative plan that was leaked to the Guardian and Haaretz. Among other things, the plan proposes creating a Gaza Investment Promotion and Economic Development Authority, which would be a “commercially driven authority, led by business professionals and tasked with generating investable projects,” according to various reports of the plan, but it does not mention any specific companies.

    Another group called “Palestine Emerging”—made up of an international collective of business executives and consultants—also created a post-war Gaza blueprint. It does not get into detail about investments from businesses abroad, but argues that there will have to be a “phased development strategy” in the short, medium, and long-term in order to rebuild Gaza’s housing and economy. The blueprint also mentions that there were “about 56,000 businesses in Gaza” before October 7, 2023, which were subject to “historical constraints” that limited their success.

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    Caroline Haskins

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  • ‘Ish’ Filmmakers on Turning Real-Life Trauma Into a Lyrical Debut About Racial Injustice

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    A racially profiled police stop-and-search sets two best friends on a collision course in Imran Perretta’s debut feature film Ish, which he co-wrote with Enda Walsh (Die My Love, Hunger) and developed with producer Dhiraj Mahey through their company Primal Pictures with BBC Film.

    The film, which won the audience award at the Venice Critics’ Week, stars Farhan Hasnat, Yahya Kitana and Sudha Bhuchar and tells the story of Ish and Maram, two barely teenagers who “endure police harassment and its seismic repercussions,” according to a note on the website for the 69th edition of the BFI London Film Festival (LFF) where it will be screening on Wednesday. “Naturalistic performances, an atypical score (also composed by multi-disciplinary artist Perretta) and lyrical, monochrome images make this a standout British film, which stands up for characters who are too often marginalized — both onscreen and off.”

    Writer-director Perretta, producer Mahey and co-writer Walsh shared insights and a look behind the scenes in a Tuesday LFF Industry Days session, moderated by former BAFTA head of programs Mariayah Kaderbhai and organized in association with The Hollywood Reporter. The session was entitled “Anatomy of a Debut: Ish.”

    Asked about the genesis of the coming-of-age film, Perretta said it allowed him to “plumb the depths of my youth and teenage experience.” He recalled an experience that had a huge impact on his life. “Baked into this idea of the coming-of-age narrative is this idea of the loss of innocence,” he said. “And for me, if I was being honest with myself, the moment that I grew up at a time when I didn’t want to was the first time I was dragged into a van by the police. And that happened when I was 13. It was definitely the moment that I sort of became an adult.”

    It took him years to realize this, the filmmaker concluded. “It’s about heartbreak and loss with a political meta-narrative,” he said. “It’s [about] self-determining who you are in the world.”

    The film is based on Perretta’s experience, but it became a true creative collaboration, all three panelists highlighted. “The soul of the piece was really, really beautiful,” Walsh shared when asked about the point he came on board. “It was about 1,000 pages. It was bloody long. There were all those classic things that I do myself in the first draft. Sometimes you tell it too quickly, and it takes a while for you to figure it out. But it was all there. There was definitely a three-act structure, and I’m a lover of the three-act structure. It was just about the change in temperature and tension around not telling the audience something and the placement of the audience within the script.”

    Mahey shared how his goal was to submit the film to screen at Berlin, Cannes or Venice. But the creative team’s work on Ish meant it missed the deadlines for the first two fests, making it all or nothing for Venice, where the movie ended up.

    Mahey also shared insight into what went into working with a cast of young people who are not professional actors. “Outside of things like child protection and safeguarding and whatnot, we worked really closely with an organization called We Are Bridge, who are kind of the leaders, I suppose, in working with young actors,” he explained. “So, we had youth workers on set. We had every specialist and had chaperones.”

    The two main characters are of British-Palestinian and British-South Asian descent, but that wasn’t the original plan before the casting process. Gaza being in the news was in the script “from the very beginning,” recalled Perretta. “But when we cast Yahya Kitana, who is British-Palestinian, we felt, ‘Well, this is an opportunity to be more specific, to be more sensitive.’ Absolutely, not to make more of it, but just to make sure that we’re looking after this boy in the context of this film and also to really portray things in authentic ways. What does it mean for those young boys to see those images [from Gaza] on a daily basis and to reckon with them? What it means for a young Palestinian boy to see those images and be that far away from family and so on. We felt that we had a responsibility to re-engineer [his] character of Maram to make him fit Yahya’s cultural context more.”

    The casting process took a lot of work to get the chemistry right. “We saw a lot of young boys from Luton,” near London, where the story is set, the director recalled. “It was close to 1,000.” It turned out that Hasnat and Kitana had long-running chemistry from real life as they have known each other since they were four and two years old, respectively. “So, they basically were real-life best mates,” concluded Perretta. “What a gift!”

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    Georg Szalai

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  • Israel, Hamas Trade Accusations of Cease-Fire Violations

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    TEL AVIV—Israel and Hamas on Tuesday accused each other of violating the cease-fire that was part of the deal that released all 20 living hostages from Gaza, with Israel reducing the humanitarian aid promised under the agreement to increase pressure on Hamas to return more bodies of deceased hostages.

    Israelis celebrated the return of the living hostages on Monday, in what for many marked an end to the two-year Gaza war. But the families of the deceased hostages who are supposed to be returned to Israel as part of President Trump’s 20-point plan for peace said they were angered that only four of 28 bodies had been returned.

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    [ad_2] Anat Peled
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  • What’s next for Gaza aid and recovery?

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    Hani Almadhoun, co-founder of Gaza Soup Kitchen and senior director of philanthropy at the U.N. Agency for Palestine Refugees, joins “CBS Mornings” to talk about the Gaza peace deal, his family in Gaza and the aid needed in the region.

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  • Gaza’s Broken Politics

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    Whatever fragile political system existed in Gaza has collapsed, along with the institutions that once gave public life its structure. Hamas, weakened militarily and decapitated by the assassinations of its leaders, faces isolation abroad and a diminished mandate at home. The Palestinian Authority, long discredited in the West Bank, has been absent in Gaza. Leftist factions survive as symbols rather than as real organizations. Independent political figures are scattered or silenced. After two years of war, Gaza has no functioning political body with the authority or legitimacy to shape what comes next.

    President Donald Trump’s Gaza plan is being sold as the answer. Announced by Trump at the White House in late September, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at his side, the twenty-point framework promises to end the war, restart aid, and stand up a transitional authority to run Gaza. It creates a “temporary International Stabilization Force,” an apolitical technocratic Palestinian committee under a new international “Board of Peace,” chaired by Trump himself. Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair would help oversee the transition. The body will aim to manage Gaza’s redevelopment through modern, “efficient” governance, to attract foreign investment. The plan’s clauses include an exchange of hostages for prisoners and detainees, amnesty for Hamas members who disarm, safe passage for the members who choose to leave, a surge of humanitarian deliveries, and a multi-stage withdrawal of the Israel Defense Forces tied to “security benchmarks”—including Hamas’s demilitarization and border-control arrangements, all verified by independent observers. The document also notes that civilians will be allowed to leave but “no one will be forced out” of Gaza, a shift from Netanyahu’s earlier talk of “voluntary” emigration and Trump’s “Riviera” proposal “to rebuild and energize Gaza.”

    Strip away the framing, and the design is clear. Gaza is to be managed from the outside, without a locally elected government. The P.A. is told to make reforms—anti-corruption and fiscal-transparency measures, increased judicial independence, a path to elections—before it can even be considered for a role in Gaza’s governance. Hamas is removed from political life by decree. Core questions—borders, sovereignty, refugees—are deferred. In this architecture, Gaza becomes a security-first regime, where aid, reconstruction, and “transition” are subordinated to Israeli security metrics under the oversight of the U.S. and its partners. Palestinians are offered administration without authority. The occupation is dressed in managerial language. The danger is that this “temporary” system becomes permanent, sustained by donors, monitors, and memoranda.

    As of this writing, the first phase of the deal has moved ahead. Hamas has released the remaining living hostages, and Israel freed some two thousand Palestinian prisoners and detainees. Aid convoys are scaling up, and Israel said that it has partially withdrawn troops from parts of Gaza. What remains unclear are the enforcement mechanisms and the timelines. Who commands the proposed “stabilization force,” and under what rules of engagement will it operate? Where will I.D.F. units be positioned during the transition? What binding guarantees—if any—protect Palestinians against an open-ended military return? Negotiators say that these questions are still being debated, paragraph by paragraph. A parallel diplomatic track is also opening. On Monday, Trump co-chaired the Sharm El-Sheikh summit, a meeting in Egypt focussed on postwar governance, with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. Mahmoud Abbas, the President of the P.A., was in attendance. Benjamin Netanyahu was not. The meeting was aimed at rallying broader backing for the plan and locking down its operational details.

    Hamas had little room to maneuver in the latest round of talks. Many Arab governments endorsed Trump’s Gaza plan before the organization had even received a formal copy of it, boxing the group into a defensive posture. Netanyahu, meanwhile, used the moment to reaffirm his rejection of a Palestinian state.

    Still, ending the war always required that Hamas agree to a deal—perhaps an ugly one, certainly an imperfect one, but one that would bring a stop to the killing. There were earlier windows during the war when a deal might have opened space for hard bargaining that could have won real gains for Gazans. Instead, Gazan leadership fell into refusals and delays without any coherent strategy. Each rejection narrowed the horizon until what Gazans face now is a comprehensive package imposed from the outside. This is the price of political failure. Leaders treated negotiations as a stage for factional gain rather than as a matter of national survival. Now the choices are brutally tight: partial occupation under terms the people can still contest, or a broader occupation that comes with more widespread displacement. Palestinian negotiators owed the people some kind of plan. It was necessary to get aid flowing and to spare lives. Anyone who gambled with that blood for the sake of symbolic triumph would have been accountable for the cost.

    The plan now opens a narrow opportunity—if Palestinians can turn its vague text into leverage. On paper, it pledges an I.D.F. withdrawal and sketches a “credible pathway” to self-determination and, eventually, statehood. Much of the machinery is still unspecified, but that uncertainty can be converted into demands: a public U.S. commitment on statehood, a dated and enforceable timetable for full withdrawal, a U.N. Security Council resolution that hardens the guarantees with penalties for violations, and third-party monitoring. Whatever form the final deal takes, it will serve as a hinge into a new political order in Gaza. Now that the bombardment has stopped, it has left a political vacuum in the territory. The question is, what will rush to fill it?

    There has never been a genuine internal reckoning with Palestinian political failures. The Oslo Accords—brokered by the U.S. and signed in the mid-nineties, after secret negotiations—were framed as the last great compromise. In practice, they created the Palestinian Authority as an interim administrator of Palestine, and postponed the conflict’s major questions to a later date that has yet to arrive. Palestinians were shifted from leading a liberation project to managing enclaves, while Israel retained control over their land, movement, and the map itself. Before Oslo, the first intifada had generated momentum for international recognition of Palestinian statehood. Oslo dismantled that momentum. It was meant to be a bridge to peace, but it became the final blow. It provided no way to implement U.N. Resolution 194 on the right of return for exiled or displaced Palestinians, and produced no method of insuring equality for some two million Palestinians inside Israel, whose struggle was written off as an internal matter. Every inch of Palestinian land remains under Israeli military control in one form or another. The labels changed, but the structure did not.

    Hamas won elections in Gaza in 2006. What followed were boycotts and sanctions from the international community; a power struggle with Fatah, the party that controls the P.A., that exploded into a street war in 2007; and, ultimately, a geographic divorce. Hamas was left governing Gaza, and the P.A. was confined to the West Bank. Israel then tightened a land-sea-air blockade of the territory, which made normal governance impossible and turned every budget line into a permit request. Hamas never allowed further elections. Over successive wars and siege years, Hamas’s authority hardened until it ran a kind of bunker state: an exiled political bureau abroad, a Gazan command increasingly dominated by the organization’s military wing, and a public living under limited movement, rationed goods, and permanent emergency.

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    Mohammed R. Mhawish

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  • Israel and Hamas have a ceasefire deal. But college protesters say activism won’t stop

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    At California universities Monday, the ceasefire in Gaza — and the accompanying hostage and prisoner exchange — emerged as an inflection point for the future of a student-led protest movement that for two years has roiled campuses.

    The activism, along with its contentious aftermath, continues to reverberate as pro-Palestinian organizers and Jewish community leaders reckon with the tumult touched off by Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.

    For months in 2024 — shortly after the onset of the deadliest and most destructive war between Israelis and Palestinians in history — college campuses in the U.S. convulsed in often confrontational protests. Pro-Palestinian demonstrations surged in the spring of that year with encampments where activists demanded campus policy changes, including U.S. university divestment of billions of dollars from weapons companies.

    On this front, their activism largely foundered. In California, not one major university agreed to full divestment demands, which included boycotts of partnerships with Israeli universities. And campus policies did change — with university officials cracking down on protests and enforcing zero-tolerance policies against rule-breaking.

    But David N. Myers, a UCLA professor of Jewish history, said student protesters appear to have helped change American views on Palestinians and Israel.

    “Is the protest movement a failure? Well, if the measure is universities have cracked down, maybe,” Myers said. “But if the measure is general trend lines in American public opinion, I’m not so sure. And that should be a wake-up call to the pro-Israel movement.”

    Amid the protests, allegations of antisemitism surged on campuses and Jewish students and faculty protested violations of their civil rights. Their complaints have prompted aggressive investigations by the Trump administration that are at the center of his goal to overhaul higher education to adhere to a sweeping conservative agenda that goes far beyond protections for Jewish communities.

    Pro-Palestinian activists vow to continue

    In interviews, pro-Palestinian students who participated in last year’s encampments and protests this year said the ceasefire was welcome news, but only fulfilled part of what led them to take to campus greens.

    “While the news of a ceasefire is welcome, nothing fundamentally changes at UCLA or colleges in general,” said Dylan Kupsh, a doctoral computer science student at UCLA who was part of an encampment last year that was attacked by pro-Israel vigilantes.

    “Our university is still invested in the oppression of Palestine. Students won’t rest until the university divests,” said Kupsh, who has faced student discipline procedures for participating in actions that the university alleges violated campus policies.

    Student organizers in California said the ceasefire will infuse new energy into their activism, which has been accused of minimizing the plight of Israeli hostages and being antisemitic.

    “We can momentarily feel a little bit of happiness, there is at least momentary end to the genocide,” said Ryan Witt, president of Students for Justice in Palestine at Cal State Channel Islands, which held a campus protest and vigil in support of Palestinians last week.

    “There have been pictures of children in Gaza celebrating. I’m not dismissing that. But also recognizing that we need to keep fighting,” said Witt, who is Jewish.

    Amanda, a student at USC who participated in pro-Palestinian encampments, said concerns remain on her campus.

    “We see that our school, like all the others, is very worried about being seen as antisemitic by the government, so they are even stricter about protests and speech than they used to be,” she said.

    Graeme Blair, a professor of political science at UCLA, said the climate for pro-Palestinian activism on campuses had worsened, and the government now aggressively treats pro-Palestinian speech as being antisemitic.

    “The Trump administration is using every federal lever from the Justice Department to the Education Department to the State Department to crack down on antisemitism,” Blair said. “Universities like UCLA are, on their own and because of Trump pressure, continuing to arrest, discipline and fire people speaking out.”

    For Jews on campus, ‘a chapter is ending’

    Myers, who is Jewish, said the release of Israeli hostages felt like “the door to a very dark chamber has been opened and light has begun to peek out. At the same time, I can’t help but think of the next frame, which is the frame of pictures of Gaza, which is in a state of complete and total devastation.”

    Among pro-Israel Jewish communities on campuses nationwide, there is also a sense of relief.

    Jewish student groups had regularly gathered on campuses, including last week, for candlelight vigils, songs and prayer services to honor dead and living hostages in Gaza and their families two years after the Oct. 7 attack.

    Many Jewish students have ties to Israel, whether from visiting or through family members who lived there and knew victims of the Hamas attack that killed about 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and took roughly 250 hostages. About 20 living hostages were back in Israel this week, while Israel released roughly 1,900 Palestinian prisoners. According to the Gaza Health Ministry, more than 67,000 Palestinians were killed during Israel’s war.

    Sophia Toubian, an information studies graduate student at UCLA, said she hoped the hostages’ release is “actually a chapter ending.”

    “I hope that it is a long-lasting peace, and it doesn’t just start right back up again — and that that translates into our experience here, both at school and just in the world.”

    Toubian, who is Jewish and pro-Israel, said the pro-Palestinian protest movement had achieved at least some of its objectives.

    “Every building that I go into on campus … without fail, I’m seeing something up on the wall about Palestine — supportive of Palestine,” she said.

    “It wasn’t there before, and … it’s kind of up there in a way, like, ‘Yeah, of course, we all agree that this is the way that this should be, and so we’re going to show support of this thing.’ In that sense, it does feel like a success.”

    And yet, UCLA senior Gal Cohavy, who is pro-Israel, said the tenor in Westwood has improved in recent months.

    Cohavy said he hoped that the hostages’ release and the stop in fighting could allow people across the ideological spectrum to find common ground.

    “I wouldn’t be surprised to see more real conversation going on, and perhaps bridging a gap between the two sides and seeing cultural progress,” he said.

    In a statement, Ha’Am, a Jewish student-run publication at UCLA, said now the “atmosphere has changed.”

    “Since October 7, 2023, Jewish spaces have been places of grief, quiet, and emotional support for a community in turmoil. Today, as we enter those same spaces, the atmosphere has changed. There is a genuine sigh of relief in the air, a collective exhale, and the comforting knowledge that our brothers and sisters on the other side of the world are finally safe once again,” it said.

    Lasting consequences among students

    While pro-Palestinian and pro-Israel students expressed approval over the events in the Middle East, both have faced lasting consequences of divisions on campus.

    Reports of antisemitism as well as anti-Muslim and anti-Arab incidents have increased at colleges since 2023. Arrests, suspensions and expulsions of pro-Palestinian students and groups have also grown, though the vast majority of Los Angeles students detained by police during last year’s protests did not face criminal charges.

    At UCLA, two Students for Justice in Palestine groups were banned this year for vandalizing the Brentwood home of a UC Board of Regents member who is Jewish with imagery that Jewish community leaders said used antisemitic tropes.

    Among California universities, Stanford endured one of the more charged episodes.

    A group of pro-Palestinian students there face felony vandalism and trespassing charges after they were accused of breaking into and vandalizing the university president’s office during a 2024 protest. This month, a Santa Clara County grand jury indicted the remaining 11 students, which pushes the case toward a trial.

    Staff writer Karen Garcia contributed to this report.

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    Jaweed Kaleem, Daniel Miller

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  • Key moments from a momentous day for Israelis and Palestinians

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    (CNN) — The last 20 living hostages held in Gaza were released on Monday, reuniting with their families in jubilant scenes as world leaders gathered in Egypt to discuss the future of Gaza and the next phases of the US-brokered ceasefire deal.

    For the first time in more than two years, Hamas and its allies are not holding any living hostages in Gaza.

    Meanwhile, 1,718 Palestinian detainees who were being held in Israel without charge were released on Monday and returned to Gaza. Israel also released 250 Palestinians serving long-term sentences.

    Addressing the Knesset, the Israeli parliament, on Monday during his trip to the Middle East, US President Donald Trump said the “long and painful nightmare is finally over.”

    “This is a historic dawn of a new Middle East,” Trump told Israeli lawmakers, having earlier projected confidence that the ceasefire deal would hold and that the war in Gaza was over.

    But a number of issues related to the 20-point plan brokered by Trump, alongside Egypt, Qatar and Turkey, remain unresolved.

    Here are some key moments from Monday and where the peace process may go next:

    Hostages freed

    The remaining 20 living hostages were released in two groups on Monday, prompting elation and relief throughout Israel.

    In Hostages Square in Tel Aviv, large crowds cheered, waved flags and chanted “thank you, Trump!” as news of the hostages’ freedom was announced.

    Emotional scenes unfolded at the Re’im military facility in southern Israel, where the released hostages were reunited with their immediate families after more than two years in captivity.

    In footage shared by the Israeli military, 24-year-old Guy Gilboa-Dalal, who was kidnapped from the Nova music festival, was met by his parents and siblings. His family cried and embraced him in a large hug.

    Omri Miran embraces his father Dani in Re’im, Israel, after his release from captivity on October 13. Credit: Israel Defense Forces / Reuters via CNN Newsource

    Omri Miran, 48, who was kidnapped when Hamas gunmen broke into his family’s home in kibbutz Nahal Oz, was met by his wife Lishay Miran-Lavi and his father Dani Miran. Photos showed him playing with his children for the first time in more than two years.

    “We are at the beginning of a complex and challenging, yet moving, journey of recovery,” Miran’s family said in a statement.

    Under the agreement brokered by the US, Hamas and its allies were meant to release all of the remaining hostages, including 28 dead ones, within 72 hours of the ceasefire being announced.

    Israeli authorities said that Hamas had handed over four coffins said to contain the remains of four deceased hostages to the Red Cross on Monday.

    Later in the day, Israeli police said the coffins had been released into Israel, before being escorted to the National Institute of Forensic Medicine in Tel Aviv for formal identification. Israel has not yet confirmed the identities of the remains being returned.

    Palestinian prisoners released

    Israel released 1,718 Palestinian detainees – detained by its forces in Gaza over the past two years and held without charge – on Monday. The detainees were brought back to Gaza on buses, where they were met by large crowds at Nasser hospital in the southern part of the enclave.

    A freed Palestinian is hugged by a relative in Ramallah, West Bank, after he was released from an Israeli jail on October 13. Credit: Ammar Awad / Reuters via CNN Newsource

    Israel also released 250 Palestinians serving life or long-term prison sentences.

    Some of those released prisoners were taken to the occupied West Bank, where they were hugged by family and friends as they emerged from buses in Ramallah. CNN also witnessed a substantial presence of Palestinian security forces and medics at the scene.

    A further 154 Palestinian prisoners who had been serving long sentences in Israeli jails were deported to Egypt, according to the Palestinian Prisoners Society. Israeli authorities had demanded that prisoners convicted of “violent offenses” be deported to third countries rather than be allowed to return to the West Bank or Gaza.

    Trump’s pointed address to Israel

    Trump spoke for more than an hour in the Israeli parliament, taking a victory lap for the ceasefire deal and repeatedly, pointedly telling Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to not restart the war.

    “Israel, with our help, has won all that they can by force of arms. You’ve won. I mean, you’ve won,” Trump said. “Now it’s time to translate these victories against terrorists on the battlefield into the ultimate prize of peace and prosperity for the entire Middle East. It’s about time you were able to enjoy the fruits of your labor.”

    The US president also warned that more war would diminish Netanyahu’s legacy, adding that he will be remembered for the truce “far more than if you kept this thing going.”

    Netanyahu has previously been accused of prolonging the war in Gaza in order to delay and distract from his corruption cases and domestic political troubles, an accusation he’s rejected.

    World leaders meet in Egypt

    Trump traveled on to Egypt to meet with other world leaders, including the leaders of Qatar, Jordan, the Palestinian Authority, France, Germany and the United Kingdom. They converged on the resort town of Sharm el-Sheikh, where Egypt and the US are co-hosting a summit on the end of the Gaza war and the next phases of a peace plan.

    World leaders took part in a signing ceremony for the Gaza ceasefire deal during the summit.

    Netanyahu said he was invited but did not attend.

    The 20-point ceasefire plan brokered by the United States, Egypt, Qatar and Turkey still has several unresolved issues and details that must be hammered out.

    Those sticking points include how the largely destroyed Gaza Strip will be governed after the war, as well as how Hamas’ disarmament and Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza will be carried out.

    Next steps of ceasefire plan

    The full withdrawal of the Israeli military is contingent on Hamas’ disarmament, according to the agreement, leaving some wiggle room for Netanyahu to say Israel still has the freedom to resume fighting.

    Hamas’ chief negotiator, Khalil al-Hayya, said last week that the group has received guarantees from the US and international mediators confirming that this deal means “the war has ended permanently,” rather than representing a temporary ceasefire. It’s not clear in what form those guarantees came.

    The key unanswered question is what will happen to Hamas, according to Burcu Ozcelik, senior research fellow for Middle East security at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), a British think tank.

    “You have what looks like a pathway to Palestinian statehood … but this, ultimately, is a Palestinian state that does not seem to have any place for Hamas. To what extent Hamas will agree to this and comply with this in the weeks and months to come – I think that is a big question,” Ozcelik told CNN.

    “I think Israel will retain what it sees as its national security imperative to operate in Gaza if it believes that there is a credible threat to its security and its border communities,” Ozcelik said. “But at the same time, there needs to be a governing body in Gaza. There needs to be security and law enforcement. There needs to be basic service delivery and distribution of vital humanitarian aid.”

    She added that other regional actors will be expected to play an important role in the transition, particularly Egypt and Turkey. “I think for the time being, all sides are going to want to be seen as doing all that they can to make Trump’s plan work.”

    CNN’s Kevin Liptak, Ivana Kottasova, Kara Fox, Tim Lister, Abeer Salman and Eyad Kourdi contributed to this report.

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    Lauren Kent and CNN

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