California Secretary of State Shirley Weber on Monday pushed back against a torrent of misinformation on social media sites claiming that mail-in ballots for the state’s Nov. 4 special election are purposefully designed to disclose how people voted.
Weber, the state’s top elections official, refuted claims by some Republicans and far-right partisans that holes on ballot envelopes allow election officials to see how Californians voted on Proposition 50, the ballot measure about redistricting that will be decided in a special election in a little over three weeks.
“The small holes on ballot envelopes are an accessibility feature to allow sight-impaired voters to orient themselves to where they are required to sign the envelope,” Weber said in a statement released Monday.
Weber said voters can insert ballots in return envelopes in a manner that doesn’t reveal how they voted, or could cast ballots at early voting stations that will open soon or in person on Nov. 4.
Weber’s decision to “set the record straight” was prompted by conspiracy theories exploding online alleging that mail ballots received by 23 million Californians in recent days are purposefully designed to reveal the votes of people who opposed the measure.
“If California voters vote ‘NO’ on Gavin Newscum’s redistricting plan, it will show their answer through a hole in the envelope,” Libs of TikTok posted on the social media platform X on Sunday, in a post that has 4.8 million views. “All Democrats do is cheat.”
GOP Texas Sen. Ted Cruz earlier retweeted a similar post that has been viewed more than 840,000 times, and Republican California gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton, a conservative commentator, called for the November special election to be suspended because of the alleged ballot irregularities.
The allegation about the ballots, which has been raised by Republicans during prior California elections, stems from the holes in mail ballot envelopes that were created to help visually impaired voters and allow election workers to make sure ballots have been removed from envelopes.
The special election was called for by Gov. Gavin Newsom and other Democrats in an effort to counter President Trump urging GOP-led states, notably Texas, to redraw their congressional districts before next year’s midterm election to boost GOP ranks in the House and buttress his ability to enact his agenda during his final two years in office.
California Democrats responded by proposing a rare mid-decade redrawing of California’s 52 congressional boundaries to increase Democratic representation in Congress. Congressional districts are typically drawn once a decade by an independent state commission created by voters in 2010.
Nearly 600,000 Californians have already returned mail ballots as of Monday evening, according to a ballot tracker created by Political Data, a voter data firm that is led by Democratic strategist Paul Mitchell, who drew the proposed congressional boundaries on the November ballot.
Republican leaders in California who oppose the ballot measure have expressed concern about the ballot conspiracy theories, fearing the claims may suppress Republicans and others from voting against Proposition 50.
“Please don’t panic people about something that is easily addressed by turning their ballot around,” Roxanne Hoge, the chair of the Los Angeles County Republican Party, posted on X. “We need every no vote and we need them now.”
Jessica Millan Patterson, the former chair of the state GOP who is leading one of the two main committees opposing Proposition 50, compared not voting early to sitting on the sidelines of a football game until the third quarter.
“I understand why voters would be concerned when they see holes in their envelopes … because your vote is your business. It’s the bedrock of our system, being able to [vote by] secret ballot,” she said in an interview. “That being said, the worst thing that you could do if you are unhappy with the way things are here in California is not vote, and so I will continue to promote early voting and voting by mail. It’s always been a core principle for me.”
Californians were mailed inaccurate voter guides about the November special election asking them whether to redraw congressional district boundaries, according to the secretary of state’s office. The state agency announced that it would mail postcards correcting the information to voters, which is likely to cost millions of dollars.
“Accuracy in voter information is essential to maintaining public trust in California’s elections,” said Secretary of State Shirley Weber. “We are taking swift, transparent action to ensure voters receive correct information. This mislabeling does not affect proposed districts, ballots, or the election process; it is solely a labeling error. Every eligible Californian can have full confidence that their vote will be counted and their representation is secure.”
The voter guide was sent to California registered voters about Proposition 50, a ballot measure championed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and other state Democrats to try to boost the number of Democrats in Congress. The proposal was in response to Texas and other GOP-led states trying to increase the number of Republicans in the House at the behest of President Trump to enable him to continue to enact his agenda during his final two years in office.
The special election will take place on Nov. 4, but voters will begin receiving mail ballots in early October.
On page 11 of the voter guide, a proposed and hotly contested congressional district that includes swaths of the San Fernando and Antelope valleys and is currently represented by Rep. George Whitesides (D-Agua Dulce) was mislabeled as Congressional District 22. However, on more detailed maps in the voter guide, the district is properly labeled as District 27.
“It is unfortunate that it was incorrect on the statewide map in the voter guide,” said Paul Mitchell, the Democratic redistricting expert who drew the new proposed congressional districts. “But the important thing is it is correct in the L.A. County and the Southern California maps,” allowing people who live in the region to accurately see their new proposed congressional district.
There are 23 million registered voters in California, but it’s unclear whether the postcards will be mailed to each registered voter or to households of registered voters. The secretary of state’s office did not respond to a request for comment Tuesday evening.
Even if the corrective notices are mailed to voter households rather than individual voters, the postage alone is likely to be millions of dollars, in addition to the cost of printing the postcards. The special election, which the Legislature called for in August, was already expected to cost taxpayers $284 million.
Opponents of Proposition 50 seized upon the error as proof that the measure was hastily placed on the ballot.
“When politicians force the Secretary of State to rush an election, mistakes are bound to happen,” said Amy Thoma, a spokesperson for one of the campaigns opposing the effort. “It’s unfortunate that this one will cost taxpayers millions of dollars.”
Former state GOP Chairwoman Jessica Millan Patterson, who leads another anti-Proposition 50 campaign supported by congressional Republicans, added that such mistakes were inevitable given how quickly the ballot measure was written and the special election was called.
“The Prop. 50 power grab was rushed through so fast by greedy politicians that glaring mistakes were made, raising serious questions about what else was missed,” she said. “California taxpayers are already on the hook for a nearly $300 million special election, and now they’re paying to fix mistakes too. Californians deserve transparency, not backroom politics. Secretary Weber should release the cost of issuing this correction immediately.”
The campaign supporting the ballot measure did not respond to requests for comment.
Venice Pride’s Gaywatch May 31 Baja Venice 311 Washington Blvd, Venice venicepride.org
Venice Pride Block Party presented by Aids Healthcare Foundation May 31 99 Windward Ave LA’s beloved grassroots LGBTQ+ Pride celebration returns with a *FREE* party in the street! Venice Pride Block Party
4th annual San Gabriel Valley Pride March and Festival
June 1
Boys & Girls Clubs of West San Gabriel Valley & Eastside (BGCWSGV),City of Monterey Park, and Alhambra Teachers Association are teaming up on the 4th annual San Gabriel Valley Pride March and Festival this Saturday, June 1. Hundreds of community members, including those of the LGBTQ+ group, will gather during this event to advocate for inclusivity and kindness during Pride month. The one-mile Pride march begins at Mark Keppel High School and will conclude at Barnes Memorial Park, where there will be food trucks, live music performances, art, and community resources. The festival will be hosted by Lisa Foxx from IHeart Radio and will highlight Club youth with inspiring LGBTQ+ stories, including teen member Mia Guttierez.
WHEN: Saturday, June 1 from 8:30 a.m. – 12:00 p.m.
*Pride festival begins at 10:00 a.m.
WHERE: Barnes Memorial Park |350 S Mc Pherrin Ave, Monterey Park, CA 91754
*Noting that this march will begin at Mark Keppel High School and conclude at Barnes Memorial Park, where the concert and festival will occur.
Los Angeles Angels Pride Night June 1 Angel Stadium of Anaheim Join fans in the Gate 5 Courtyard for pre-game Pride festivities. Purchase a Pride Night ticket package and receive discounted pricing along with a Pride Night-themed Angles hat. Proceeds from each ticket purchase will benefit OC Pride. angels.com/pride
AIDS/LifeCycle 2024 Ride June 2-8 The Cow Palace AIDS/LifeCycle is a fully-supported, seven-day bike ride from San Francisco to Los Angeles. It’s a life-changing 545-mile ride-not a race-through some of California’s most beautiful countryside. aidslifecycle.org
WeHo Pride Weekend May 31- June 2 WeHo Pride 2024 kicks-off on Harvey Milk Day, May 22, with a special event. wehopride.com
Friday Night @ Outloud May 31 WeHo Pride presents this free-to-attend concert in West Hollywood Park featuring headliners to be announced soon! wehopride.com
Glendale Pride in the Park June 1, 1pm-5pm Adams Square Mini Park The Glendale Pride in the Park celebration and queer family picnic is back. Glendale invites everyone in the community to join and work with love, in healing, and in creating safe space for our kids to thrive. glendaleout.org
Yappy Pride Party Returns to Just Food for Dogs West Hollywood
June 1, 2024, from 2 pm – 5 pm
The Yappy Pride Party is returning to the Just Food for Dogs West Hollywood kitchen, located at 7870 Santa Monica Boulevard, Saturday June 1, 2024, from 2 p.m. – 5 p.m. during WeHo Pride weekend. Dogs and their pet companions are welcome to attend the event at their parking lot on the corner of Santa Monica Boulevard and Fairfax Avenue
Guests will celebrate the kickoff of Pride Month with some food and refreshments. Past events have offered wraps, freshly made burgers, hot dogs, and there were plenty of dog treats for pets to munch on. This year enjoy a photo session with fur family photos (available from 3-5pm) with the purchase of toy and treat bundle. There will also be a K-9 couture contest.
Relentlessly Advocating for Pet Health Being Completely Transparent Basing Decisions on Scientific Evidence Driving Change in Our Category Honoring Pet Life Through Support of Rescue Efforts You can find them at retail kitchens, inside veterinary clinics and hospitals, at Pet Food Express stores in California, Petco locations nationwide, and on Chewy.com.
Women’s Freedom Festival June 1, 12pm – 6pm WeHo Pride Street Fair Community Stage at La Peer Dr.
Co-sponsored and produced by the L-Project, the festival will feature emerging LGBTQ and BIPOC women, non-binary musicians, comedians, poets, and activists. wehopride.com
Dyke March June 1, 6pm-10pm WeHo Pride Street Fair Community Stage at La Peer Dr. Featuring a motorcycle-led march, this annual rally will begin immediately following the Women’s Freedom Festival along Santa Monica Boulevard. wehopride.com
WeHo Pride weekend is almost upon us. It all begins this Friday, May 31, 2024 to Sunday, June 2, 2024, with the return of the Women’s Freedom Festival and Dyke March on Saturday. Women are taking over Boystown for WeHo Pride! Women’s Freedom Festival and the Dyke March returns for its 3rd year at West Hollywood Pride on Saturday, June 1, 2024 beginning at 12 noon!
This event is FREE. It is produced by The L-Project Los Angeles and co-sponsored by the City of West Hollywood.
Located at the Celebration Stage on west end of Santa Monica Blvd at LaPeer Avenue, the event will be hosted by Jackie Steele with sounds by DJ Boom Boom & DJ Sterling Victorian.
This year’s lineup of 2SLGBTQ+BIPOC artists will include live performances by: Nekeith – Madline Grace Jones – Shiah Luna – Gattison – Cheri Moon – Theia – Mariah Counts and the KingQueen Band. Poetry by Yazmin Monet Watkins + Sasha MaRi – Suri Chan and West Hollywood’s Poet Laurette, Jen Cheng.
Dyke March performance by THEIA & MEDUSA, THE GANSTA GODDESS
Biker staging for the Dyke March will begin at 5pm with an opening performance by Medusa at 5:30 p.m. The Dyke March Rally at 6 p.m. and the March will begin 6:30 p.m.
Bikers! If interested in joining Pride Riders for the Dyke March, please contact: Katrina Vinson at: [email protected]
Reserve your tickets for a chance to win free promos and other giveaways by clicking on the link here: (Link)
The Women’s Freedom Festival lineup and schedule (*subject to change) is as follows:
The L-Project is an historically lesbian non-profit 501(c)3 organization founded in 2015 by Elisabeth Sandberg, in West Hollywood, California. Their mission is to promote and support emerging LGBTQI BI+POC women and non-binary creatives through the arts and technology.
Outloud @ WeHo Pride June 1-2 An award-winning, ticketed concert highlighting LGBTQ artistry, this star-studded, high-energy line-up celebrates and advocates for queer voices in music, kicking off Pride Season! wehopride.com
WeHo Pride Street Fair June 1-2 The street fair is free and will include community group booths, exhibitors, sponsor activations, a stage with live performances, and other entertainment elements. wehopride.com
WeHo Pride Parade June 2 A colorful and entertaining event for the whole family, the parade will feature contingents such as floats, bands, drill teams, dance teams, entertainment entries, marchers and special guests. wehopride.com
LA Pride in the Park June 8, 1pm-11pm Los Angeles State Historic Park 1245 N. Spring Street, Los Angeles LA Pride in the Park is a highly anticipated music event. This year’s headliner is Latin superstar Ricky Martin. Joining him on the massive 80-foot stage will be MUNA, Tokischa and Jojo Siwa, among others. It’s also an LGBTQ+ community event organized by CSW, LA’s original 501(c)3 Pride nonprofit, established in 1970. Guests will enjoy over 20 acres of activities, glow-ups, giveaways, and more from LGBTQIA+ partners, exhibitors, and vendors. lapride.org
Photo Credit: Ricky Martin/WeHoTimes
As the first openly gay Latin artist to take center stage at the highly-anticipated Pride event of the year, this marks Martin’s first-ever headliner Pride performance.
LA Pride in the Park will return to the Los Angeles State Historic Park on Saturday, June 8. Across 20 acres and with a capacity for 25,000, LA Pride in the Park is one of the most sought-after and largest Official Pride concerts in the country. Additionally, the official theme for this year’s Pride season is “Power in Pride,” which celebrates the LGBTQIA+ community’s ability to live authentically.
General Admission and VIP Passes are now available to purchase at lapride.org.
“I am thrilled to be headlining LA Pride in the Park because it’s an incredible opportunity to celebrate love, diversity, and equality,” said Martin. “LA Pride is a testament to the power of community, the power of visibility, and the power of standing up for our rights. Being part of this vibrant community fills me with pride and purpose.”
54th ANNUAL LA PRIDE PARADE
JUNE 9, 2024:STEP OFF at 11AM
The best Parade viewing spots are along the middle of Hollywood Blvd, or on Highland, opposite the ABC7 broadcast area. Step-off is at 11AM sharp, so get there early to get a good spot.
If you can’t be with there in person, be sure to watch the parade live on ABC7, LA Pride’s Official Television & Streaming Partner.
PARADE BLOCK PARTY
June 9, 2024 ADJACENT TO PARADE ROUTE HOLLYWOOD BOULEVARD
We’re keeping the celebration going on Sunday by throwing the ultimate free Block Party adjacent to the Parade, open from mid-day and going into the evening. With a performance stage, large vendor village, food & bevs, pop-up bars, and more, it’s the place to be to after the Parade. Last year, 35,000 people enjoyed this free Parade “after-party,” don’t miss it!
The Block Party vendor booth application deadline has now passed. Stay tuned to learn more about the cool things we have in store!
The Grove will host Los Angeles’ beloved annual Pride Night celebration on Thursday, June 13, presented by Afterpay. Friends, family and members of the LGBTQIA+ community will gather in The Park for a colorful night of festive bingo, live entertainment, delectable sips and bites and more in celebration of this year’s Pride Month.
When doors open at 6PM, The Park at The Grove will shine in bright rainbow ornamentation, welcoming guests to rejoice with Pride-themed décor, upbeat tunes from a live DJ and a variety of interactive photo moments to capture the excitement. An array of bites from Rocco’s Pizza and The Grove’s dining tenants will be available to enjoy, including Häagen-Dazs, Wetzel’s Pretzels, Pressed Juicery and % Arabica, complemented by beverages from Hamptons Water, Casa Dragones, Grey Goose and Calidad.
The Grove’s acclaimed Pride Bingo will begin promptly at 7:30PM. Tickets are $55 per person and include 10 rounds of bingo hosted by LA legend ‘Bingo Boy’ (Jeffrey Bowman) and chances to win luxury prizes from some of The Grove’s renowned retailers like the newly opened David Yurman and Arhaus, along with Byredo, Backcountry, Todd Snyder and more. Caruso Signature members will also receive exclusive Pride merch and complimentary parking validation. Ticket proceeds will be donated to LA Pride.
Pride Night is sponsored by “buy now, pay later” service Afterpay. New and existing Afterpay customers who purchase Pride Bingo tickets will be reimbursed at check-in and guests are encouraged to arrive via Lyft, the official rideshare partner of Caruso. For more information and to purchase tickets, please visit https://thegrovela.com/events/pride-bingo-2/.
WHAT: Pride Night at The Grove, presented by Afterpay
*Includes 10 rounds of bingo, meal and beverage tickets, exclusive Pride merch, photo opportunitiesand chances to win complimentary prizesfrom The Grove’s stores and restaurants
Our World Series-winning Dodgers take on the Kansas City Royals with LA Pride pre-game festivities featuring DJ party, and Pride merch for special ticket holders!
Catalina Island Gears Up for an Unforgettable Pride Celebration
June 15, 2024
Catalina Pride, sponsored by US Bank, will kick off at noon with the ceremonial Pride Walk, starting from Wrigley Stage and continuing along the scenic waterfront to the famous Catalina Island Casino. Participants are encouraged to don their brightest rainbow attire as they join in this joyous march showcasing support for the LGBTQ+ community. In addition, the historic Catalina Island Casino will be lit in vibrant rainbow colors to showcase Catalina’s love and support for the LGBTQ+ community.
Wrigley Stage will be the heart of the celebration, featuring an exciting lineup of live entertainment. Highlights include:
Pulp Vixen – This all-female cover band, known for their high-energy performances, will headline the event.
DJ Asha – Returning for her third year, DJ Asha will keep the crowd dancing with her dynamic mixes.
KingQueen – The rock-pop band is back by popular demand.
Mermaid – Featuring Candace Quarrels and Brittany Campbell, this duo blends rock, pop, and R&B.
Danielle Lande – Singer-songwriter and founder of QUEERSOUND.
Patrick St. James – Irish-born, Manchester-based queer pop singer-songwriter.
DJ Jae Fusz – Former background dancer for Britney Spears, bringing his DJ skills to the stage.
Tonii and Miya King – Performing as both solo artists and their duo group Sunday.
Sister Ray – Known for their eclectic style and original songs.
DJ Hovani – Las Vegas-based DJ known for his infectious sets.
In addition to the main stage performances, an after-party will be held at the Chi Chi Club from 10 PM to close, featuring sets by DJ Hovani and DJ Fusz.
“We are delighted to welcome everyone to Catalina Island for this special celebration of love and diversity,” said Jim Luttjohann, CEO of Love Catalina. “Pride is not just an event; it’s a testament to our community’s commitment to inclusion and acceptance. Catalina is a wonderful destination for LGBTQ+ visitors year-round, offering a welcoming atmosphere, stunning scenery, and a variety of activities for all to enjoy. We look forward to a fantastic day of celebration, music, and unity.”
Pride is Universal at Universal Studios Hollywood
June 15, 2024 10pm – 2am
LA Pride’s iconic after-hours party is back at Universal Studios Hollywood, with a limited discounted GA ticket price of $139! Enjoy the magic of when the park closes to the public at 10pm and you get to stay until 2am for the Pride-only after-hours experience with multiple DJ’s, dance areas, cash bars, 14 Universal characters, and enhanced lighting throughout the park! Plus the retail stores, select restaurants, rides, and attractions remain open just for us!
The month-long SaMo Pride celebration returns this June with interactive activities and experiences that honor and celebrate the LGBTQ+ community and promote inclusivity and acceptance in Santa Monica. SaMo Pride is a citywide partnership between Santa Monica Place, Downtown Santa Monica, Inc. (DTSM, Inc.) and Santa Monica Pier, in collaboration with the City of Santa Monica and Santa Monica Travel and Tourism.
Fierce Fables: Drag Queen Pride Family-Edition
June 15 from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m.
At Santa Monica Pier, the community is invited to participate in the Merry-Go-Round Building. Hosted in partnership with The Crow Comedy Club, this event welcomes all family members to enjoy a drag queen and king storytelling corner, face painting and show-stopping dance numbers by Pickle Drag Queen, Pandora Boxx and Johnny Gentleman.
Pride on the Promenade
June 22, from 2 to 8 p.m.
This lively block party transforms Third Street Promenade into a colorful celebration featuring musical performances curated by OUTLOUD, giveaways, games and a retail pop-up marketplace showcasing local LGBTQ+ businesses, creating an inclusive space for all ages to come together and celebrate diversity. Plus, local service providers and community groups will be present along the Promenade, offering support and resources for the LGBTQ+ community.
Sounds of Santa Monica: Pride Edition
June 22, from noon to 6 p.m.
Families will groove to the beats of live musical entertainment by LGBTQ+ performers in Center Plaza under Lanterns of Love, an overhead colorful lantern installation. Vibrant overhead lights will also span from Third Street Promenade to Santa Monica Place, illuminating the festive atmosphere. Also on Saturday, the Santa Monica Place Kid Zone offers kid-friendly Pride programming and activities, creating an educational and entertaining space for children to play and learn about inclusivity and acceptance. For more information about Sounds of Santa Monica: Pride Edition, visit santamonicaplace.com.
The City of Santa Monica is dedicated to increasing visibility and understanding of the broad spectrum of gender identities and experiences within the LGBTQ+ community. The City celebrates Pride with the month-long lighting of City Hall in rainbow colors and a series of educational, uplifting events during the month of June. Community events include the City’s Pride Proclamation on May 28; an AIDS LifeCycle Finish Line Festival on June 8; Rainbow Family Storytime at the Santa Monica Public Library on June 11; Family Pride Drag Queen Storytime with Pickle on June 14; Pride sunset swim at the Annenberg Community Beach House on June 21; and much more.
Hermosa Beach Pride
Friday, June 14 to Sunday June 16, 2024
Location: Hermosa Beach
About the Event: Girls, gays, theys, allies, ALL are welcome to join us for our 4th Annual Hermosa Beach PRIDE, June 14-16! For more information, please visit Hermosa Beach Chamber of Commerce and Visitors Bureau’s website.
This Pride month, Chair of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors Lindsey P. Horvath is supporting a wide range of Pride events throughout Los Angeles County’s Third Supervisorial District in solidarity, support, and love of our LGBTQ+ community.
“This Pride, we’re committed to making sure that our LGBTQ+ community, in all of its beautiful diversity, is welcomed, supported, and celebrated throughout Los Angeles County,” said Chair Horvath. “As we honor the progress we’ve made and continue to push for equality, we must stand strong, use our voices, and make sure that our LGBTQ+ community always feels empowered. The Third District and LA County will be loud and proud in our support for all our LGBTQ+ family, during Pride month and year-round.”
The media and community are invited to join Chair Horvath for the following Pride Month events throughout the Third District.
Venice Pride | May 31st, 5 – 11 p.m. | 99 Windward Ave. | venicepride.org
West Hollywood Pride | June 1st - June 2nd | Santa Monica Blvd. | wehopride.com
Chair Horvath will attend the West Hollywood Pride Parade, which takes place on June 2nd at 12:30 p.m.
Los Angeles Pride | June 8th - June 9th | Hollywood Blvd. | lapride.org
Chair Horvath will attend the Los Angeles Pride Parade, which takes place on June 9th at 11 a.m.
Santa Monica Pride | June 22nd, 2 – 8 p.m. | Third Street Promenade | smpride.com
San Fernando Outdoor Pride Market | June 22nd, 6-10 p.m. | San Fernando Rd. | sfoutdoormarket.com
AFA WRESTLING PRESENTS “OVER THE RAINBOW” JUNE SOCAL PRIDE SHOW
LOS ANGELES, CA — Alliance For All Wrestling (AFA) will hold its largest LGBTQI+ allied professional wrestling event in Azusa at Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW Hall — 250 East 1st Street Azusa, CA 91702 on June 27, 2024.
The “Wizard of Oz” themed show (‘Over the Rainbow’) will be the greatest pro-wrestling Pride event in SoCal history, featuring 40+ of the hottest SoCal wrestling stars on the independent circuit.
Barbie Boi, pro-wrestler and founder of AFA, is encouraging everyone to grab their friends and family, “click their heels three times,” and head on down the yellow brick road to witness a truly magical event.
“‘Over the Rainbow’ is an event that will bring everyone together for a night of love, representation, equality and wrestling,” says Barbie Boi. “Pride Month is such a special time for people to come together and show how important love and equality is. Pro-wrestling, to me, can also bring so many different kinds of people together. This event is showcasing talent representing the community alongside our strong allies. I want everyone to come see what is at the end of our wrestling rainbow. They’re going to love it.”
Featured and confirmed talent include: Effy, Shane Haste, Wolf Zaddies (Che Cabrera & Tito Escondido), Mylo, Sandra Moone, Delilah Doom, Barbie Boi, Keita, G Sharpe, Jazmin Allure, Titus Alexander, Tyler Bateman, Ray Rosas, Maximilien Monclair, Diego Valens, Nina, Brendan Divine, Bryn Throne, Jakob Austin Young, Eli Everfly, Bryce Saturn, Moondog Murray, Hunter Gallagher, El Primohenio, Parada, Chuy Gonzalez, Joey Mayberry, Mateo Valentine, Mighty Mayra, Shelly Benson, Everly Rivera, Marina Tucker, Krusty Krew (Lucas Riley & Dom Kubrick), The Unguided (Matt Vandagriff & Damian Drake), Gypsy Mac, Dante King and Affirmative Action (Da Shade & Project Wes).
Tickets for the June 27 show are $30 for Front Row VIP and $25 for General Admission, currently available for purchase online on Eventbrite. Tickets will also be sold at the door the day of the event.
This is an all inclusive event for all ages. Bar service for alcohol purchase available, and must be 21+ with proper identification. Pride wardrobe encouraged. Merchandise table/ photo-ops with wrestlers/ talent will be held during and after the show. Parking is free next to the VFW building and street parking is also available.
CARD SUBJECT TO CHANGE For more information about AFA – please follow on Instagram: @allianceforallwrestling, Twitter: @afawrestling, or contact via email: [email protected]
San Fernando Valley Pride | June 29th, 11 a.m. – 5 p.m. | Van Nuys | sfvpride.org
March at noon at Van Nuys Blvd. and Gault St.
Important Pride Notes!
Photo courtesy of the City of West Hollywood
WeHo Pride Weekend Street and Facility Closures
WeHo Pride Weekend will Take Place fromFriday, May 31 to Sunday, June 2 in and AroundWest Hollywood Park and the City’s Rainbow District
The City of West Hollywood reminds the community and the region about WeHo Pride-related street and facility closures. Drivers and Metro riders can anticipate increased traffic and commute times; please plan to use alternate routes.
Street Closures will take place, as follows:
N. San Vicente Boulevard closed from Melrose Avenue to Santa Monica Boulevard fromThursday, May 30, at 7 p.m. through Monday, June 3, at 10 a.m.
Santa Monica Blvd (Eastbound) closed from N. La Cienega Boulevard to N. Doheny Drive from Friday, May 31, at 12 p.m. (noon) through Monday, June 3, at 7 a.m.
N. Robertson Boulevard closed from Santa Monica Boulevard to Melrose Avenue fromFriday, May 31, at 12 p.m.(noon) throughMonday, June 3 at 7 a.m.
Santa Monica Boulevard (Westbound) closed from N. La Cienega Boulevard to N. Doheny Drive from Saturday, June 1, at 6 a.m. through Monday, June 3, at 7 a.m.
N. San Vicente Boulevard closed from Santa Monica Boulevard to Cynthia Street from Saturday, June 1, at 6 a.m. through Monday, June 3, at 7 a.m.
Santa Monica Boulevard closed from N. Fairfax Avenue to N. Doheny Drive (including side streets one block north and one block south of Santa Monica Boulevard) from Sunday, June 2 at 5 a.m. through Sunday, June 2, at 5 p.m. for the WeHo Pride Parade. Santa Monica Boulevard from N. La Cienega Boulevard to N. Doheny Drive will remain closed though Monday, June 3 at 7 a.m.
Facility Closures will be, as follows:
West Hollywood Park from Monday, May 27 through Wednesday, June 5 (West Hollywood Park will reopen Thursday, June 6).
Small Dog Park at West Hollywood Park from Monday, May 27 through Wednesday, June 5 (Small Dog Park will reopen Thursday, June 6).
Large Dog Park at West Hollywood Park from Wednesday, May 29 through Tuesday, June 4 (Large Dog Park will reopen Wednesday, June 5).
Five-Story Parking Structure at West Hollywood Park from Thursday, May 30, at 7 p.m. through Monday, June 3, at 10 a.m.
West Hollywood Library Garage at West Hollywood Park from Thursday, May 30, at 7 p.m. through Monday, June 3, at 10 a.m.
Plummer Park South Lot from Thursday, May 30, at 7 p.m. through Monday, June 3, at 12 p.m.
Robertson Lot from Thursday, May 30, at 7 p.m. through Monday, June 3, at 10 a.m.
The City of West Hollywood will activate its annual Pride Ride free shuttle service during #WeHoPride Weekend. The City’s free transit services, The PickUp and Cityline, will offer combined Pride Ride services that will operate over the weekend.
Pride Ride vehicles (both PickUp and Cityline vehicles marked with route/destination) will travel through West Hollywood from N. La Brea Avenue to N. Kings Road along Santa Monica Boulevard. Select Pride Ride vehicles (marked with route/destination) will also run to the Hollywood & Highland Metro Station as follows:
Friday, May 31, 2024 – West Hollywood route will run from 4 p.m. to 3 a.m. From 4 p.m. to 11 p.m. service will run to-and-from the Hollywood & Highland Metro Station.
Saturday, June 1, 2024 – West Hollywood route will run from 11 a.m. to 3 a.m. From 11 a.m. to 8 p.m. service will run to-and-from the Hollywood & Highland Metro Station.
Sunday, June 2, 2024 – West Hollywood route will run from 11 a.m. to midnight. From 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. service will run to-and-from Hollywood & Highland Metro Station to N. Fairfax Avenue and Santa Monica Boulevard due to WeHo Pride Parade street closures. Following the Pride Parade, once streets have reopened, Pride Ride will run along Santa Monica Boulevard between N. La Brea Avenue and N. La Cienega Boulevard until midnight.
WeHo Pride Weekend (May 31 to June 2) will include a free WeHo Pride Street Fair representing a diverse array of LGBTQ community groups as part of visibility, expression, and celebration; the Women’s Freedom Festival; the annual Dyke March; free Friday Night at OUTLOUD; OUTLOUD at WeHo Pride music festival; the WeHo Pride Parade, and a wide range of community group programming throughout Pride month. The WeHo Pride Arts Festival (June 14 – June 16) will take place at various locations throughout West Hollywood.
Avoid the hassle that is parking in LA, and be good to the environment, by using one of LA Metro’s convenient train or bus lines. Wherever you live, LA Pride is accessible by public transportation.
As Pride celebrations continue, the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Authority (Metro), is supporting all the activities. As the official transit partner of LA Pride, we’re conducting station “take overs” on Saturday, June 8 – our Chinatown station that services the concert in the park will be renamed “LA Pride Nation Station” and the station pylon will be wrapped in Pride colors. For your residents headed to the park, getting there is easy, all they have to do is take the A Line to Chinatown Station – one quick stop from L.A. Union Station. Pay Metro fare of $3.50 for a round trip on a TAP card, which cost $2 and are available for purchase at TAP vending machines at all Metro rail and busway stations. Metro has many Park & Ride lots servicing the county – parking is just $3.00 per day, payable onsite.
For the LA Pride parade and block party on Sunday, June 9 stations servicing both the Pride Parade and Block Party will be renamed and wrapped in Pride colors – Hollywood/Highland will be renamed Hollywood/Pride-land and Hollywood/Vine will be renamed Hollywood/Pride. And for those residents headed to both, they just have to take the B/D Line to Hollywood/Highland for the Parade and Hollywood/Vine for the Block Party.
Pay Metro fare of $3.50 for a round trip on a TAP car, which cost $2 and are available for purchase at TAP vending machines at all Metro rail and busway stations. Metro has many Park & Ride lots servicing the county – parking is just $3.00 per day, payable onsite.
Earlier this month, Metro also launched its “Ride with Pride” campaign. You may have already seen them, but our buses and trains are beautifully adorned with vibrant Pride themed designs, showcasing its support for the LGBTQIA+ community and enhancing the festive atmosphere for riders all month long.
Photo courtesy of LA Metro
LA Metro is the proud Official Transit Partner of LA Pride. Look for future announcements about Pride TAP cards, new LA Pride wrapped buses and trains for 2024, station takeovers, parties, and more!
PBS SoCal Celebrates Pride Month With Disco, George Takei and More
Select content slated to air during Pride Month is listedas follows (*schedule subject to change):
L.A.: A QUEER HISTORY – Sat., June 1 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus and Thurs., June 20 at 7 p.m. on PBS SoCal
The 1969 Stonewall Uprising in New York has been widely regarded as the beginning of the Gay Civil Rights Movement, but the true heart of the movement, and what we know as “Gay Culture” was born in Los Angeles. This film sheds light on historical figures who are largely unacknowledged, creating a newfound dialogue about LGBTQ history but also a better understanding of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community.
AMERICAN MASTERS: Ballerina Boys – Sat., June 1 at 11:30 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
The story of Les Ballets Trockadero de Monte Carlo, a company of men who dance on pointe as ballerinas.
DISCO: SOUNDTRACK OF A REVOLUTION “Rock the Boat” – Tues., June 4 at 8:30 p.m. on PBS SoCal and Tues., June 18 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal as well as Sat., June 8 at 5:30 p.m. and Wed, June 19 at 10 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
The opening episode of the series looks at the roots of disco – how it emerged from a basic desire for inclusion, visibility, and freedom among persecuted Black, gay and minority ethnic communities of New York City. It tells the remarkable story of how a global phenomenon began in the loft apartments and basement bars of New York City, where a new generation of DJs and musicians, like David Mancuso, Nicky Siano, Francis Grasso and Earl Young (The Trammps), pioneered a distinct sound and a new way of spinning records.
DISCO: SOUNDTRACK OF A REVOLUTION “Ain’t No Stoppin’ Us Now” – Tues., June 4 at 9:30 p.m. on PBS SoCal and Tues., June 25 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal as well as Sat., June 8 at 6:30 p.m. and Wed, June 26 at 10 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
Set against the backdrop of Black power and sexual liberation, the second episode takes viewers to the high watermark of disco in the mid ’70s. It was the birth of the “disco diva” from Gloria Gaynor and Candi Staton to Donna Summer and Thelma Houston. However, mainstream success by The Bee Gees’ soundtrack album “Saturday Night Fever,” The Rolling Stones’ “Miss You,” Rod Stewart’s “Do Ya Think I’m Sexy” and Studio 54 took disco further and further from its roots of inclusivity and freedom, as straight, white men started to embrace and repackage the sound.
DISCO: SOUNDTRACK OF A REVOLUTION “Stayin’ Alive” – Tues., June 4 at 11 p.m. on PBS SoCal and Tues., July 2 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal as well as Sat., June 8 at 8 p.m. and Wed, July 3 at 10 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
The final episode documents the wellspring of resentment from white, straight, male-dominated, rock-loving middle Americans, as they targeted disco for its hedonism, femininity and queerness. A vocal “Disco Sucks” movement began to gain momentum, culminating in the “Disco Demolition Derby” at Comiskey Park Stadium in Chicago, where organizers destroyed thousands of disco records in front of a baying audience of baseball fans. In addition, the hedonism and sexual liberation embodied by disco found itself stopped in its tracks by the AIDS crisis. Pushed out of the mainstream, the pioneers of disco retreated and regrouped.
DEAR IKE: LOST LETTERS TO A TEEN IDOL – Sat., June 8 at 10 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
The story of a teenager’s all-consuming childhood quest to contact his boyhood idol, Ike Eisenmann, and ask him to star in an animated science-fiction epic that he was forever developing in an overstuffed three-ring binder.
UNIDAD: GAY & LESBIAN LATINOS UNIDOS – Sat., June 15 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
Gay and Lesbian Latinos Unidos was founded in 1981, only a few years before HIV/AIDS began to ravage LGBTQ communities. GLLU was the Los Angeles area’s first major Queer Latin@ organization, and the film chronicles events at a pivotal time in the history of LGBTQ equality, women’s rights and civil rights movements that shaped the destinies of GLLU’s communities.
TO BE TAKEI – Wed., June 19 at 8 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus and Thurs., June 20 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal
This award-winning documentary features Star Trek legend, marriage equality advocate and spokesperson for racial justice; superstar George Takei.
ARTBOUND: LGBTQ Nightlife – Wed., June 19 at 9 p.m. and Sun., June 23 at 4 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
In this episode of ARTBOUND, see how a roving LGBTQ night club event in Los Angeles called “Mustache Mondays” became a creative incubator for today’s leading edge contemporary artists. This film examines the history of these spaces and how they shaped the Queer cultural fabric unique to Southern California.
AMERICAN EXPERIENCE “Stonewall Uprising” – Thurs., June 20 at 10 p.m. on PBS SoCal and Sat., June 22 at 9:30 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
When police raided the Stonewall Inn, a popular gay bar in the Greenwich Village section of New York City on June 28, 1969, the street erupted into violent protests that lasted for the next six days.
LOST LA: Coded Geographies – Sat., June 22 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
This episode of LOST LA explores two underground guidebooks, The Negro Travelers’ Green Book and The Address Book, that reveal the hidden geographies many Angelenos had to navigate, exposing Los Angeles as a place of coded segregation and resistance.
OUTRAGE OF DANNY SOTOMAYOR: American Stories – Sun., June 23 at 5 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
Danny Sotomayor was a man on a mission to address injustice. The fiery, openly gay AIDS activist, political cartoonist and organizer took to the streets of Chicago, using civil disobedience to wage war on city officials who marginalized the LGBTQ+ community and turned a blind eye to the AIDS crisis – all while fighting a losing battle with the disease himself.
CLIVE DAVIS: The Soundtrack of Our Lives – Sat., June 29 at 9 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
A look at the life and work of record executive and producer Clive Davis, whose five-decade career has launched many superstars, including Janis Joplin, Whitney Houston, Bruce Springsteen and Aerosmith.
JUSTLY WED: Scenes from the Marriage Equality Movement – Sun., June 30 at 5 p.m. on PBS SoCal Plus
An exploration of the experience and legacy of the 2004 gay marriages in San Francisco.
Nancy Sims, a University of Houston political science lecturer, said she gave Vice President and Democratic nominee Kamala Harris the edge in Tuesday night’s presidential debate as Harris was successful in “gracefully baiting” her opponent, former President Donald Trump.
According to Sims, the Republican presidential nominee couldn’t avoid getting rattled on stage during the hours-long back-and-forth. At times, Trump appeared angry and flustered throughout the exchange, while Harris maintained her composure, even laughing at some of the former president’s outlandish claims.
“The Trump team [was] looking for him to be solid without being overly aggressive to the point he creates sympathy for her,” Sims said. “Harris’s team was biting their fingernails, praying that she could hold her own with Trump.”
Harris’s first assertion of power took place when she launched herself toward Trump before the debate began with her hand extended. Her first remarks to the former president were, “Let’s have a good debate.” Trump did not go out of his way to approach her, standing close to his podium, but he reciprocated the exchange, saying, “Nice to see you. Have fun.”
As Rice University Political Science Professor Mark Jones anticipated, the former president’s attempted nail in Harris’s coffin was his portrayal of the vice president as an extension of President Joe Biden.
“There’ll be an effort to tie her as much as possible to the Biden Administration and many of its more unpopular policies,” Jones said.
Trump linked Harris to what he illustrated as the current administration’s failings throughout Tuesday night, pointing to flawed border security measures and what the former president described as higher-than-ever inflation.
Sims described Harris’s challenge in the debate as the “new commodity,” leaving viewers wanting to see more details on where she stood with core issues to voters. Conversely, Trump has been in the political sphere for nearly a decade, so many know what to expect from his policy stances.
“Many people are a little more prepared for what he says than they are with her,” Sims said.
Jones echoed Sims’s sentiments and noted that this was a particularly difficult challenge, as hammering out how policies would be implemented could prove difficult in a debate setting.
“You’re on the clock,” Jones said, “You’re dealing with a viewing public that isn’t going to be able to follow you for multiple minutes discussing the finer details of policies.”
Jones was correct that the candidates would follow the playbooks they’ve laid out this election cycle. They reiterated their stances on several key topics, including the economy, immigration, abortion, the energy transition, foreign relations and the future of democracy in the United States.
Harris stated that she had every intention to codify Roe V. Wade or the constitutional right to an abortion for women across the United States. The Democratic presidential nominee also spoke on plans she has to economically support families and small businesses and on efforts she would make toward a clean energy transition without uprooting the oil, gas and coal industries entirely.
Trump stood steadfast in his ability to strengthen foreign relations and curb the “border crisis” or influx of “illegal aliens” into the country. He added that he would fix what he described as the country’s bad elections and reduce living costs to improve people’s financial situations.
However, there were still moments when both struggled to find their footing, such as when Trump made repeated claims that had previously been discounted.
David Muir, an anchor for ABC World News Tonight and one of the debate’s moderators, debunked in real time the claim made by Trump that Haitian immigrants were eating dogs and cats. Muir read aloud a statement from the city manager of Springfield, Ohio where the allegations started. The statement denied any valid reports of such incidents occurring.
Harris was criticized for appearing to skirt around questions on what some political experts have described as her flip-flopping positions. When moderator Linsey Davis — anchor of the Sunday edition of ABC World News Tonight — asked the vice president about these switch-ups, she appeared to dodge the matter.
Harris did assert she was clear about fracking since pivoting from saying she opposed it during an earlier election cycle. The vice president took a broader stroke approach, adding that her “values have not changed,” placing a blanket statement over her other presidential priorities.
The moderators also attempted to get clear-cut answers from Trump about whether he would support the implementation of a nationwide abortion ban and if he would’ve handled anything differently on January 6. The Republican presidential nominee declined to answer the abortion-related question directly, saying it wouldn’t matter because neither he nor Harris could get the votes in the U.S. Congress to further the effort.
The former president also danced around Muir’s request for him to say if he had any regrets regarding his participation in the insurrection in the U.S. Capitol.
The soft-served policy stances and quick-spun political — sometimes personal — jabs created a charged, borderline combative atmosphere at the nearly two-hour debate. Sims noted that protocol to prevent candidates from talking out of turn, such as the muted microphones, did not seem to accomplish much in maintaining order. Viewers could hear Harris and Trump muttering additional comments occasionally while each other was talking.
Tuesday marked the first time the Democratic and Republican presidential nominees faced off against one another this election cycle. The last presidential debate featured Biden and Trump and took place before Biden ended his bid for reelection.
Harris announced her campaign in late July and subsequently chose running mate Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, who is scheduled to debate Trump’s vice presidential pick, Ohio Senator J.D. Vance, on Tuesday, October 1.
Harris’s campaign called for a second debate against Trump less than an hour after Tuesday night’s event ended. Trump has not committed to a second match-up with the vice president.
Sharing a salt-and-butter breakfast roll with her grandson at a Newhall bakery, stalwart Republican Jill Brown said former President Trump’s guilty verdict in a Manhattan courtroom won’t dent her plans to vote for him in the November presidential election.
The longtime Santa Clarita resident and retired teacher, who voted for Trump in 2016 and 2020, suspects Biden was also guilty of unspecified crimes and didn’t know why prosecutors were focusing on Trump’s actions.
“Hush money has been going on since the beginning of time. So I don’t know why they’re making such a big deal about it,” Brown, 69, said Friday.
In Santa Clarita, nestled in a hotly contested congressional district that is expected to help determine which party controls Congress next year, Trump’s guilty verdict did little to sway Brown or other hardcore Republicans.
But it may nudge moderate swing voters, and that could be pivotal in deciding the fate of Rep. Mike Garcia (R-Santa Clarita) this election.
Still, it remains to be seen whether the verdict — and anycorresponding stain on the presumptive Republican presidential nominee — will affect a congressional race in which the overheated national discourse has often taken a backseat to the issues affecting the day-to-day lives of Californians.
“Those who try to nationalize this race and make everything super partisan fundamentally misunderstand our district,” said Charles Hughes, an Antelope Valley resident and president of the local Republican central committee. Hughes didn’t think the verdict would have any impact on the race or support for Garcia.
Garcia is hoping to fend off Democratic challenger George Whitesides in California’s closely divided 27th Congressional District, where voters have twice reelected their Republican congressman — despite a double-digit Democrat voter registration advantage. In the 2020 presidential election, Biden beat Trump in the district by 12 percentage points.
About an hour’s drive from the solidly liberal confines of downtown Los Angeles, the congressional district sprawls from Santa Clarita into the folds and valleys of the San Gabriel Mountains and high desert frontier of Lancaster and Palmdale.
Once staunchly red territory, this district has been on the front lines of partisan warfare since a millennial Democrat unseated the Republican incumbent in a nationally watched 2018 race. But her meteoric rise met an equally quick fall, with Rep. Katie Hill resigning less than a year later amid a sex scandal. Garcia won the seat in a special election and has managed to retain it in two subsequent regular elections.
Kevin Mahan, 72, an independent voter, hasn’t decided how he’ll vote in the November congressional race. As a recent transplant from Glendale, he doesn’t know much about Santa Clarita politics or Garcia. But Mahan said he’d be unlikely to support Garcia, adding, “If somebody’s in bed with Trump, I’m not gonna vote for him.”
The historic criminal conviction of Trump was a sad day for America, Mahan said.
Outside money, busloads of volunteers and unabated national attention have poured in during each of those election cycles. 2024 will be no different: The race for the 27th remains one of the most competitive congressional contests in the nation, and the results will undoubtedly help shape partisan control of the House. It’s one of four California races rated as a “toss up” by the nonpartisan Cook Political Report.
But the Trump verdict and potential associations for Garcia — who had been endorsed by Trump in the past — could influence independent voters, who account for more than a fifth of the district’s electorate.
Views of the trial and verdict have been shaped by a voters’ underlying political allegiances, with polling showing that Democrats overwhelmingly saw the trial as fair, whereas only a tiny fraction of Republicans agreed with that sentiment. Independents were evenly split on the relative fairness of the trial.
Garcia has yet to comment on the verdict. Whitesides used it as an opportunity to highlight the ties between the former president and the L.A.-area congressman, saying in a statement that “Garcia is focused on defending Trump, rather than serving us” and noting that his opponent was one of several California Republicans who voted against certifying the 2020 election results.
Democratic allies, like Santa Clarita Valley Democrats Chair and founder Andrew Taban and former Democratic candidate Christy Smith, who ran three unsuccessful campaigns against Garcia in the past, were hopeful that the trial could push independent voters toward Whitesides.
“The key thing to remember about CA-27 is that while the biggest voting bloc of registered voters are Democrats, the second largest bloc are independent voters, and independent voters consistently in this district have broken for President Biden,” Smith said. With “the right kind of exposure,” she posited, Garcia’s ties to Trump could impact how those independents vote in the November congressional race.
Democratic congressional candidate George Whitesides, pictured at a 2013 event in Mojave, has noted that opponent Rep. Mike Garcia was one of several California Republicans who voted against certifying the 2020 election results.
(Reed Saxon / Associated Press)
As his group canvasses for Whitesides and other local Democratic candidates, Taban said he expected the verdict might come up in conversations with voters, particularly as he and other club members plan to underscore the fact that Garcia is “for sure a Trump loyalist.”
But at the end of the day, congressional swing voters are going to be much more focused on economic issues such as gas and grocery prices, crime and the border, said Jon Fleischman, a Republican strategist and former state GOP executive director.
“I’m not saying that voter opinions about Trump do not matter,” Fleischman said. “I just don’t think the verdicts Thursday change many minds.”
Biden administration officials on Monday unveiled the details of a new plan to forgive student loan debt, suggesting that millions of Americans could start seeing debt relief as soon as this fall.The new set of proposals, which CNN reported on Friday, have yet to be finalized. It’s President Joe Biden’s second attempt to implement broad student loan forgiveness. His first plan was struck down by the Supreme Court last summer.The new policies, when combined with the more narrow actions already taken by the Biden administration to cancel student debt, would benefit more than 30 million Americans, according to a fact sheet provided by the White House.That means that nearly 70% of all federal student loan borrowers would see their debt reduced or fully canceled due to Biden’s policies.But first, the plans must be finalized – a process that could take months – and must withstand any potential legal challenges.Biden’s new student loan forgiveness proposals could set up another fight with Republicans. Several conservative-led states and groups sued the Biden administration over the first student forgiveness program, arguing that the executive branch had overstepped its authority.”President Biden will use every tool available to cancel student loan debt for as many borrowers as possible, no matter how many times Republican elected officials try to stand in his way,” White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said Sunday on a call with reporters.After the Supreme Court rejected Biden’s first plan last year, the president vowed to pursue another pathway to delivering student loan debt relief. Since then, the Department of Education has been conducting a formal and lengthy process, known as negotiated rulemaking, to develop a new student loan forgiveness program.It’s a different process from what the Biden administration used in its first attempt to provide sweeping loan forgiveness, which would have canceled up to $20,000 in student loan debt for borrowers earning $125,000 or less a year.The new plans target specific groups of borrowers. If implemented as proposed, borrowers could see relief if they fall into any of the following categories:Those who have balances bigger than what they originally borrowed due to interest. Those who already qualify for student loan forgiveness under existing programs but have not applied. Those who entered repayment at least 20 years ago.Those who enrolled in “low financial value” programs, which left students in debt but without good job prospects. Those experiencing financial hardship.The new proposals unveiled Monday must still go through a public comment period. Then, after reviewing those comments, the Department of Education will publish a final version of the rule.Typically, if a final rule is published after going through negotiated rulemaking by November 1, it can take effect on July 1, 2025.But some exceptions are allowed, and parts of the rule could be implemented early. For example, the Biden administration implemented parts of the SAVE Plan – an income-driven student loan repayment plan – last year while other parts of the plan won’t take effect until July.In the case of the new student loan forgiveness proposals, the Department of Education could start canceling accrued interest for qualifying borrowers this fall, according to the White House.Even though Biden’s sweeping student loan forgiveness got knocked down by the Supreme Court, his administration has still canceled more student loan debt than under any other president – mostly by using existing programs. His administration has made it easier for certain groups of borrowers – such as public-sector workers, including teachers; disabled borrowers; and people who were defrauded by for-profit colleges – to qualify for student loan debt forgiveness.So far, 4 million people have seen their federal student debt canceled under Biden, totaling $146 billion.
Biden administration officials on Monday unveiled the details of a new plan to forgive student loan debt, suggesting that millions of Americans could start seeing debt relief as soon as this fall.
The new policies, when combined with the more narrow actions already taken by the Biden administration to cancel student debt, would benefit more than 30 million Americans, according to a fact sheet provided by the White House.
That means that nearly 70% of all federal student loan borrowers would see their debt reduced or fully canceled due to Biden’s policies.
But first, the plans must be finalized – a process that could take months – and must withstand any potential legal challenges.
Biden’s new student loan forgiveness proposals could set up another fight with Republicans. Several conservative-led states and groups sued the Biden administration over the first student forgiveness program, arguing that the executive branch had overstepped its authority.
“President Biden will use every tool available to cancel student loan debt for as many borrowers as possible, no matter how many times Republican elected officials try to stand in his way,” White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said Sunday on a call with reporters.
After the Supreme Court rejected Biden’s first plan last year, the president vowed to pursue another pathway to delivering student loan debt relief. Since then, the Department of Education has been conducting a formal and lengthy process, known as negotiated rulemaking, to develop a new student loan forgiveness program.
It’s a different process from what the Biden administration used in its first attempt to provide sweeping loan forgiveness, which would have canceled up to $20,000 in student loan debt for borrowers earning $125,000 or less a year.
The new plans target specific groups of borrowers. If implemented as proposed, borrowers could see relief if they fall into any of the following categories:
Those who have balances bigger than what they originally borrowed due to interest.
Those who already qualify for student loan forgiveness under existing programs but have not applied.
Those who entered repayment at least 20 years ago.
Those who enrolled in “low financial value” programs, which left students in debt but without good job prospects.
Those experiencing financial hardship.
The new proposals unveiled Monday must still go through a public comment period. Then, after reviewing those comments, the Department of Education will publish a final version of the rule.
Typically, if a final rule is published after going through negotiated rulemaking by November 1, it can take effect on July 1, 2025.
But some exceptions are allowed, and parts of the rule could be implemented early. For example, the Biden administration implemented parts of the SAVE Plan – an income-driven student loan repayment plan – last year while other parts of the plan won’t take effect until July.
In the case of the new student loan forgiveness proposals, the Department of Education could start canceling accrued interest for qualifying borrowers this fall, according to the White House.
Even though Biden’s sweeping student loan forgiveness got knocked down by the Supreme Court, his administration has still canceled more student loan debt than under any other president – mostly by using existing programs. His administration has made it easier for certain groups of borrowers – such as public-sector workers, including teachers; disabled borrowers; and people who were defrauded by for-profit colleges – to qualify for student loan debt forgiveness.
So far, 4 million people have seen their federal student debt canceled under Biden, totaling $146 billion.
As election returns rolled in on the evening of November 3, 2020, a local news host in Phoenix was starring in an intensely awkward broadcast. The Fox 10 anchor Kari Lake was refusing to call Arizona for Joe Biden—even though her network had already done so. “If [voters] wake up tomorrow or two days later and it flips,” she insisted, her pendant earrings swinging, “there’s distrust in the system.” Lake’s co-anchor, John Hook, lost patience. “Well, we’re taking our cues from Fox, the mothership,” he interrupted. “That’s kind of what we do.”
A few weeks after the election, Lake went on leave. In March 2021, the 51-year-old announced that she was quitting TV altogether. What happened next was a political rise that not even Lake herself could have anticipated.
That June, she declared a bid for governor of Arizona. Unlike other Republicans, Lake said, she would kowtow to nobody and nothing—not the would-be election fraudsters of the Democratic Party, not the federal government’s mandates, and certainly not the radical left. She quickly earned Donald Trump’s endorsement, began paying visits to Mar-a-Lago, and started speaking alongside the former president at rallies—he’s joining her on the stump in Mesa today. By August of this year, Lake had defeated all of herGOP primary opponents. Now Lake is one election away from the governor’s office.
I’ve been following Lake’s campaign since January, when I went to cover a Trump rally in Florence, about an hour’s drive southeast of Phoenix. Because I was there for his 2024 “soft launch,” as I called it then, I hadn’t paid much attention when Lake walked up to the podium, wrapped in a gray poncho. The crowd started screaming for her, chanting her name. Lake vowed to lock up “that liar” Anthony Fauci, as well as anyone involved with the “corrupt, shady, shoddy election of 2020.” The applause was deafening.
The way Lake has imitated Trump’s rhetoric is obvious, but as I’ve followed her in the months since, something else has become clear: She is much better at this than Trump’s other emulators. That makes sense, given her first career in front of the camera, cultivating trust among thousands of Maricopa County viewers. But this is more than imitation: Lake has made MAGA her own. She’s agile as a politician in a way that other high-profile Trump-endorsed candidates, like scandal-plagued Herschel Walker and crudités-eating Mehmet Oz, are not. Lake is more likable than Senate hopefuls like Blake Masters or J. D. Vance. And she bats at the press with a vivacity unmatched by anyone but the big man himself.
Lake is in a neck-and-neck race in Arizona, but she arguably has a better chance than any other famous Trump endorsee this cycle. Her Democratic opponent, the current Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, is a remarkably dull candidate who has refused to debate Lake, calling her a “conspiracy theorist.” That refusal might be a gift: This week, Lake will get a 30-minute solo interview on the local PBS affiliate.
If Lake wins in November, the stakes are clear: Her administration will oversee elections in a swing state that will help decide the next president of the United States. All “Stop the Steal” candidates pose a threat to American democracy, but Lake’s race “is a category on its own,” Tim Miller, a Republican strategist and Trump critic, told me. “On a scale of one to 10, this is a 13-level threat.”
Win or lose, Lake’s political trajectory seems set to stretch well beyond the November election. Her success so far has unlocked glittering possibilities, including book deals and prime-time pro-Trump TV slots. She may even be rewarded with a spot alongside Trump on the 2024 presidential ticket. Whatever happens, Kari Lake is here to stay.
“I would really love to talk to you,” I told Lake. By this point, on a stiflingly hot September evening in Tempe, I’d been asking Lake’s campaign team for an interview with her for weeks. I’d sent repeated emails, lobbied, and cajoled, but to no effect other than an appointment that fell through. When that didn’t pan out, I introduced myself to Lake amid a small crowd outside the Sun Devil Stadium ahead of an Arizona State football game. Members of her team formed a tight circle around us, and her husband, Jeff Halperin, filmed the interaction. (He gathers footage for campaign ads and social-media mockery purposes.)
Lake stood so close that I could see the different shades of brown in her irises. Sweat dripped down my back. “I’ve read your work,” she said. There’s a seductive power to Lake’s voice: deep but still feminine; firm, even severe, but smooth. Like black tea with a little honey. This is what I was thinking as she noted that I had used phrases like election denier and conspiracy theorist to describe her in past articles. “That,” she told me, not breaking eye contact, “is judgment, not journalism.”
All the same, Lake told me that she’d think about an interview. Two days later, at an “Ask Me Anything” public event, her campaign skirted my requests. An aide suggested that we make it a Zoom interview, but this never happened. Lake and I never met again.
This was too bad, because Lake is adept at telling her story. She grew up in rural Iowa, near the Quad Cities, as the youngest of nine children—eight girls and one boy. “My family was very poor,” she says in a campaign ad. “I lived off of a gravel road. We didn’t even have a house number!” (Route numbers were standard at the time, regardless of income; I know this because I too grew up in rural Iowa.) Lake studied journalism at the University of Iowa and worked at news stations in Iowa and New York State before moving to Arizona. She was an anchor at Fox 10 for 22 years, mostly covering the evening news.
I talked with half a dozen of Lake’s former Fox 10 co-workers for this story, and all but one requested anonymity—partly because current employees are not authorized to talk to reporters about Lake, and partly because they fear retaliation from the candidate and her supporters. She was demanding, they told me, and always wanted her lighting just so. She would sometimes belittle the production staff. But she was good at her job, fluent and warm on camera. Viewers liked her.
Back then, most of her friends at work assumed that she was politically liberal. She was a casual Buddhist, they said, and she’d donated to John Kerry and Barack Obama. She’d once called for amnesty for the roughly 11 million immigrants living in America illegally. (Lake was reportedly a Republican before she registered as an independent in 2006, and as a Democrat in 2008. She reregistered as a Republican in 2012.) Plus, Lake was fun. She liked to host dinner parties, and entertained guests with her bawdy sense of humor. She was good friends with some of the gay men in the newsroom—she’d vacationed with a few on occasion. And she sometimes attended drag shows at a local bar with other newsroom staff, former colleagues and friends told me. She even became friends with the well-known Phoenix drag queen, Barbra Seville. Lake “was the queen of the gays!” a former colleague told me.
Nowadays, Lake wears a small gold cross on a chain around her neck. She prays before rallies and has warned of the dangers of “drag-queen story hour.” “They kicked God out of schools and welcomed the Drag Queens,” she tweeted in June. “They took down our Flag and replaced it with a rainbow.” This is puzzling and hurtful to Lake’s former friends. Lake did not used to be the “anti-choice, anti-science, election-denying caricature that she’s become,” Richard Stevens, who performs as Seville, told me. A former colleague sighed when I asked him about Lake’s evolution, “It’s like the death of a friend.” (Lake’s campaign did not respond to requests for comment for this story. Previously, her campaign has acknowledged that Stevens was “once a friend” and that she attended an event with a “Marilyn Monroe impersonator,” but has accused Stevens of spreading “defamatory lies.”)
Before her campaign, Lake had praise for the late Senator John McCain, and she was friends with his son Jimmy for years. But during her bid, Lake has repeatedly attacked the late Arizona politician. “It’s extremely upsetting on a personal level,” Meghan McCain, the senator’s daughter, told me. “I don’t know if it’s authentic,” she added, referring to Lake’s campaign persona, but “she is a savant at imitating Trump.”
Two of Lake’s former co-workers pointed to Trump’s political rise as the start of her evolution. She liked that he was an outsider, not a politician, they said. She would even score an interview with him, a major get for a local news anchor.
Lake was a skilled—and frequent—poster on social media. Starting in 2018, a wide-screen monitor sat above the assignment desk at the Fox 10 newsroom, showing which of the on-air talent had the most retweets, likes, and replies—and who was trailing. “We called it the Hunger Games,” another former colleague told me. Lake’s name nearly always appeared at the top of the rankings.
Soon, her posts took on a right-wing tinge. On Facebook, she’d sometimes share a defense of Trump with a just-asking-questions line at the end: “The cry-baby establishment Republicans are now saying they ‘can’t support’ Donald Trump,” she wrote in 2016. “Your thoughts??” In 2018, she said on Twitter that the “Red for Ed” movement in Arizona was secretly an effort to legalize marijuana. (She later apologized.) She retweeted an unverified claim of election fraud. Then the pandemic hit. Lake shared misinformation about the virus, including a debunked video that YouTube had previously removed. (She went on to host anti-mask rallies and question the efficacy of COVID-19 vaccines.)
But the part of Lake’s TV career that got Arizonans’ attention was the part when she left. “She had the guts, the courage, to quit being an anchor,” a supporter named Sandra Walker told me at a Latinos for Lake event in Mesa in late September. “That says a lot about her character.” A man named Dennis told me excitedly that he watched Lake “quit her job live on air!” She didn’t. What she did do was post a two-and-a-half-minute video on the site Rumble in March 2021 to announce her resignation from Fox 10. “Journalism has changed a lot since I first stepped into a newsroom, and I’ll be honest, I don’t like the direction it’s going,” Lake says to the camera. The video looks filmed in soft focus: Lake’s skin is impossibly smooth, and the background is blurry, giving the recording an ethereal quality that continues to characterize her campaign videos, as though she is speaking to voters through some sort of religious vision. In the past few years, she goes on, “I found myself reading news copy that I didn’t believe was fully truthful, or only told part of the story … I’ve decided the time is right to do something else.”
Many of Lake’s former newsroom colleagues felt blindsided by that video. “For her to say what she did and what we’re doing now is fake news and that we’re some sort of media monster is baffling,” one of them told me. (I sought comment from Fox 10 on this but did not receive a response.) “She had a very good life making very good money paid for by Fox, you know? Now we’re the enemy of the people?”
People change. But somepeople who knew Lake view her evolution—and her unflinching support for Trump—as mostly an act. Lake has always been good at image management, Diana Pike, the former HR director at Fox 10, told me. “She’s a performer.” Lake “read the room, took the temperature, and realized there’s an anti-media sentiment for a lot of people,” Stevens said. “Rather than using her platform to fix it, she chose to throw fuel on that fire.”
When Lake made her resignation announcement, she implied that her departure was a way to stick it to the network as a whistleblower. But according to Pike, who left Fox 10 in 2019 but is familiar with the matter through her existing contacts with the network and her understanding of its operation, Lake and Fox reached a settlement agreement. “She wanted to go, and we wanted her to go,” Pike said.“She walked away with a pot of gold.”
All political campaigns are a performance. Regardless of whether such a seasoned journalist as Lake actually believes, in the absence of any evidence, that the 2020 presidential election was rigged for Biden, her persistent middle finger to the political establishment carries a conviction that appeals to people. “Kari Lake is like my comments section turned into a person,” Kyle Conklin, a supporter from Show Low, told me at the Ask Me Anything event. “I’m unapologetic about what I feel—and she seems to be on the same page.”
“We know that if we have another election that is stolen from us, we’re going to lose this country forever,” Lake told the Conservative Political Action Conference in Orlando last February. She’d been campaigning for about eight months, and she had her talking points down: She’d called the reporters in the back “propaganda” for not talking about the benefits of hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin in warding off COVID-19. She’d suggested that all of America’s political “tyrants”—those bossy public-health officials and the coastal elites—could “shove it.” Stolen elections have consequences, she said, listing them off: sky-high inflation; open borders; schools masking children; vaccine mandates. “None of this would be happening if the man who truly won the election was sitting in the Oval Office,” Lake told the cheering crowd.
During her campaign, Lake has promised that, as governor, she’d issue a “declaration of invasion” at the southern border, and she’s pledged to end the “woke” curriculum taught in Arizona’s public schools. But the message that set her apart from other Republicans in the primary was her commitment to the claim that the 2020 election was stolen. She helped lead the charge to audit the results of the election in 2021, and despite that review’s confirmation of Biden’s victory, Lake continued to bang the election-integrity drum. She told reporters that if she’d been governor instead of Doug Ducey, she would not have certified Arizona’s election results. “Deep down, I think we all know this illegitimate fool in the White House—I feel sorry for him—didn’t win,” she told The New York Times in August. Before her own primary election, Lake warned that she was already detecting signs of fraud (for which she declined to offer proof).
The former president appears delighted by Lake’s commitment to the 2020-election bit. “It doesn’t matter what you ask Kari Lake about—‘How’s your family?’ And she’s like, ‘The family’s fine but they’re never going to be great until we have free and fair elections,’” Trump reportedly told donors. Lake is a lot like Trump, whose wild assertions carry the implication that he should be taken seriously, but not literally. But she’s different from him in several ways—ways that might ultimately make her a better standard-bearer for the MAGA movement.
Lake is an elegant, polished speaker. Unlike Trump, she doesn’t ruminate on flushing toilets or offer random asides about stabbings and rapes. She presents a calm self-assurance that can make even the wackiest conspiracy theories seem plausible. “She could talk about lizard people and you’d be like, ‘What is up with those lizard people? That is a great point!’” an Arizona Republican operative told me. What other MAGA Republicans possess this kind of magnetism? Although Florida Governor Ron DeSantis is regarded as the most likely contender to inherit the mantle of Trumpism, onstage he is a charmless, wax-statue version of Trump. No, there’s something about Lake that makes people—viewers, voters—want to buy what she’s selling.
“She’s using 25 years of high-level journalism to present an idea,” another former Fox 10 colleague told me. “And she’s smart! She’s not dumb. Which makes her frickin’ dangerous, if you ask me.”
Like Trump, Lake is fluent in media, and she knows how to deliver a zinger that will quickly go viral. “I’ll do an interview as long as it airs on CNN+. Does that still exist?” she asked a CNN reporter in June. Later that month, during a circus of a primary debate, Lake looked around, watching her three Republican opponents argue over one another about election integrity. “I feel like I’m in an SNL skit here,” she said, smiling and gesturing to her opponents. She turned to the moderator. “Are you going to be able to take control of the debate or do you want me to do it?” Lake is good at spotting her opponents’ vulnerabilities, “and the quickness to use them in her responses is absolutely devastating,” Nicole Hemmer, a historian at Columbia University who studies the conservative movement, told me. “It’s sticking it to the libs in such a clever, twist-of-the-knife way.”
Sticking it to the libs, though, isn’t a recipe for general-election success in Arizona. Although history suggests that Republicans should sweep the midterms, the state is sending mixed signals this year. A newly relevant 1864 law banning abortion could help drive Democratic turnout in the state. And though still a pale red, Arizona is purpling: Biden won the state in 2020, despite what Trump and Lake allege. Yet Lake is better positioned in her race than other prominent would-be GOP governors: In Pennsylvania and Michigan respectively, Republicans Doug Mastriano and Tudor Dixon are trailing their Democratic opponents by double digits.
Last week, Lake made one of her first significant mistakes when she seemed to contradict her own campaign’s anti-abortion position—a confusion that may reflect an awareness that she still needs to attract independents and moderates for any hope of a November victory. At the Ask Me Anything event I attended last month in downtown Phoenix, Lake came onstage after the crowd had stood for both the Pledge of Allegiance and the national anthem, as if we were at a basketball game. She was late because she’d been in a huddle with her team. “I always like to start with a little prayer,” she explained to the audience with a smile.
For an hour, Lake answered questions from a moderator about rising homelessness in Phoenix (“We will provide help … But we will be banning urban camping in Arizona!”), and about how “Mama bears” feel about “critical race theory” in schools (“I don’t like this woke stuff, I really don’t. Am I alone in that?”). She spent a while talking about a few of her more interesting policy ideas, including an education plan that would give high-school kids the option to study a trade in school. Lake alluded to 2020 only briefly: “We can’t keep having every election where half of the electorate or more feels that the election—or knows the election—was not fair.”
All along, Lake’s campaign has seemed like an audition—not just before the people of Arizona but before all of MAGA world. If she wins on November 8, she will have proved that her smooth, put-together version of Trumpism works. The former president already loves her, talks about her, rallies with her—and, just maybe, might decide that she’d make the perfect running mate. “It’s not crazy to think she’d be on a Trump VP list,” Miller, the Trump-critical Republican strategist, told me. Over and over, Arizona strategists suggested the same thing. They could see Lake as “Trump’s Sarah Palin,” they told me—only Lake could be much more effective. (A spokesperson for Trump did not respond to requests for comment on this.)
Lake has grown accustomed to the heat of the national spotlight, and even if next month doesn’t go her way, she won’t be retreating to her Phoenix home. With her TV experience, she could join a pro-Trump network. Another Arizona Senate seat will be open in two years, and she’d have a good shot at it. The MAGA movement will carry on, regardless of the midterms outcome—and Lake will be at the forefront of it. Or, as Meghan McCain put it to me, “Even if she loses, she’s won.”
Late on August 2, several hours after polls had closed, Lake’s campaign learned that she’d taken the lead in the primary. There were still many votes to count, and most news organizations hadn’t yet called the race, including Fox. But Lake walked onstage in a satiny blue shirt. “We are going to win this,” she told the crowd of lingering supporters, while a ceiling-high projection of the Arizona state flag rippled behind her. She promised to continue her crusade to root out corruption in Arizona’s elections, and she addressed Republican state legislature candidates in the back of the room. “The first week, we’ve got to have legislation to turn these elections around,” she instructed them. “No more corrupt elections, no more BS. We will not take it!”
A few moments later, Lake spoke to the rest of the audience, her voice low but forceful. “God placed us here for a reason,” she said. “The very same God who parted the Red Sea, the very same God who moved mountains, is with us right now as we take back our country and save this republic.”
The two major factors shaping the 2022 midterm elections collided in tumultuous fashion on Tuesday morning.
First came the government report that inflation last month had increased faster than economists had expected or President Joe Biden had hoped. The announcement triggered a sharp fall in the stock market, the worst day on Wall Street in two years.
That same afternoon, Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina introduced legislation that would impose a nationwide ban on abortion after 15 weeks of pregnancy.
The inflation report captured this year’s most powerful tailwind for Republicans: widespread dissatisfaction with Biden’s management of the economy. Graham’s announcement captured this year’s strongest Democratic tailwind: widespread unease about abortion rights.
The shift in the campaign debate away from Biden’s management of the economy and toward the GOP’s priorities on abortion and other issues has been the principal factor improving Democratic prospects since earlier this summer. But the unexpectedly pessimistic inflation report—which showed soaring grocery and housing bills overshadowing a steady decline in gasoline prices—was a pointed reminder that the economy remains a formidable threat to Democrats in November.
These two events also underscored how, to an extremely unusual degree, the parties are talking past each other. As the Democratic pollster Molly Murphy told me, 2022 is not an election year when most Americans “agree on what the top priorities [for the country] are” and debate “different solutions” from the two major parties.
Instead, surveys show that Republican voters stress inflation, the overall condition of the economy, crime, and immigration. For Democratic voters, the top priorities are abortion rights, the threats to democracy created by former President Donald Trump and his movement, gun control, climate change, and health care.
Few questions may shape the November results as much as whether the issues Democrats are stressing continue to motivate roughly as many voters as Republicans’ preferred issues. Gene Ulm, a Republican pollster, told me he believes that pocketbook strains will ultimately prove decisive for most voters, particularly those without a college degree. Those voters, he added, are basically saying, “‘I am worried about putting food on the table, and you are talking to me about all this other crap.’”
Yet there is no question that Democratic candidates are performing far above the consistently bleak public assessments of the economy, and especially Biden’s management of it. In one sense, that’s not shocking: Over the past few decades, voters’ economic assessments have become less predictive of election results, in large part because those judgments are themselves so heavily shaped by partisanship. But even in light of that trend, the disconnect between voters’ views on Biden’s economic management and their willingness to support Democratic candidates for the House and Senate remains striking.
Biden has positive trends in the economy to celebrate, particularly robust job growth. He’s been cutting ribbons at a steady procession of infrastructure projects and manufacturing-plant openings (like last week’s groundbreaking for an Intel semiconductor facility in Ohio) tied to the tax incentives and direct spending from the infrastructure, climate, and semiconductor bills that he’s signed. Those economic milestones—yesterday, for instance, the White House touted $85 billion in new private investments for electric-vehicle production since Biden took office—will likely be a political asset for him in 2024, especially in the pivotal states across the industrial Midwest. But those accomplishments won’t necessarily sway voters this November, and in any case, all of these favorable trends for now are being overshadowed in most households by the persistent pain of higher prices on consumer goods.
Even before this week’s inflation report, voters gave Biden an extremely negative grade for his economic performance. In an NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist Institute poll released last week, just 34 percent of those surveyed said that his actions have helped the economy, while 57 percent said they have hurt it. Not surprisingly, that discontent was most intense among Republicans and also among white voters without a college degree (a stunning 76 percent of whom said Biden’s actions had hurt the economy.) But that belief was also shared by 63 percent of independents, 55 percent of Generation Z and Millennial voters, 47 percent of nonwhite voters, and even 16 percent of people who voted for him in 2020.
However, the share in each of these groups that gave Biden an overall positive mark on his job performance was consistently five to nine percentage points higher than those who believed his actions had helped the economy. And the share in each group that said they intend to support House Democrats in the November election was higher still—enough to give Democrats a narrow lead on that crucial question. Independents, for example, were split evenly on which party they intend to support in November, even though they were negative on Biden’s economic performance by more than two to one.
This stark pattern points to another consequential anomaly in the 2022 polling so far. One of the most powerful modern trends in congressional races is a correlation between voters’ attitudes toward the president and their willingness to vote for candidates from his party. Virtually all voters who “strongly disapprove” of a president have voted against his party’s candidates in recent House and Senate elections. In 2018, two-thirds of voters who even “somewhat disapproved” of Trump voted for Democratic House candidates, according to exit polls. In 2010, two-thirds of voters who “somewhat disapproved” of Barack Obama likewise voted for Republican candidates.
Murphy told me this disconnect has been evident since the outset of Biden’s presidency: Even when his approval numbers were high during his first months, she said of her polling, that didn’t lift other Democratic candidates, so she’s not entirely surprised that his decline hasn’t tugged them down. But Murphy, like others in the party, believes that concerns about Republicans—centered on their abortion-restriction efforts, their nomination of extremist and election-denying candidates, and their unflagging defense of Trump—also explain why Democratic candidates are consistently running ahead of Biden’s approval rating.
“It should have been pretty easy for [Republicans] to put these races away, given how concerned voters are about the economy and inflation,” Murphy told me. Now, she said, “I do think they are having to go back to the drawing board.”
Graham’s abortion legislation is certain to benefit Democratic efforts to shift voter focus from what Biden has done to what Republicans might do if returned to power. In a press conference, Graham flatly declared, “If we take back the House and Senate, I’ll assure you we’ll have a vote on our bill.” Although many Republican senators and candidates quickly distanced themselves from his proposal, his pledge meant that every Democratic Senate candidate can plausibly argue that creating a GOP majority in the chamber will ensure a congressional vote on a national abortion ban.
Dan Sena, the former executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, who now consults for many party House candidates, told me that the abortion fight’s biggest impact will be to inspire higher turnout from liberal-leaning and young voters. Abortion, he said, “has energized a group of people that we saw in 2018 and we saw in 2020 that traditionally don’t participate in midterm elections and are much more motivated by the cultural fight.”
Yet few Democrats believe that the political threat from inflation and general unease about the economy is behind them in this election cycle. In focus groups, Ulm, the GOP pollster, told me, “We hear more gripes about groceries than anything.” Sena largely agrees: “Jobs and paychecks still matter, pal,” he said.
One Democratic pollster, who asked not to be identified while discussing private campaign research, told me that inflation and crime—the principal issues Republicans are stressing on the campaign trail—remain tangible and immediate concerns in swing districts. In House district polling, the pollster said, the firm often asks voters whether they worry more that Democratic policies are fueling inflation and crime or that Republicans are too extreme on abortion and too soft on the January 6 insurrection. On balance, the pollster told me, most respondents in swing districts say they worry more about Democratic policies.
Yes, the pollster said, the Supreme Court abortion decision, the revelations about Trump from the House January 6 committee hearings, and the Justice Department’s investigation into his stockpiling of classified documents have energized and awakened Democratic voters. But, the pollster added, it’s not as if everyone has decided that abortion and January 6 are more important than crime and inflation.
Strategists and pollsters on both sides believe that these diverging agendas could intensify one of the most powerful trends in modern American politics: the class inversion in which Democrats are running stronger among white voters with college degrees and Republicans are gaining ground among white voters without them, as well as among blue-collar Latino voters.
In white-collar America, inflation may be more of an inconvenience than an existential threat, which provides space for voters to prioritize their values on issues such as abortion or Trump’s threat to democracy. In blue-collar America, where inflation often presents more difficult daily choices and sacrifices, abortion and the fate of democracy may be less salient, even among those who agree with Democrats on those issues. In the Marist poll, twice as many white voters without a college degree picked inflation over abortion as their top concern in November, while slightly more college-educated white voters picked abortion than inflation.
Even with inflation at its highest level in 40 years, Republicans appear unlikely to significantly cut into such key Democratic constituencies as college-educated white voters, young people, and residents of large metropolitan areas. And even such a seismic shock as the Supreme Court abortion decision may not significantly loosen the Republican hold on white women without a college education. Although there may be some movement around the edges (inflation, for instance, could help Republicans gain among Latino voters), the biggest story of 2022 may be how closely it follows the lines of geographic and demographic polarization that the 2016, 2018, and 2020 elections have engraved.
As in those contests, a handful of competitive swing states (Georgia, Arizona, Nevada, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania) will tip the precarious national balance of power between red and blue areas that now behave more like separate nations than different sections. The November elections seem likely to demonstrate again that the U.S. remains locked in a struggle between two coalitions that hold utterly antithetical visions of America’s future—yet remain almost equal in size.
