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Tag: Northern Virginia

  • Candidates announced in Fairfax Co.’s Sunday firehouse primary for House District 17 seat – WTOP News

    Four candidates for the 17th House of Delegates District in a Fairfax County, Virginia, firehouse primary have been chosen.

    Four candidates have officially been chosen to face off in Sunday’s firehouse primary to fill the vacant seat for the 17th House of Delegates District in Fairfax County, Virginia.

    The selected candidates are Russell Brooks, Garrett McGuire, Carla Bustillos and Joy McManus. They will appear on the ballot in that order.

    Voting will be held Sunday from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. at three polling locations in Alexandria and Springfield. Voters can also register on the Fairfax Democrats website by 5 p.m. Saturday to vote online.

    The late December primary was triggered in Northern Virginia after Del. Mark Sickles announced he was resigning from his posting earlier this week in order to serve under Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger’s cabinet. Sickles will serve as the Commonwealth’s next secretary of finance.

    Sickles has served in the House of Delegates since 2004 and ranks as the second-highest Democrat on the House Appropriations Committee.

    Who are the candidates?

    Brooks is a retired public servant who spent over two decades with the U.S. Department of State. According to his website, his top priorities for the role include affordability, health care, education and defending democracy.

    McGuire served as the chair of the Board of United Community nonprofit and the chair of the Fairfax-Falls Church Community Services Board. According to his website, his top priorities for the role include strengthening schools, supporting economic growth and lowering costs for families.

    Bustillos is currently the president of the Latino Caucus of the Democratic Party of Virginia and is a small-business owner. Her campaign priorities include expanding Northern Virginia transportation funding, defending protections for federal workers and supporting local businesses, according to her website.

    McManus is a longtime teacher at Fairfax County Public Schools and gun violence prevention advocate as the head of Virginia Moms Demand Action. Her top campaign priorities include affordability, public safety and fighting for reproductive rights.

    Where can you vote in person?

    In-person voting locations for the primary will be held at three locations:

    • Franconia Governmental Center — 6121 Franconia Road, Alexandria
    • Fairfield by Marriott Inn & Suites Alexandria — 6421 Richmond Highway, Alexandria
    • Hotel Belvoir Springfield — 6550 Loisdale Road, Springfield

    WTOP’s Gaby Arancibia contributed to this report.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Ciara Wells

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  • Fairfax Co. prepares for firehouse primary Sunday as voters look to elect new House District 17 delegate – WTOP News

    Voters in Fairfax County, Virginia, will soon be hitting the polls in 2026 to elect a new delegate to fill the House District 17 seat left open by departing Del. Mark Sickles.

    Voters in Fairfax County, Virginia, will soon be hitting the polls in 2026 to elect a new delegate to fill the House District 17 seat left open by departing Del. Mark Sickles.

    Residents were officially given notice of a call to caucus in a Wednesday announcement by the Fairfax County Democratic Committee.

    Candidate filing opens to the public Friday, from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., with a list of candidates in ballot order expected to be released shortly thereafter.

    A firehouse primary is scheduled for Sunday, Dec. 28 from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. Voters will be required to sign a pledge beforehand and provide state-issued identification.

    In-person voting locations for the primary will be held at three locations:

    • Franconia Governmental Center
      6121 Franconia Rd, Alexandria
    • Fairfield by Marriott Inn & Suites Alexandria
      6421 Richmond Hwy, Alexandria
    • Hotel Belvoir Springfield
      6550 Loisdale Rd, Springfield

    Both provisional and curbside voting will be available at all caucus locations, according to officials. Anyone seeking to cast their ballots online is required to preregister first. Preregistration runs until Dec. 27 at 5 p.m.

    The special election date for Fairfax residents is set for Jan. 20, 2026.

    The late December primary was triggered in Northern Virginia after Sickles announced he was resigning from his posting earlier this week in order to serve under Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger’s cabinet. Sickles will serve as the Commonwealth’s next secretary of finance.

    Sickles served in the House of Delegates since 2004 and ranks as the second-highest Democrat on the House Appropriations Committee.

    In announcing his resignation, the longtime Democrat said he was looking forward to working in Spanberger’s “historic” cabinet, adding that he is “very enthusiastic” about the change.

    “I will miss the House of Delegates and its work, but the friendships I have made over the years will last a lifetime,” he said.

    Sickles’ cabinet appointment follows the similar nominations of Dels. David Bulova and Candi Mundon, who served Virginia’s District 11 and 23, respectively. Special elections for Bulova and Mundon’s delegate postings will be held Jan. 13.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Gaby Arancibia

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  • Fairfax County’s newest high school will be a traditional one – WTOP News

    For the first time in decades, Fairfax County is opening a new high school, taking steps to alleviate overcrowding on several campuses in the Northern Virginia suburb.

    The former King Abdullah Academy in Herndon, Virginia, is the newest Fairfax County high school in decades.(WTOP/Scott Gelman)

    For the first time in decades, Fairfax County is opening a new high school, one of its steps to alleviate overcrowding on several campuses in the Northern Virginia suburb.

    The district finalized the sale of the former King Abdullah Academy in Herndon, spending $150 million on the private school campus and all of its furniture and technology. County leaders said they saved hundreds of millions of dollars by not having to build a new campus from scratch.

    At a school board meeting earlier this month, board members approved a plan that will allow students zoned to attend Centreville, South Lakes, Oakton, Westfield and Chantilly high schools to choose to attend the new high school. The campus does not yet have a name.

    “I’m excited to see that they’re going to start giving some outlet to relieve that overcrowding, but doing it in a way that seems to be taking it step by step and not making any quick moves,” parent Steve Pierce said.

    The board vote came weeks after nearly 300 parents signed a petition urging Superintendent Michelle Reid to convert the King Abdullah Academy to a traditional high school instead of a magnet program. A plan for some type of special programming at the new site is expected to be developed in the future.

    “My biggest concern, obviously, was to make sure it was a traditional school serving the local population, which has now been decided,” parent Kerin Hamel said. “So that’s great.”

    The campus will eventually offer classes for all high school grade levels but will open by welcoming ninth and 10th graders in the fall.

    The school system is expected to consider boundaries for the new campus next year, as part of the districtwide boundary review process. Reid said students choosing to attend the school but who live outside the official boundary, will have to arrange transportation to and from the school.

    Once that process begins, Pierce said, it’s important “this traditional community school actually serves the community in which it sits.”

    “In this community, in particular where that school sits and where I live and where my neighbors live, has been split between different high schools for decades,” Pierce said. “Now, we’re going to have these neighborhood boundaries. What exactly are the boundaries?”

    Hamel, meanwhile, said there are unanswered questions about the type of extracurricular and social activities that will be offered.

    “What do the sports teams look like?” Hamel said. “Are there not going to be varsity teams in the beginning? What is the social atmosphere there? Would we potentially partner up with another school in the short term to make sure that the kids have the same social opportunities? Prom and homecoming, and different things like that?”

    The new school will be able to hold over 2,000 students, according to the division’s website. The campus has 32.7 acres of land, with about 7 acres of existing athletic fields.

    In its first year, it won’t be a Virginia High School League member, allowing students to play sports at their base schools to avoid losing eligibility.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Scott Gelman

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  • What’s inside the vaping devices Virginia students are using? – WTOP News

    Researchers at the Virginia Commonwealth University have found that vaping devices confiscated in the region mainly contained nicotine, with a fraction having cannabinoids.

    Vaping devices confiscated from students in Virginia schools last year mainly contained nicotine, but a fraction had chemicals found in cannabis plants, and newer devices pose health risks to kids using them, according to researchers at Virginia Commonwealth University.

    During a joint School Board and Board of Supervisors meeting in Loudoun County last week, leaders were briefed on new trends connected to vaping in schools.

    Since 2019, VCU has analyzed vaping devices confiscated from students at Virginia schools. Some of the devices reviewed are from Northern Virginia, including in Loudoun County.

    The initiative launched as a result of some school leaders worrying that kids were putting cocaine into vapes. It’s since evolved to create a snapshot of what’s inside the devices and who’s using them.

    Researchers evaluated about 1,300 devices taken away during the last school year. Eighty-three percent had nicotine, and 14% had cannabinoids, according to VCU data.

    “The kids continue to have access to them, and we monitor how the devices themselves are evolving,” Michelle Peace, a professor of forensic sciences at VCU, said. “Because it’s always necessary to chase what the kids have access to.”

    In the Northern district, Peace said, 30% of the vapes were cannabinoids.

    Dual chamber devices, Peace said, have become increasingly popular in recent years. They have two e-liquids in different chambers and, depending on the device, they can be mixed together or used one at a time. In some, one liquid is nicotine and the other is a cannabinoid, Peace said.

    But, in others, both are cannabinoids.

    Some of the newer devices have a fidget element to them, and some feature games. One brand allows users to treat a vape pen as a pet, which is kept alive by inhaling the pen.

    “Tracking all of these things in terms of how they are appealing to children continues to be important to us,” Peace said.

    Because students sometimes share vaping devices, researchers tested them to determine whether they have yeast, mold or bacteria. Some vapes fail those tests, Peace said.

    “Do they leave the device and get into the aerosol so that you’re inhaling them into your deep lung tissue?” Peace said. “And so the answer was absolutely yes.”

    The aerosol is “more loaded than the device itself,” Peace said. Inhaling those substances could lead to fevers, headaches, hacking coughs or pneumonia.

    The number of vapes with nicotine decreased, but cannabinoid vapes increased, according to Peace’s presentation. But some elementary school students are also starting to use vapes.

    Vaping devices are sometimes mislabeled, Peace said, so it can be hard for students to know exactly what product they’re using.

    As part of the briefing, Peace described the prevalence of bakeries, dispensaries and social clubs in Virginia’s unregulated cannabis market. Researchers often engage in surveillance shopping, reviewing the products and checking whether there is misleading or unknown information.

    “This is about raising public awareness about the nature of these shops,” Peace said.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Scott Gelman

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  • Glenn Youngkin injects trans issues into Virginia governor’s race, where Democrat Abigail Spanberger leads

    On Wednesday, Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a Republican who is barred from seeking a second consecutive term, attacked the Democratic frontrunner in the race to replace him, Abigail Spanberger. His accusation centered on Fairfax County’s protections for transgender students and the former congresswoman’s support for LGBTQ+ people.

    Related: Virginia Republican attacks Democrat leading governor’s race with Trumpy ’they/them’ ad

    “These radical gender policies are not just some abstract fight over politics — they are hurting real children in Fairfax County schools every day. We are working with the U.S. Department of Education to reverse these policies and protect girls in our schools but every Virginia parent needs to understand this: @winwithwinsome will fight with you, and @SpanbergerforVA will fight against you,” Youngkin wrote on X, formerly Twitter.

    The post promoting his lieutenant governor, Winsom Earle-Sears, the Republican candidate, echoed Earle-Sears’s recent complaints about Spanberger, a former CIA officer and three-term congresswoman who leads in early polling. Virginia is the only state in the country where governors are prohibited from serving consecutive terms.

    Youngkin’s remarks included claims from the Defense of Freedom Institute, a conservative group staffed by former Trump officials that recently filed a Title IX complaint against Fairfax County Public Schools. Title IX is a federal law passed in 1972 that prohibits sex discrimination in education programs that receive federal funding. It has long been credited with expanding opportunities for women and girls in sports and academics. Republicans have claimed that protecting trans students under Title IX harms cisgender women in education and sports.

    Related: Glenn Youngkin Strips LGBTQ+ Young People of Resources in Virginia

    The complaint centers on a transgender girl at West Springfield High School in Northern Virginia near Washington, D.C., who used the girls’ locker room. It alleges that administrators violated Title IX by allowing her access, despite objections from some parents.

    Fairfax officials, however, say their policies comply with anti-discrimination law and ensure all students are treated with dignity.

    Youngkin’s attack coincided with a broader move by the Trump administration. On Thursday, the Education Department announced it would cancel more than $65 million in magnet school grants for New York City, Chicago, and Fairfax County after the districts refused to change policies protecting transgender and nonbinary students or to roll back diversity and equity programs, the New York Times reports. Magnet schools are specialized public schools designed to promote integration and offer advanced curricula, leaving thousands of students at risk of losing access to resources.

    Federal officials justified the cuts as a defense of civil rights, arguing that gender-inclusive policies discriminate against cisgender girls. Advocates counter that the administration is weaponizing civil rights law to roll back protections for LGBTQ+ youth and undermine racial equity initiatives.

    Related: Arlington Schools Chief Rejects Youngkin’s ‘Discriminatory’ Trans Policies

    For Republicans, the fight is also campaign messaging. Earle-Sears has leaned heavily on cultural issues, airing an ad that depicted transgender girls as threats to their peers, which LGBTQ+ advocates condemned as “fearmongering.” Another Republican spot mocked they/them pronouns, repeating an attack President Donald Trump used in his 2024 campaign against former Vice President Kamala Harris.

    Spanberger has taken the opposite tack, centering her campaign on affordability, safety, and education quality. Asked recently about her position on transgender girls in sports and bathrooms, Spanberger told ABC affiliate WSET that Virginia had for years relied on a local, case-by-case process in which principals, parents, and coaches weighed factors like age, competitiveness, and safety. “It was one that took individual circumstances and individual communities into account, and I think that is the process that Virginia should continue to utilize,” she said, adding that she recognized concerns from parents as the mother of three daughters in public schools.

    This article originally appeared on Advocate: Glenn Youngkin injects trans issues into Virginia governor’s race, where Democrat Abigail Spanberger leads

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  • Tech firm Systems Planning and Analysis to add 1,200 jobs in Northern Virginia – WTOP News

    A local tech and analytics firm is expanding, and Virginia leaders are celebrating the news as a major win for the region’s economy.

    An area tech and analytics firm is expanding, and Virginia leaders are celebrating the news as a major win for the region’s economy.

    Systems Planning and Analysis, Inc., or SPA, announced plans to double its workforce by hiring 1,200 new employees over the next five years.

    The jobs will be based at its Alexandria and Fairfax County locations, and the company will invest nearly $50 million to upgrade those sites.

    “We are as large as we’ve ever been, but we’re as small as we’re ever going to be,” SPA CEO Richard Sawchak said.

    The announcement on Thursday came at a time when many federal workers have lost their jobs. Sawchak noted that SPA, which works in national security, has a long history of hiring former federal employees and military personnel.

    “We’ve had a great partnership with our federal customers over the decades that we’ve been there. … Retired military personnel, as well as retiring or early-departure federal employees, have come in and worked for SPA afterward,” Sawchak told WTOP.

    The company also plans to expand its partnerships with local schools, offering STEM lessons and mentoring opportunities for students.

    Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin called the expansion a sign of confidence in the future of the state.

    For those seeking employment, Youngkin added, “I firmly believe the most powerful words in the English language are ‘I love you,’ but right behind them are ‘you are hired.’”

    Fairfax County Board of Supervisors Chairman Jeff McKay said the hiring expansion comes at a much-needed time for the region.

    “Unfortunately, there’s a lot of strife and challenges in our local economy because of what’s happening in Washington, D.C.,” McKay said.

    He added that the announcement is not only good for Northern Virginia, it’s good for the entire D.C. region.

    “Jobs are not Democratic or Republican. These are real people whose lives are being affected,” McKay said. “When we grow jobs in Northern Virginia, that’s good for all of us.”

    Alexandria Mayor Alyia Gaskins said the city celebrates both the retention of existing jobs and the arrival of new ones.

    “We celebrate the new investments that are going to happen in this building to make it a state-of-the-art facility for national security, collaboration and connection,” Gaskins said.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Mike Murillo

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  • Voters choose new Virginia congressman Tuesday in special election – WTOP News

    Northern Virginia voters will elect a new congressman to succeed the late Rep. Gerry Connolly on Tuesday, in a special election for the 11th District seat.

    Check back with WTOP for special election results on Sept. 9. WTOP will have election analysis and team coverage on air, online and on our social media platforms.

    From left, James Walkinshaw and Stewart Whitson meet in a forum in Virginia.(WTOP/Scott Gelman)

    Northern Virginia voters will elect a new congressman to succeed the late Rep. Gerry Connolly Tuesday, in a special election for the 11th District seat.

    It’s a rare September Election Day, which follows the death of the longtime Democratic lawmaker, who died in May after a battle with cancer.

    Voters in the district will choose between Connolly’s former chief of staff, Democrat James Walkinshaw, and Republican Stewart Whitson, a former FBI special agent and Army veteran.

    Walkinshaw, who is a member of the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors, worked for Connolly for more than a decade and patterns his politics after him as a “pragmatic progressive.”

    Whitson, who won a crowded GOP primary, aligns himself with President Donald Trump and efforts to combat crime, illegal immigration and make government more efficient.

    Before Connolly was elected in 2008, the district was represented for many years by a Republican, former Rep. Tom Davis.

    But the district, which includes the City of Fairfax and most of Fairfax County, has trended toward Democrats for more than a decade.

    Federal job cuts are a major issue

    “There’s an old saying that all politics is local, but I really think that what you’re considering in the 11th district of Virginia is all politics is national,” said Stephen Farnsworth, a political scientist at the University of Mary Washington.

    The district has tens of thousands of federal workers and contractors, including many who have been affected by the Trump administration’s federal job cuts through the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE).

    The impact of DOGE hits much harder in the district than in other parts of country. Farnsworth noted that can go beyond federal workers, to the regional economy.

    “It’s a tough time to have a hardware store or a restaurant in northern Virginia, with all the uncertainty about federal contractors and federal jobs,” he said.

    Also, Connolly was known as a lawmaker who fought for federal workers, a legacy Walkinshaw hopes to continue. The widespread job cuts can motive Democratic voters.

    “It’s clear that the strength of Democrats in the 11th District is particularly intense when we’re considering the actions of the Trump administration,” Farnsworth said.

    Whitson hopes to capitalize on Trump policies

    Whitson faces an uphill political battle as Republicans try to retake the seat, in a district where Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris won 65% of the vote in the 2024 election.

    He has spoken in strong support of Trump policies, including the DOGE cuts, arguing that federal workers will be able to find better jobs in the private sector.

    He has pointed out that he was a federal employee himself for nearly a decade, working for the FBI.

    Whitson has also said he is not afraid to stand up to Democratic policies that he believes have wasted billions of dollars, which he hopes will galvanize Republican support in the district.

    He echoes a message made by the president and the GOP, saying that people want “common sense” policies.

    While he is a political newcomer, he defeated six other Republican candidates, to gain the GOP nomination.

    What role will voter turnout play?

    Special elections traditionally have lower turnout, which could potentially help Whitson as well, in a year when there is also a governor’s race.

    Four years ago, Republican Glenn Youngkin capitalized on GOP anger over then-President Joe Biden and the policies of his administration, getting elected governor.

    “But we will see whether or not those motivated angry voters that one usually sees in Virginia gubernatorial elections will show up a couple of months early for a special election in this congressional district,” Farnsworth said.

    The election for governor takes place in November, pitting Democratic former congresswoman Abigail Spanberger against Republican Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears.

    Democrats hope to hold onto Connolly’s seat, as they prepare for the 2026 midterm elections, while Republicans would like nothing better than a surprising upset to flip it.

    Republicans currently have a 219-212 majority in the U.S. House of Representatives. Control of the House could ultimately turn on just a handful of races.

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Mitchell Miller

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  • Dominion proposes higher utility rates for Va. residents, new rate class for data centers – WTOP News

    Dominion Energy is proposing a rate increase for residential customers that will add on an additional $10.51 a month starting in 2027.

    This article was reprinted with permission from Virginia Mercury

    WTOP’s Kyle Cooper reports on a proposed Dominion Energy rate hike.

    Dominion Energy is proposing a rate increase for residential customers that will add $10.51 a month starting in 2027. The State Corporation Commission, which held its first hearing about the possible rate increase on Tuesday, will consider the company’s reasoning for the rate hike and their proposed fuel rate increase that will add an average $10.92 monthly rate for customers.

    The utility company that serves over two million Virginia homes is also attempting to create a new rate class just for large power users, such as data centers, a nod to a 2024 recommendation by a Virginia legislative commission. Currently, data centers are under the same class as large manufacturers but the utility wants to add transparency to show that the high load users are paying a fair rate for the amount of energy they demand, and to put financial safeguards in place for the cost of new energy infrastructure for those users.

    Rate increase

    The base rate increase proposal is largely due to the higher cost of critical materials needed to generate and deliver power, according to Dominion. From wires to power poles to transformers – the cost to maintain the current grid is getting more expensive on top of power demand continuing to rise. Dominion’s plan would phase in the increases over two years.

    In January 2026, the base rate would increase by $8.51 monthly for the average residential user, and in January 2027 an additional $2 would be added monthly. The company said this is the first time in decades they have increased their base rate. But due to various riders, which are the added costs of infrastructure projects and storm recovery, there have been other increases in bills over the years.

    Several public witnesses stated Tuesday during the SCC hearing that they already struggle to pay their utility bills on top of other inflation-driven costs rising. Many shared personal stories of skipping meals or having to work multiple jobs to make ends meet.

    Fuel rate

    With the rising cost of fuel and energy capacity, Dominion is asking regulators to increase the fuel rate to $10.92 a month. In July 2025, the SCC approved an interim rate of $8.92 and, if the proposal is approved, an additional $2 will be added to remove the cost of PJM interconnection capacity rates from the base rate. Dominion does not gain a profit from the fuel rate; it is a passthrough cost of business. The cost of natural gas has been increasing nationally, which is why their rates need to go up, the utility said.

    Data centers

    Dominion serves about 450 data centers in their Virginia coverage area. Virginia hosts over a third of the world’s data centers, with the majority in Northern Virginia. As the power-hungry centers boost the demand for more energy production infrastructure, environmental groups and some residents are concerned they are not paying their fair share and could leave localities on the hook for building out the infrastructure, if the data center never actually comes to fruition.

    Under Dominion’s plan, a new rate class would be created for utility customers that use more than 25 megawatts and use a load factor of more than 75% monthly. This describes most data centers and many of their larger industrial and commercial customers. Attorneys representing grocery stores and the military bases in Virginia, who are also high load customers, pushed back against the proposal Tuesday, stating that it is not fair to force the legacy customers into a new rate class.

    A 2024 study by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission found that data centers are accurately being charged for current costs. However, the report stated that data centers are likely to drive up costs for all customers due to the need to build out energy infrastructure that would not otherwise be built.

    “Establishing a separate data center customer class, changing cost allocations, and adjusting utility rates more frequently could help insulate non-data center customers from statewide cost increases,” the report stated.

    Dominion said it is basing the new rate class proposal off of the JLARC recommendations.

    A more controversial portion of the new rate case is Dominion’s request that high-use customers  sign a 14-year contract that will ensure they will pay for their proposed energy costs, even if they use less or if the data centers aren’t built. The goal is to ensure that if companies propose the data center and the energy infrastructure — such as gas plants, nuclear power plants, solar or wind — is built, then the company will pay for it no matter what.

    The minimum demand charges for these users would be 85% for transmission, 85% for distribution, and 60% for generation. They would be charged more if they exceed those minimums.

    “If the high load customers live up to what they request in terms of service, then none of the protective elements, such as minimum charges or capacity reassignment provisions, come into play,” said one of Dominion’s attorneys in the case, Joseph Reid III.

    Del. Terry Kilgore, R-Scott, submitted a letter into the record of the case that he is in support of providing a pro-economic environment for data centers in the state but agrees with Dominion’s plan creating fair cost allocation.

    A group of some of the data center companies and other retailers in the case have joined together to offer an amended version of Dominion’s plan. It’ll be up to the SCC to determine if they will accept their proposal in pieces or in total.

    “Make no mistake, load growth from large customers presents a massive earnings opportunity for Dominion shareholders. The company’s objective is to vigorously protect that opportunity by shifting as much risk as possible from its shareholders onto its high load customers,” said Nikhil Vijaykar, an attorney for the Data Center Coalition in the hearing. “That is why Dominion wants to lock high load customers into 14 year contracts but makes no reciprocal commitments to get power to those customers on a reasonable timeline.”

    The key differences in the data centers’ counter plan are that the new rate class would l only apply to new customers who use more than 50MW that would come online starting in Jan. 2026. Their minimum demand obligations would be 75% for transmission, 75% for distribution, 50% for generation for non-shopping customers and 0% for shopping customers. Some of the high load customers want to aggregate accounts for applying for those minimum charges.

    The data centers that are already built or have been financially settled before construction would not be implicated in these new rate cases and risk requirements under the proposed amendment. The data centers’ amendment also asks for more wiggle room in reducing their MW load from Dominion without penalty. Their plan proposal also greatly reduces the collateral that Dominion is asking for, from $1.5 million per MW down to $450,000 per MW.

    Under Dominion’s plan, exit fees would kick in if a high load user closes its doors before the end of a contract, meaning the companies would have to pay the minimum demand charges for however many years are left in the contract. The data centers’ proposed amendment would lower the minimum demand charges timespan to less than five years.

    Environmental groups are broadly in favor of Dominion’s plan to create a new rate class for data centers that would increase transparency and include new risk requirements. But multiple groups represented in the case feel it does not go far enough.

    “The truth is that no one in this proceeding or anywhere in the world can say with certainty whether the projected level of energy used by data centers will be sustained for seven years, for 15 years, for 30 years,” said Nathaniel Benforado, an attorney representing Appalachian Voices in the case. “When we’re talking about recovering capital costs for generation, transmission and distribution assets that are being planned for today, this evidence suggests that the current system is not equipped to handle this growth.”

    The SCC hearing for the rate case and fuel factor are expected to last through the end of next week. A decision on the case is not expected until December.

    Gaby Arancibia

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  • States begin to see job losses from Trump’s cuts, housing and spending slowdowns

    Cars are flooded in Petersburg, Va., in July. Many of the canceled federal contracts that have contributed to job losses in the state involved flooding control. (Photo courtesy of Petersburg Fire Rescue & Emergency Services)

    Virginia and New Jersey may be among the states most affected by the hiring slowdown that enraged President Donald Trump when it appeared in an Aug. 1 jobs report showing the United States had 258,000 fewer jobs than initially reported in May and June.

    Such revisions to earlier reports are based on more up-to-date payroll data and are routine. But the scale in this case was shocking — showing the smallest monthly job gains since pandemic-era December 2020 and the largest jobs revision, outside recessions, since 1968.

    In response, Trump declared the numbers were wrong, fired the Bureau of Labor Statistics chief, and offered as a replacement E.J. Antoni, a loyalist who has proposed suspending the jobs report. Trump falsely said in a Truth Social post that the revised jobs numbers were “RIGGED in order to make the Republicans, and ME, look bad.”

    Beyond those attention-grabbing actions, though, the numbers demonstrate the real effects of Trump’s work slashing the federal government.

    A Stateline analysis of the data shows how several states, especially Virginia and New Jersey, shed jobs in the second quarter of this year, which includes May and June.

    In Virginia, there were job losses blamed on canceled federal contracts in Northern Virginia as part of cuts made by Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, known as DOGE. Meanwhile, a slow housing market shuttered a plywood factory in the southern part of the state, and DOGE efforts canceled flooding control contracts on the coast.

    Jay Ford, Virginia policy manager at the Chesapeake Bay Foundation, told a state legislative committee in June that $50 million in contracts were slashed in the Hampton Roads area near the coast, causing a spike in unemployment claims.

    That included $20 million to address flooding in Hampton, where almost a quarter of homes are in flood zones, and $24 million to repair a Portsmouth dam that could fail in a major storm, he said.

    “This is work that you desperately needed,” Ford said at the committee hearing. “There was a real focus on certain buzzwords like ‘climate’ or ‘resilience,’ and I think people conflated some of these projects as somehow unnecessary.”

    For instance, the American Institutes for Research announced 233 layoffs in Virginia in May and 50 in Maryland since the beginning of the year. The not-for-profit organization’s projects include working with school districts to solve achievement gaps and absenteeism, creating AI-driven workforce training, and addressing health care issues such as improving kidney disease care while reducing Medicare costs and strengthening access to health care by keeping rural hospitals open.

    “The changes occurring in the federal government have brought significant challenges for many federal contractors, including AIR,” said Dana Tofig, the company’s spokesperson.

    Other recent layoffs in Virginia: 442 workers at Northern Virginia’s Mitre, which manages federally funded defense research centers and faced $28 million in canceled federal contracts; and 554 workers at a shuttered plywood factory in Southern Virginia.

    “Housing affordability challenges and a 30-year low in existing home sales are impacting our plywood business, as many of our plywood products are used in repair and remodel projects, which often occur when homes change ownership,” Georgia-Pacific said in a May news release.

    Stateline looked at two state jobs surveys for the second quarter that sometimes have quite different results: the so-called payroll survey of businesses that the Bureau of Labor Statistics uses for its monthly report, which has yet to be revised at the state level, and the BLS Local Area Unemployment Statistics program, which estimates job changes based on monthly household surveys.

    The LAUS estimates are often called the “household” survey because they rely mostly on surveys of households, asking how many people are employed. They include jobs the payroll survey can’t get, such as contract and agricultural jobs, and capture jobs where people live rather than states where employers are located.

    In a state like Virginia with a high number of federal employees and contract workers, lost jobs may show up sooner in the household survey since many federal jobs are not reflected on state-level payrolls if they are done by subcontractors, if the agency or contractor is based in another state, or if DOGE cuts allowed people to stop work but stay on the payroll until September. Those people might report being unemployed in the household survey but wouldn’t show up in other surveys until October.

    The household survey shows about the same number of slowing job gains as the revised national payroll report, so it may be a window into the trends, many caused by Trump administration cuts in government, health care and foreign aid, and also by slowing sales in stores and housing markets.

    Both surveys rely on small samples and are often revised later, said Charles Gascon, an economist and research officer at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. The more definitive Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages, set for release Dec. 3 for the second quarter, will show state patterns more conclusively, he said.

    The household surveys show Virginia with the largest job losses in the country for the second quarter, down about 43,000, and job losses every month since February. Before that, the state gained jobs every month since the height of pandemic job losses in April 2020.

    New Jersey, which had the most job losses — 15,400 — in the separate second-quarter payroll survey, has suffered layoffs in retail stores hit by a slowdown in consumer spending, increased shoplifting and, among drugstores, lawsuits for their role in the opioid epidemic.

    Walmart announced 481 layoffs at its Hoboken, New Jersey, corporate office, and Rite Aid drugstores laid off 1,122 amid Chapter 11 bankruptcy affected by opioid crisis lawsuits that also hit Walmart and other pharmacy chains. Pharma firms Bristol Myers Squibb and Novartis also have announced hundreds of layoffs in New Jersey, citing patent expirations on popular drugs.

    Wobbly state finances

    Rising unemployment combined with weak revenue growth suggests “economic fragility” for state finances, said Lucy Dadayan, a principal research associate for the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center who tracks state tax revenue.

    Nationally, unemployment was at 4.2% in July, the same as July 2024 but up from recent lows of 3.4% in April 2023, with the largest increases in Mississippi, Virginia and Oregon.

    Unemployment has dropped the most compared with July 2024 in Indiana, Illinois, New York and West Virginia.

    The states with the highest unemployment rates in July were California (5.5%), Nevada (5.4%) and Michigan (5.3%), while the lowest were in South Dakota (1.9%), North Dakota (2.5%) and Vermont (2.6%).

    “I think the dramatic May and June jobs revision signals economic fragility. State-level warning signs suggest the impacts will show gradually,” Dadayan said. “And of course states are facing fiscal challenges caused by One Big Beautiful Bill Act tax and spending decisions.”

    State finances are a mixed picture, with income tax collections rising because of a strong stock market and sales tax growth weak as consumers retreat on spending, Dadayan said.

    State layoff figures are giving us an early read.

    – Amanda Goodall, a workforce analyst known as ‘The Job Chick’ on social media

    In Virginia, the economically distressed area around Emporia will suffer aftershocks from the plywood plant closing, said Del. Otto Wachsmann, a Republican who represents the area in the state House of Delegates. The area is already reeling from the indefinite closure of a nearby Boar’s Head lunch meat plant that employed 600 people after a listeria outbreak there last year.

    The community, part of the southern “Wood Basket” region, has a large logging industry that will now struggle to find new markets farther away with higher costs for trucking, Wachsmann said. “We’re working hard to find new industries to come here.”

    Layoff rates in April, as calculated by the online human resources platform Techr, showed New Jersey, Vermont and Virginia with the highest rates.

    Amanda Goodall, a workforce analyst who calls herself “The Job Chick” on social media, said the layoffs reflect restructuring in major corporations as well as federal cutbacks. She wrote about the layoff rates in a recent post.

    “These are not statistical flukes. They reflect real corporate moves, in New Jersey and Virginia especially,” Goodall wrote in an emailed statement to Stateline. “The bigger issue is that nobody on the ground cares what the unemployment rate says if they can’t find an interview for a job they’re qualified for. State layoff figures are giving us an early read.”

    California and Texas

    California and Texas saw the biggest jobs gains in both surveys in the second quarter.

    Texas added 42,700 jobs in the payroll survey, with the largest increase coming in the category of private educational services, 14,400 jobs, as the state approved a plan for school vouchers to start next year, according to a statement to Stateline from the Texas Workforce Commission.

    California added 25,300 jobs. But the household survey showed an increase of almost 111,000 jobs, the highest in the country.

    A Public Policy Institute of California blog post in July called the state’s labor market “at best, in a hold-steady pattern this year,” citing the state’s stubbornly elevated unemployment rate of 5.4% but also its jobs improvement over last year.

    “A hold-steady pattern is a welcome change from a year ago,” said the post, written by Sarah Bohn, a senior fellow at the institute.

    Stateline reporter Tim Henderson can be reached at thenderson@stateline.org.

    Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.

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  • From medical training to weapons detectors: How Northern Virginia is changing up the new school year – WTOP News

    Summer is officially over for tens of thousands of Northern Virginia students as many are returning to the classroom for the new school year.

    From saving on school supplies to the impact of federal cuts, the WTOP team is studying up on hot-button topics in education across the D.C. region. Follow on air and online in our series, “WTOP Goes Back to School” this August and September.

    Cheerleaders in front of Centreville High School commemorate the first day of the 2025-26 school year on Monday, Aug. 18, 2025, in Fairfax County, Virginia. (WTOP/Scott Gelman)

    Summer is officially over for tens of thousands of Northern Virginia students as many are returning to the classroom for the new school year.

    Monday marks the first day of school for both Fairfax and Prince William counties, the state’s two largest school districts.

    Middle and high school teachers in Fairfax will be using a new grading policy, as new cellphone rules will be put in place.

    Instead of early release Mondays for Fairfax elementary school students, those days will fall on Wednesday this year. There will be eight early release days throughout the school year, allowing teachers sufficient planning time.

    The district switched days this year in response to scheduling challenges that resulted from Monday holidays.

    Weapons scanners roll out in Fairfax Co.

    When middle and high school students arrive on campus each morning in Fairfax County, they’ll have to walk through weapons detectors. The division launched a pilot program last spring, putting the technology at different high school campuses on various days.

    Calls for stronger security measures became stronger after a stabbing at West Potomac High School in April. Fairfax County Public Schools Superintendent Michelle Reid recently told families the software will be in all middle and high schools by this fall.

    She said she’s hoping it becomes “another seamless part of our safety and security procedures.”

    The district studied different software and tools for weapons detection, Reid said, and found OpenGate to be the product that was most mobile and nimble.

    “We had always intended to phase those in over time, over all of our schools,” she told WTOP while at Centreville High School.

    Junior Aidan Kownacki said while it’s a measure that aims to keep students safe, “it is going to be a little bit annoying to have to take out binder, computer every morning. But it could definitely help me feel safer at school.”

    Senior Daniel Ahn, meanwhile, said “nobody wants to be scared of this type of stuff at school. I just hope that it doesn’t make it really hard to get into the school, like everyone funneling through some of the doors.”

    Separately, as part of safety initiatives, Reid said buses have turn-by-turn tablets and there’s going to be a way of carding on and off buses so drivers know who’s on the bus and “who maybe shouldn’t be on the bus.”

    Students react to new cellphone policy

    Fairfax County high school students aren’t allowed to use their cellphones in between classes this year, as part of a change to the division’s cellphone policy.

    Elementary and middle schoolers with phones will have to put them away for the entire school day.

    Senior Sienna Lucas said students will “learn more, hopefully, without having cellphones on themselves.”

    But Senior Madysan Rich said while phones should be restricted during the school day, “I think we can have phones out in the hallway.”

    Meanwhile, senior Brady Conway said while he understands why the new rules are in place, “I can’t agree with it.”

    Junior Devyn Greene said she’s “definitely a little upset about it, and I know most students are, but I can see why they did that.”

    Few staffing vacancies, superintendent says

    Fairfax County has less than 1% of positions to fill, Reid said.

    “We’re pretty much fully staffed, and we’re excited about that,” she said. “Everyone benefits when we’re fully staffed.”

    Reid cited the work of the district’s HR department and word of mouth as contributing factors to having few vacancies.

    “Recruitment and retention is a year-round task anymore,” Reid said. “We start early, and honestly, we’ll continue recruiting throughout the year.”

    New career-based programs for Prince William Co. students

    As for Prince William County Public Schools, it’s opening the 2025-2026 school year with new technology for middle school students, a new cellphone policy, two medical-based career certification programs, and a focus on providing a positive learning environment for students.

    With 100 schools and programs, PWCPS is expecting almost 90,000 students this year, 13,000 full-time employees, and no bus driver vacancies.

    Starting this year, all middle schools have new iPads for students. Occoquan Elementary School is on track to become the county’s first net-zero school, opening this winter.

    The school system said it’s continuing to prioritize a positive climate and culture in schools. Each middle and high school will have a dean of students to support school leaders in maintaining consistency across all schools.

    A division-wide, cellphone-free policy is in place: In elementary school, devices must be off and stored away all day. Dual-purpose watches can be worn, but cellular features must be turned off.

    For middle and high schools, devices must be off and away during the bell-to-bell day but can be used before and after school. Exceptions can be made for students with IEPs, 50 plans, or safety plans.

    New Pharmacy Technician and EMT programs in Prince William Co.

    Starting Monday, as part of its Career and Technical Education curriculum, the school system is offering a pharmacy technician program at Freedom High School and new emergency medical technician programs at Unity Reed and Brentsville District High School.

    “Pharmacy techs are in high demand,” said Jessica Doiron, administrative coordinator for specialty programs at Freedom High School. “It’s a medical-based industry, and we have a lot of students who are very interested in medical fields.”

    The four-year program of study includes Introduction of Health and Medical Sciences, Medical Terminology, Pharmacy Technician 1 and Pharmacy Technician 2.

    “By their senior year, they will have to spend some clinical hours in a pharmacy,” said Doiron. “We have community partners, like CVS, where our students will actually gain hands-on experience.”

    Doiron said students who finish the program can earn a certificate that would allow them to work in a pharmacy. If a student wanted to further their education, they could continue into college and ultimately become a Doctor of Pharmacy.

    Also new this year, 11th and 12th grade students at Unity Reed and Brentsville District High School can get a hands-on introduction to a career as an EMT.

    According to PWCPS, “Students explore and apply the fundamentals of emergency medical services (EMS), anatomy, physiology, and medical terminology while demonstrating skills in assessing and managing patient care, including the understanding of medical emergencies, trauma, shock, and resuscitation.”

    “There are opportunities, careers that exist out there that you can actually start, right out of high school,” said Doiron. “And that’s extremely important to a lot of our students.”

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    © 2025 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Neal Augenstein

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  • Northern Virginia home sales rise for first time in more than 2 years – WTOP News

    Northern Virginia home sales rise for first time in more than 2 years – WTOP News

    The number of home sales in Northern Virginia rose 2.2% compared to a year earlier, the first year-over-year increase since November 2021.

    The number of home sales in Northern Virginia rose 2.2% compared to a year earlier, the first year-over-year increase since November 2021.

    That is in contrast to the national housing market, which saw sales fall 3.3%.

    Northern Virginia also saw a dramatic increase in home sales from the previous month, up 32%.

    “The start of this year is looking positive both nationally and regionally, but even more so in our Northern Virginia market, which is outpacing the national market,” said Ryan McLaughlin, CEO of the Northern Virginia Association of Realtors.

    “Supply is loosening up everywhere, but less so in Northern Virginia, which is driving prices even higher.”

    The supply of homes for sale in Northern Virginia at the end of February was just a 0.9-months’ supply, though it was up from from 0.8-months’s supply a year earlier.

    The Northern Virginia Association of Realtors represents agents in Fairfax and Arlington counties, the cities of Alexandria, Fairfax and Falls Church, and the towns of Vienna, Herndon and Clifton.

    Homes that sold in Northern Virginia in February had been on the market an average of 22 days, down from 29 days in January, and homes sold 31% faster than a year earlier.

    The median price for a home sold in Northern Virginia was $687,250, up 11.8% from a year earlier.

    Below is a breakdown of Northern Virginia sales in February by market, courtesy the Northern Virginia Association of Realtors.

    CLICK TO ENLARGE. (Courtesy NVAR)

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    © 2024 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

    Jeff Clabaugh

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  • Trump Insists He Hasn’t Read Mein Kampf

    Trump Insists He Hasn’t Read Mein Kampf

    This article was featured in the One Story to Read Today newsletter. Sign up for it here.

    A little more than halfway into his speech in Waterloo, Iowa, last night, former President Donald Trump returned to his new favorite line.

    “They’re destroying the blood of our country,” Trump said, complaining that immigrants are arriving from Africa, Asia, South America, and “all over the world.” He said that unnamed individuals (presumably his advisers) do not like it when he uses these sorts of phrases. During this section of his speech, the packed crowd inside the Waterloo Convention Center was pin-drop silent. He suddenly assured everybody that he’s never read Mein Kampf. “They said, ‘Oh, Hitler said that,’” he explained, adding, “in a much different way.” Then he was right back to it. “They could bring in disease that’s going to catch on in our country,” Trump warned. “They’re destroying the blood of our country; they’re destroying the fabric of our country.”

    Trump has enjoyed a double-digit lead in the polls for months. “We could put this to bed after Iowa, if you want to know the truth,” he said of the GOP-primary race. His first-place finish in the caucus less than four weeks from now seems all but certain. He continues to trounce Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, whose campaign has become something like a balloon expelling air, chaotically fluttering in its descent. And although former United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley has continued to rise in the polls, she remains a long shot in Iowa, and only slightly less of a long shot in New Hampshire. Congressional Republicans are coalescing around their leader. Over the weekend, Representatives Lee Zeldin of New York, Wesley Hunt of Texas, and Matt Gaetz of Florida were all stumping for Trump in Iowa. The former president smells it in the air. Last night, he seemed animated, as if taking a preemptive victory lap.

    As Trump’s position in the race has improved, his rhetoric has become more extreme. Speaking to the overwhelmingly white crowd in Waterloo, he spent even more time than usual demonizing nonwhite people. Immigrants, Trump said, are dumped on our borders, pouring into our country, bringing in crime. He said they were coming from other nations’ prisons and mental institutions, that they were “emptying out the insane asylums.” Later, he went after the kids. “You have children going to school, speaking languages that nobody even knows what the language is,” Trump said, adding that “there’s no room for our students in the classrooms”—emphasis on the “our.” He once again promised that, if reelected, he’ll carry out the largest deportation operation in American history.

    Two weeks ago, Trump said he would be a dictator “on day one.” Last night, he praised the “great gentleman” Viktor Orbán of Hungary. “He’s the leader, he’s the boss, he’s everything you want to call him,” Trump said of the autocratic Orbán. He cautioned that our planet is on the brink of World War III, and that he, Donald Trump, is the only one who can prevent it. (He bragged about how he personally made sure our nuclear stockpile was “all tippy-top.”) Trump scoffed at his indictments, particularly the classified-documents case against him: “I have total protection. I’m allowed to do it.” He vowed to “take over our horribly run Washington, D.C.” and give indemnification to any police officer who “gets in trouble” for pursuing a criminal. I’ve watched Trump speak live in several different settings over the past several months. I’ve never seen him more bombastic this year than he seemed last night; he sounded like an unmoored strongman.

    Scott Olson / Getty

    Trump’s pageant of darkness unfolded against a backdrop of Christmas cheer. The former president was flanked by two Christmas trees, each topped with a red MAGA hat. Prop presents in Trump-branded wrapping paper dotted the stage. Red, green, and white lights glowed down from the ceiling. Trump opened with a long monologue from his earlier days: how we’re all saying “Merry Christmas” again. (His campaign volunteers handed out signs plastered with the phrase.) Even the press laminates were decorated with a string of cartoon Christmas lights.

    One of Trump’s warm-up speakers, Iowa Attorney General Brenna Bird, asked the audience, “What do you give the man who has everything as a Christmas present?” This was a slightly confusing setup for a joke about how Christmas is going to come late for Trump this year, when he wins the Iowa caucus in mid-January. People sort of got it.

    Before Trump took the stage, I spotted Santa Claus leaning against a brick wall outside the assembly hall and asked for an interview. He wavered, then reluctantly agreed. The back of his red suit said MAGA CLAUS in gold block letters. Santa, it turns out, is a man in his mid-20s named Alex. He said he lives in Northern Virginia and works for Public Advocate of the United States, a conservative nonprofit group. He told me he plays all sorts of characters, such as Cupid and an evil doctor/mad scientist who forces people to take a COVID vaccine. He told me he had showed up at the Loudoun County school protests dressed as Uncle Sam. Two of his organization’s signs hung outside the venue’s entryway: Make the Family Great Again! and There are only TWO genders: Male & Female. Merry Christmas.

    Sitting at a nearby table was 81-year-old Susan Holland and her husband, Buzz. Both welcomed me with a nod as I pulled up a chair next to them. Holland, wearing a bedazzled Trump hat and an American-flag sweater with flag earrings, told me she had seen Trump in person about 10 times over the years. “We can hardly wait ’til he’s sworn in again,” she said. I asked her where she gets her news. “We watch Fox News,” she said. “We watch the regular news too.”

    Over the past several months, I’ve asked dozens of Trump supporters if there is anything the former president could do or say that would make them withdraw their support. Mike Benson, a 62-year-old retired carpenter from Waterloo, was posted up a few blocks away from the venue at the Broken Record Bar earlier in the afternoon, wearing a red TRUMP 2024 hat, nursing a Bud. He told me about being out of step with his union buddies, who all staunchly vote Democratic. (He said he cast his first presidential vote for Ronald Reagan and has supported the GOP ever since.) I brought up that Trump had been praising people like Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong Un, and Orbán, and asked if he thought Trump himself would end up a dictator.

    “Not a chance,” Benson said. “People confuse Trump’s praise for them. He’s not praising them; he’s acknowledging that they’re smart people. They’re smart enough to manipulate their population, and Trump is acknowledging that,” he said. “The devil is smart,” he added.

    I asked him if he thinks Trump manipulates our population.

    “No,” he said. “He puts what he believes is true out there, and if you believe that too, all you have to do is follow him. He’s not strong-arming people around. He’s not manipulating facts. He’s not militarizing government departments to go after opponents. He’s not doing any of that.”

    Less than an hour before Trump took the stage last night, the Colorado Supreme Court had ruled that the former president was disqualified from appearing on the state’s ballot under the Fourteenth Amendment because of his actions leading up to the January 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol. His campaign has already said that it will appeal the decision, and the case appears destined to wind up before the Supreme Court.

    In Waterloo, Trump didn’t mention the Colorado ruling. Instead, he focused on Biden, the swamp, and the “deep state.” “We’re going to bring our country back from hell; our country’s gone to hell,” Trump said. By Christmas 2024, he countered, the economy will be roaring back and energy prices will be plummeting. He claimed responsibility for the presently high stock market—arguing that returns are up because people believe he is returning to office.

    “Crooked Joe Biden” is “a low-IQ individual” and “the most incompetent, most corrupt president in the history of our country,” Trump said. “Other than that, I think quite a bit of him.” Later, Trump mocked Biden’s slow speech at a recent news conference.

    Throughout the night, Trump pandered to Iowa voters, attacking electric cars, talking about persecution of Christians, and praising those who “still till that soil.” He fired off some strange ad-libs: “Does everybody in this room love their children? Does anybody in this room not love their children? Raise your hand. Oh, that guy in the blue jacket raised his hand!”

    But his grotesque anti-immigrant rhetoric kept returning—a messier, ganglier version of “Build the Wall.”

    As attendees filtered into the convention center, a 69-year-old man stood outside in the frigid cold and wind holding a handwritten sign. It read: EVERY TIME YOU EAT A PORK CHOP OR RIBEYE STEAK THANK AN IMMIGRANT. The man, Paul, had driven from his home in Manchester, about 50 miles east. He told me he used to work alongside many immigrants at a seed-corn plant. He said he was dismayed by all the slurs he had been hearing about foreigners. “I decided I was gonna come, I was gonna hold the sign,” and offer a message that was “at least halfway positive,” he said. I didn’t see any members of Trump’s flock stopping to consider it.

    John Hendrickson

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  • Calls for a Cease-Fire—But Then What?

    Calls for a Cease-Fire—But Then What?

    The protest began with a prayer. Several thousand Muslims knelt in rows before the Capitol building yesterday afternoon, their knees resting on the woven rugs they’d brought from home. Women here and men over there, with onlookers to the side. Seen from the Speaker’s Balcony, this ranked congregation would have looked like colorful stripes spanning the grassy width of the National Mall.

    “We are witnessing, before our eyes, the slaughter of thousands of people on our streets,” Omar Suleiman, the imam who led the prayer, had said beforehand. “We are witnesses to the cruelty that has been inflicted upon our brothers and sisters in Palestine on a regular basis.”

    The prayer group was part of a demonstration hosted by more than a dozen self-described progressive and religious organizations to call for an Israel-Hamas cease-fire. After Hamas massacred more than 1,400 people, most of them civilians, in its October 7 attack, Israeli bombardments of Gaza have reportedly killed more than 4,000 Palestinians, the great majority of whom were also civilians.

    Although the protest’s organizers spanned a broad spectrum of faiths and group affiliations, it appeared that most of the rally attendees were Muslim, judging by the sea of multicolored head scarves and traditional dress. But progressives of other faiths were there, too, waving the red, white, and green flag of Palestine. Rally-goers called for President Joe Biden and the United States to stop supporting Israel’s blockade and air assault on Gaza. (The first convoy of trucks carrying aid entered Gaza through Egypt this morning, the United Nations reported.) As I moved through the crowd, we heard speeches from Gazan expats and representatives of progressive groups such as Jewish Voice for Peace, the Movement for Black Lives, the Working Families Party, and the Center for Popular Democracy.

    “Enough is enough,” Alpijani Hussein, a Sudanese American government employee who wore a long white tunic, told me. He and a friend carried a banner reading BIDEN GENOCIDE. Every time Hussein, a father of four, sees coverage of children killed in Gaza, he told me, he imagines his own kids wrapped in body bags. “I’m a father,” he said. “I can feel the pain.”

    For nearly two weeks, the world has watched, transfixed, as a litany of horrors from the Middle East has unspooled before our eyes. First, the footage from October 7: the tiny towns on the edge of the desert, bullet-riddled and burning. Parents shot, their hands tied. Women driven off on motorcycles and in trucks. The woman whose pants were drenched in blood. And approximately 200 people—including toddlers, teenagers, grandparents—stolen away and still being held hostage.

    Then, more death, this time in Gaza. The body of a boy, gray with ash. Rubble and rebar from collapsed concrete buildings or their ghostly shells. TikTok diaries from teenagers with phones powered by backup generators. “They’re bombing us now,” the teens explain, somehow sounding calm. Almost half of Gaza’s population are under 18; all they have known is Hamas rule—the Islamist group took over in 2007—and a series of similar conflicts. A barrage of rockets fired by Hamas and other militants; a wave of air strikes from Israel.

    But this time is different: Israel has never been wounded this way—October 7 represented the worst attack on Jews since the Holocaust—and over the protest hung a frantic sense that the vengeance had only just begun. Hackles were up and, at one point, a police car drove by, sirens blaring. Two women near me clutched each other nervously, but the officer drove on without stopping.

    Inside the Capitol, a plain consensus prevailed: Many members of Congress from both parties have opposed a cease-fire and expressed strong support for the U.S. providing military aid to Israel. But outside, things weren’t so simple; they never are. None of the people I met said they supported Hamas, and certainly not the recent atrocities. But many said that the violence cuts both ways. “Israel is a terrorist country in my eyes—what they’ve been doing to the Palestinians,” Ramana Rashid, from Northern Virginia, told me. Nearby, people held placards reading ISRAEL=COLONIZERS and ZIONISM=OPPRESSION. Many protesters told me they did not believe that Israel has a right to exist. At various points in the protest, the crowd broke into the chant “Palestine will be free! From the river to the sea!” (Whatever that slogan might mean for protesters—an anti-colonial statement or an assertion of homeland—for most Israelis it is clearly denying the Jewish state’s right to exist.)

    “A cease-fire is the minimum to save lives,” a D.C. resident named Mikayla, who declined to give her last name, told me. “But what we really need is an end to the occupation.” Leaning against her bike, she shook her head no when I asked whether Egypt should open its doors to fleeing Palestinians. “If Egypt lets Gazans leave the Gaza Strip, then that is the definition of ethnic cleansing,” Mikayla said.

    Other protesters I spoke with expressed concern only for ending the daily suffering of Gazans. The humanitarian crisis came first; the rest, the political stuff, would come later.

    Sheeba Massood, who’d come with her friend Rashid from Northern Virginia, burst into tears when I asked why she’d wanted to attend. It was important to pray together, she told me. “It doesn’t matter if you’re Muslim, if you’re Palestinian, if you’re a Christian, if you’re Jewish,” Massood said, “we are all witnessing the killing of all of these children that are innocent.” Everything else, she said, was politics.

    When I asked the demonstrators what might happen in the region, practically, after a cease-fire was enforced, most of them demurred. “I’m not a politician to know all the details and technicalities of it,” a Virginia man named Shoaib told me. “But I think just for one horrible thing, you don’t just go kill innocent kids.”

    Every person I met was angry with Biden. The president has been unwavering in his support for Israel since October 7, and in an Oval Office address on Thursday, he reiterated his case for requesting funds from Congress for military aid to Israel. That same day, a senior State Department official resigned over the administration’s decision to keep sending weapons to Israel without humanitarian conditions.

    In his remarks on Thursday, Biden spoke of the need for Americans to oppose anti-Semitism and Islamophobia equally. Friday’s demonstrators, so many of whom were Muslim Americans, were not impressed with that evenhandedness.

    “Mr. President, you have failed the test,” Osama Abu Irshaid, the executive director of American Muslims for Palestine, said from the podium outside of the Capitol. Ice-cream trucks parked nearby for tourists played jingles softly as he spoke. “You broke your promise to restore America’s moral authority.” Frankie Seabron, from the Black-led community group Harriet’s Wildest Dreams, led the crowd in chants of “Shame” directed at Biden. “This is a battle against oppression,” she said. “We as Black Americans can understand!” The crowd, which was beginning to thin, cheered its agreement.

    As is generally the case, the program went on far too long. After two hours of speeches, the enthusiasm of an already thinned-out crowd was waning. The temperature dropped and raindrops fell, gently at first, then steadily. Finally, after organizers distributed blood-red carnations to every rally-goer, the group began the trek to the president’s house.

    The demonstrators marched slowly at first up Pennsylvania Avenue, struggling with their banners in the driving rain. But as the remaining protesters got closer to the White House, the rain paused, and the sun peeked through the dark clouds. The protesters laid their flowers in the square before the White House gates—an offering and a demand for a different future for Gaza.

    Elaine Godfrey

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  • Abortion Is Inflaming the GOP’s Biggest Electoral Problem

    Abortion Is Inflaming the GOP’s Biggest Electoral Problem

    The escalating political struggle over abortion is compounding the GOP’s challenges in the nation’s largest and most economically vibrant metropolitan areas.

    The biggest counties in Ohio voted last week overwhelmingly against the ballot initiative pushed by Republicans and anti-abortion forces to raise the threshold for passing future amendments to the state constitution to 60 percent. That proposal, known as Issue 1, was meant to reduce the chances that voters would approve a separate initiative on the November ballot to overturn the six-week abortion ban Ohio Republicans approved in 2019.

    The preponderant opposition to Issue 1 in Ohio’s largest counties extended a ringing pattern. Since the Supreme Court overturned the nationwide constitutional right to abortion with its 2022 Dobbs decision, seven states have held ballot initiatives that allowed voters to weigh in on whether the procedure should remain legal: California, Vermont, Montana, Michigan, Kansas, Kentucky, and now Ohio. In addition, voters in Wisconsin chose a new state-supreme-court justice in a race dominated by the question of whether abortion should remain legal in the state.

    In each of those eight contests, the abortion-rights position or candidate prevailed. And in each case, most voters in the states’ largest population centers have voted—usually by lopsided margins—to support legal abortion.

    These strikingly consistent results underline how conflict over abortion is amplifying the interconnected geographic, demographic, and economic realignments reconfiguring American politics. Particularly since Donald Trump emerged as the GOP’s national leader, Republicans have solidified their hold on exurban, small-town, and rural communities, whose populations tend to be predominantly white and Christian and many of whose economies are reliant on the powerhouse industries of the 20th century: manufacturing, energy extraction, and agriculture. Democrats, in turn, are consolidating their advantage inside almost all of the nation’s largest metro areas, which tend to be more racially diverse, more secular, and more integrated into the expanding 21st-century Information Age economy.

    New data provided exclusively to The Atlantic by Brookings Metro, a nonpartisan think tank, show, in fact, that the counties that voted against the proposed abortion restrictions are the places driving most economic growth in their states. Using data from the federal Bureau of Economic Analysis, Brookings Metro at my request calculated the share of total state economic output generated by the counties that voted for and against abortion rights in five of these recent contests. The results were striking: Brookings found that the counties supporting abortion rights accounted for more than four-fifths of the total state GDP in Michigan, more than three-fourths in Kansas, exactly three-fourths in Ohio, and more than three-fifths in both Kentucky and Wisconsin.

    “We are looking at not only two different political systems but two different economies as well within the same states,” Robert Maxim, a senior research associate at Brookings Metro, told me.

    The Ohio vote demonstrated again that abortion is extending the fault line between those diverging systems, with stark electoral implications. Concerns that Republicans would try to ban abortion helped Democrats perform unexpectedly well in the 2022 elections in the key swing states of Arizona, Nevada, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, particularly in well-educated suburbs around major cities. Democrats won four of the six governor contests and four of the five U.S. Senate races in those states despite widespread discontent over the economy and President Joe Biden’s job performance. Even if voters remain unhappy on both of those fronts in 2024, Democratic strategists are cautiously optimistic that fear of Republicans attempting to impose a national abortion ban will remain a powerful asset for Biden and the party’s other candidates.

    When given the chance to weigh in on the issue directly, voters in communities of all sizes have displayed resistance to banning abortion. As Philip Bump of The Washington Post calculated this week, the share of voters supporting abortion rights exceeded Biden’s share of the vote in 500 of the 510 counties that have cast ballots on the issue since last year (outside of Vermont, which Bump did not include in his analysis).

    But across these states, most smaller counties still voted against legal abortion, including this last week in Ohio. A comprehensive analysis of the results by the Cleveland Plain Dealer found that in Ohio’s rural counties, more than three-fifths of voters still backed Issue 1.

    Opponents of Issue 1 overcame that continued resistance with huge margins in the state’s largest urban and suburban counties. Most voters rejected Issue 1 in 14 of the 17 counties that cast the most ballots this week, including all seven that cast the absolute most votes (according to the ranking posted by The New York Times). In several of those counties, voters opposed Issue 1 by ratios of 2 to 1 or even 3 to 1.

    Equally striking were the results in suburban counties around the major cities, almost all of which usually lean toward the GOP. Big majorities opposed Issue 1 in several large suburban counties that Trump won in 2020 (including Delaware and Lorain). Even in more solidly Republican suburban counties that gave Trump more than 60 percent of their vote (Butler, Warren, and Clermont), the “yes” side on Issue 1 eked out only a very narrow win. Turnout in those big urban and suburban counties was enormous as well.

    Jeff Rusnak, a long-time Ohio-based Democratic consultant, says the suburban performance may signal an important shift for the party. One reason that Ohio has trended more solidly Republican than other states in the region, particularly Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, he argues, is that women in Ohio have not moved toward Democrats in the Trump era as much as women in those other states have. But, he told me, the “no” side on Issue 1 could not have run as well as it did in the big suburban counties without significant improvement among independent and even Republican-leaning women. “In Ohio, women who were not necessarily following the Great Lakes–state trends, I think, now woke up and realized, Aha, we better take action,” Rusnak said.

    The Ohio results followed the pattern evident in the other states that have held elections directly affecting abortion rights since last year’s Supreme Court decision. In Kansas, abortion-rights supporters carried all six of the counties that cast the most votes. In the Kentucky and Michigan votes, abortion-rights supporters carried eight of the 10 counties that cast the most votes, and in California they carried the 14 counties with the highest vote totals. Montana doesn’t have as many urban centers as these other states, but its anti-abortion ballot measure was defeated with majority opposition in all three of the counties that cast the most votes. In the Wisconsin state-supreme-court race this spring, Democrat Janet Protasiewicz, who centered her campaign on an unusually explicit pledge to support legal abortion, carried seven of the 10 highest-voting counties. (All of these figures are from the New York Times ranking of counties in those states’ results.) For Republicans hoping to regain ground in urban and suburban communities, abortion has become “a huge challenge because they really are on the wrong side of the issue” with those voters, Charles Franklin, director of the Marquette Law School poll, told me.

    The results in these abortion votes reflect what I’ve called the “class inversion” in American politics. That’s the modern dynamic in which Democrats are running best in the most economically dynamic places in and around the largest cities. Simultaneously, Republicans are relying more on economically struggling communities that generally resist and resent the cultural and demographic changes that are unfolding mostly in those larger metros.

    Tom Davis, a former Republican representative from Northern Virginia who chaired the National Republican Congressional Committee, has described this process to me as Republicans exchanging “the country club for the country.” In some states, trading reduced margins in large suburbs for expanded advantages in small towns and rural areas has clearly improved the GOP position. That’s been true in such states as Tennessee, Kentucky, and Arkansas, as well as in Texas, Iowa, Montana, and, more tenuously, North Carolina. Ohio has fit squarely in that category as well, with GOP gains among blue-collar voters, particularly in counties along the state’s eastern border, propelling its shift from the quintessential late-20th-century swing state to its current position as a Republican redoubt.

    But that reconfiguration just as clearly hurt Republicans in other states, such as Colorado and Virginia earlier in this century and Arizona and Georgia more recently. Growing strength in the largest communities has even allowed Democrats to regain the edge in each of the three pivotal Rust Belt states Trump in 2016 dislodged from the “blue wall”: Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

    In 2022, Democrats swept the governorships in all three states, and won a Senate race as well in Pennsylvania. Support for legal abortion was central to all of those victories: Just over three-fifths of voters in each state said abortion should remain legal in all or most circumstances and vast majorities of them backed the Democratic candidates, according to the exit polls conducted by Edison Research for a consortium of media outlets. The numbers were almost identical in Arizona, where just over three-fifths of voters also backed abortion rights, and commanding majorities of them supported the winning Democratic candidates for governor and U.S. senator.

    Those races made clear that protecting abortion rights was a powerful issue in 2022 for Democrats in blue-leaning or purple states where abortion mostly remains legal. But, as I’ve written, the issue proved much less potent in the more solidly red-leaning states that banned abortion: Republican governors and legislators who passed severe abortion bans cruised to reelection in states including Texas, Georgia, and Florida. Exit polls found that in those more reliably Republican states, even a significant minority of voters who described themselves as pro-choice placed greater priority on other issues, among them crime and immigration, and supported Republican governors who signed abortion restrictions or bans.

    Ohio exemplified that trend as powerfully as any state. Though the exit polls showed that nearly three-fifths of voters said abortion should remain legal in all or most circumstances, Republican Governor Mike DeWine cruised to a landslide reelection after signing the state’s six-week abortion ban. Republican J. D. Vance, who supported a national abortion ban, nonetheless attracted the votes of about one-third of self-described voters who said they supported abortion rights in his winning Ohio Senate campaign last year, the exit polls found.

    The fate of Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio, who’s facing reelection in 2024, may turn on whether he can win a bigger share of the voters who support abortion rights there, as Democrats did last year in states such as Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Arizona. (The same is likely true for Democratic Senator Jon Tester in Republican-leaning Montana, another state that voted down an anti-abortion ballot initiative last year.)

    Brown has some reasons for optimism. After the defeat of Issue 1 last week, the follow-on ballot initiative in November to restore abortion rights in the state will keep the issue front and center. The two leading Republican candidates to oppose Brown are each staunch abortion opponents; Secretary of State Frank LaRose, the probable front-runner in the GOP race, was the chief public advocate for last week’s failed initiative. Most encouraging for Brown, the “no” vote on Issue 1 in the state’s biggest suburban counties far exceeded not only Biden’s performance in the same places in 2020, but also Brown’s own numbers in his last reelection, in 2018.

    For Brown, and virtually every Democrat in a competitive statewide race next year, the road to victory runs through strong showings in such large urban and suburban counties. Given the persistence of discontent over the economy, it will be particularly crucial for Biden to generate big margins among suburban voters who support abortion rights in the very few states likely to decide control of the White House. The resounding defeat of Issue 1 this week showed again that Republicans, in their zeal to revoke the right to legal abortion, have handed Biden and other Democrats their most powerful argument to move those voters.

    Ronald Brownstein

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  • Nikki Haley’s Dilemma Is Also the Republicans’ Problem

    Nikki Haley’s Dilemma Is Also the Republicans’ Problem

    Republicans have had 10 months to hammer out a coherent post-Roe message on abortion. You would think they’d have nailed it by now.

    Yet on Tuesday, Nikki Haley set out to declare her position on the issue—and proceeded to be about as clear as concrete.

    She began with plausible precision. “I want to save as many lives and help as many moms as possible,” the former South Carolina governor and ambassador to the United Nations told reporters gathered at the Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America headquarters, in Northern Virginia—a press event billed as a “major policy speech.” But her statements quickly got squishier. It’s good that some states have passed anti-abortion laws in the past year, she said. And as for the states that have reacted by enshrining abortion-rights protections? Well, she wishes “that weren’t the case.”

    And then she seemed to channel Veep’s Selina Meyer. “Different people in different places are taking different paths,” Haley said, with a self-assurance that belied the indeterminacy of her words.

    Questioning whether any national anti-abortion legislation would ever pass, Haley did gesture at a need for some action. “To do that at the federal level, the next president must find national consensus,” she said. As for what that might look like, she had no words. And she took no questions.

    Some people seemed to like Haley’s speech, in a tepid way. She sounded human when she described how her husband had been adopted, and how she’d struggled with infertility. “Ms. Haley deserves credit for confronting the subject head on, with a speech that wasn’t sanctimonious or censorious,” The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board wrote, before concluding, “The party could do worse than Ms. Haley’s pitch.” But it could do better—or at least do with something more specific.

    Leaders of the self-described pro-life movement were predictably annoyed at Haley’s conciliatory-sounding vagueness. “Disappointing speech by @NikkiHaley today. Leads with compromise & defeatism, not vision & courage,” Lila Rose, who heads the group Live Action, tweeted. “We agree that consensus is important, but to achieve consensus we will need to stake out a principled position,” wrote Kristan Hawkins, the president of Students for Life of America.

    Even Haley’s hosts seemed on the wrong page. “We are clear on Ambassador Haley’s commitment to acting on the American consensus against late-term abortion by protecting unborn children by at least 15 weeks,” Marjorie Dannenfelser, the president of Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, said in a statement sent to me. But a few hours later, Team Haley emailed me to correct the record: “She committed to working to find a consensus on banning late-term abortion. No specific weeks,” Nachama Soloveichik, Haley’s communications director, wrote. Not only did Haley alienate both sides—she confused them!

    Haley is in a tough spot, as are all of the Republican presidential wannabes. They each have their own personal convictions on abortion; former Vice President Mike Pence, for example, has been outspoken in his support for a national ban. But they’re up against an issue that seems to have cost their party a string of recent elections. Most Americans believe that abortion should be accessible, with some limits.

    The “consensus” position, then, is somewhere in the foggy zone between no abortion ever and abortion whenever. But primary elections tend to push candidates toward one extreme or another. “The gap between what the base demands and what swing voters will tolerate has gotten really wide,” Sarah Longwell, the publisher of the Never Trump site The Bulwark, told me. “Nowhere is this more true than on abortion.”

    What all politicians need to do “is settle on a position they believe they can defend, and they need to repeat it consistently and clearly,” Whit Ayres, a Republican strategist, told me. “Any politician whose position on abortion is vague will be wrapped around the axle eventually with questions and doubts about where they actually stand.”

    Some GOP candidates have followed Ayres’s advice. But much axle-wrapping has occurred already in the early days of the 2024 primary season.

    Asked on the campaign trail whether he’d support a 15-week federal ban on abortion, Senator Tim Scott of South Carolina told CBS, “I do believe that we should have a robust conversation about what’s happening on a very important topic,” before pivoting so hard to an anecdote about Janet Yellen that I thought he’d need a neck brace. In a follow-up interview, Scott backtracked, clarifying that as president, he would “literally sign the most conservative pro-life legislation” Congress sent to his desk.

    Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, who is expected to mount a presidential bid, did approve a very conservative state law recently—a six-week abortion ban. But he signed that legislation in the dead of night earlier this month, while most people in Tallahassee were probably in bed. (By contrast, last year, he celebrated the signing of a 15-week ban with a big party at a church.) The following day, DeSantis gave a speech at a Christian university full of students who are opposed to abortion, yet said nothing about his major legislative achievement. He’s mostly stayed quiet about it since—even at glad-handing events in early primary states.

    So far, the only confirmed presidential candidate who seems clear on his position and keenly aware of the political optics is Donald Trump. Despite being hailed by anti-abortion activists as the “most pro-life president” in history, Trump has never been rigid on abortion (probably because he supported abortion rights for most of his life as a public figure), and he doesn’t talk much about the issue now. But a spokesperson told The Washington Post recently that Trump “believes that the Supreme Court, led by the three Justices which he supported, got it right when they ruled this is an issue that should be decided at the State level.” Shorter Trump: I’ve done my bit—it’s up to the states now. God bless.

    If any national consensus on abortion exists, the GOP strategist Ayres said, Trump’s position “is pretty close” to it. Trump has always seemed to have “a lizard-brain sense of where the voters are,” Longwell said. “He has a relationship to the base, and he doesn’t have to pitch what he believes.” And, unlike DeSantis, Trump has never signed a law banning abortion at any stage, so it’ll be harder to pin him down. Sure, there’s an activist class that would like to see abortion banned in all cases. To them, Trump could reply, You got your justices. You’re welcome.

    Right now Trump and his lizard brain have a commanding lead in the GOP primary. His victory would set up an interesting general-election situation—a fitting one for our complicated post-Roe country: a former president who once personally supported abortion rights and is now politically opposed to them running against a sitting president whose own position on abortion is the exact opposite.

    Until a Republican presidential nominee emerges, we’ll hear many more Haley-esque platitudes that sound thoughtful and weighty but ultimately aren’t.

    “Whether we can save more lives nationally depends entirely on doing what no one has done to date,” Haley told reporters on Tuesday, before wrapping up her speech with—you could almost hear a drumroll—“finding consensus.” The waffling will continue, in other words, until the primary concludes.

    Elaine Godfrey

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