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Tag: Northern Ireland

  • Ronnie O’Sullivan: Seven-time world champion withdraws from Northern Ireland Open due to medical reasons

    Ronnie O’Sullivan: Seven-time world champion withdraws from Northern Ireland Open due to medical reasons

    Ronnie O’Sullivan has pulled out of the Northern Ireland Open, having already withdrawn from the British Open and Wuhan Open in recent weeks; Seven-time world champion last featured at the English Open in September

    Last Updated: 20/10/24 11:00pm

    Ronnie O’Sullivan withdrew from the Northern Ireland Open ahead of his first round match

    Seven-time world champion Ronnie O’Sullivan has withdrawn from the BetVictor Northern Ireland Open due to medical reasons, the World Snooker Tour (WST) has announced.

    O’Sullivan was due to face Long Zehuang in the last 64 in Belfast on Monday afternoon, but announcement from WST on their website confirmed he had pulled out of the event.

    China’s Long receives a bye to the last 32, with the tournament at the Waterfront Hall in Belfast running until October 27th.

    Ronnie O'Sullivan has now withdrawn from three consecutive events due to medical reasons

    Ronnie O’Sullivan has now withdrawn from three consecutive events due to medical reasons

    O’Sullivan hasn’t featured since being knocked out of the first round of the English Open last month after a shock defeat to He Guoqiang, where he describing his performance as “awful” and “embarrassing”.

    It is the third consecutive tournament that O’Sullivan has withdrawn from, having also skipped the British Open and Wuhan Open in recent weeks. He is next due to feature at the International Champions event in China from November 3-10.

    Ronnie O'Sullivan says if the World Snooker Championship was relocated to Saudi Arabia then he would find the tournament more convenient as a player

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    Ronnie O’Sullivan says if the World Snooker Championship was relocated to Saudi Arabia then he would find the tournament more convenient as a player

    Ronnie O’Sullivan says if the World Snooker Championship was relocated to Saudi Arabia then he would find the tournament more convenient as a player

    Trump makes winning start in Belfast

    World No 1 Judd Trump began his title defence with a 4-0 win over Ishpreet Singh Chadha needing just 49 minutes to whitewash his opponent with the aid of breaks of 72, 65 and 112.

    “It was easy to get up for this event,” said Trump, who has won the event four times in the last six years. “Certain venues seem to be made for snooker. Anyone who has played in the semis or final at the Waterfront [Hall] knows how special it is.

    “It’s similar to Alexandra Palace or the Tempodrom in terms of the size of the crowd and the way people react. I thrive on that atmosphere with people enjoying themselves. It helps me show off and play my best shots.”

    Trump will face Matthew Selt in the last 32 after Selt defeated Lyu Haotian 4-1, while World Championship runner-up Jak Jones beat Alexander Ursenbacher 4-0 and Zhou Yuelong recovered from 3-1 down to oust Dominic Dale 4-3.

    Northern Ireland’s Jordan Brown suffered a 4-2 defeat to Robert Milkins, while 18-year-old Stan Moody made breaks of 108 and 105 before beating Ryan Day in a decider.

    Louis Heathcote also came through in a decider in a scrappy contest against former world champion Mark Selby, whose 81 in the first frame was the only break over 50 by either player.

    Stuart Bingham beat Scott Donaldson 4-1 in a similarly low-scoring contest, while China’s Pang Jungxu made a break of 98 in the decider as he beat compatriot Yuan Sijun 4-3.

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  • John Higgins becomes second snooker player to make 1,000 career centuries in defeat at English Open

    John Higgins becomes second snooker player to make 1,000 career centuries in defeat at English Open

    John Higgins reaches 1,000 career centuries but is knocked out of the English Open; Ronnie O’Sullivan is the only other player to have reached the four-figure century milestone

    Last Updated: 19/09/24 11:36pm

    John Higgins became only the second snooker player to reach 1,000 career centuries

    John Higgins became only the second snooker player to reach 1,000 career centuries despite crashing out of the English Open in Brentwood.

    The 49-year-old Scot achieved the milestone with breaks of 108 and 105 in the third and fifth frames of his quarter-final clash against Mark Allen.

    But it was not enough to seal a win that would have boosted his hopes of staying in the top 16 as Allen – who hit a century of his own in the opening frame – held firm in a gruelling decider to edge a 4-3 win.

    Ronnie O’Sullivan is the only other player to have reached the four-figure century milestone, having done so in the final frame of his 2019 Players Championship final win over Neil Robertson.

    Earlier, Judd Trump set up a quarter-final clash with China’s Wu Yize after hitting back from behind to claim a 4-2 win over Fan Zhengyi.

    The world No 1 nudged one closer to joining O’Sullivan and Higgins in the thousand-century club as he reeled off a break of 101 in the course of winning three frames in a row to extend his winning run.

    Mark Selby held his nerve to carve out a 4-3 win over Si Jiahui and book a last-eight meeting with India’s Ishpreet Singh Chadha, who also overcame a final frame decider against China’s He Guoqiang.

    Anthony Joshua’s heavyweight showdown with Daniel Dubois takes place on Saturday September 21 live on Sky Sports Box Office. Book Joshua v Dubois now!

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  • Passengers bought berths on a 3-year cruise. Months on, the ship is still stuck in Belfast

    Passengers bought berths on a 3-year cruise. Months on, the ship is still stuck in Belfast

    BELFAST, Northern Ireland (AP) — Lanette Canen and Johan Bodin gave up life on land to become seaborne nomads on a years-long cruise.

    Months later, the couple has yet to spend a night at sea. Their ship, the Odyssey, is stuck in Belfast undergoing repair work that has postponed its scheduled May departure for a 3 ½-year round-the-world voyage.

    Bodin said Friday that they have enjoyed their pit stop in the Northern Ireland capital, but “when we’d visited every pub and tried and every fish and chips place and listened to all the places that have Irish music, then we were ready to go elsewhere.”

    “We’re ready to set sail, for sure,” added Canen.

    Villa Vie Residences’ Odyssey is the latest venture in the tempest-tossed world of continuous cruising.

    It offers travelers the chance to buy a cabin and live at sea on a ship circumnavigating the globe. On its maiden voyage, it is scheduled to visit 425 ports in 147 countries on seven continents. Cabins – billed as “villas” — start at $99,999, plus a monthly fee, for the operational life of the vessel, at least 15 years. Passengers can also sign up for segments of the voyage lasting weeks or months.

    Marketing material, aimed at adventurous retirees and restless digital nomads, touts “the incredible opportunity to own a home on a floating paradise,” complete with a gym, spa, putting green, entertainment facilities, a business center and an “experiential culinary center.”

    But first, the Odyssey has to get out of the dock.

    It’s now at Belfast’s Harland & Wolff shipyard, where the doomed RMS Titanic was built more than a century ago.

    Villa Vie Residences’ marketing manager Sebastian Stokkendal said the company had been “humbled by the scale of what it takes to reactivate a 30-year-old vessel from a four-year layup.”

    He said that after work on the rudder shafts, steel work and engine overhauls, the ship is almost ready to depart.

    “We expect a very anticipated successful launch next week where we will head to Bremerhaven, Amsterdam, Lisbon, then across the Atlantic for our Caribbean segment,” he said in an email to The Associated Press.

    In the meantime, the company has been paying living expenses for about 200 passengers. They are allowed onto the ship during the day and provided with meals and entertainment, but can’t stay overnight. The cruise line has paid for hotels in Belfast and in other European cities for those who want to explore more of Europe while they wait.

    Passenger Holly Hennessey from Florida told the BBC she can’t leave Northern Ireland because of her shipmate – her cat, Captain.

    She said that at first “I thought I’d go home, or the ship sent some people to the Canary Islands. And then I found out that because I have my cat with me, I can’t even leave.”

    “I want to thank Belfast for being so welcoming to all of us,” she said.

    Bodin and Canen – a Swede and an American who met when both lived in Hawaii — have used the time to travel to Italy, Croatia and Bodin’s hometown in Sweden, where they are awaiting news of the Odyssey.

    Canen plans to run her Arizona-based auto-glass business from the ship. Bodin, a carpenter, is running a YouTube channel documenting the couple’s temporarily stalled journey.

    Built in 1993 and operated under different names by several cruise lines over the years before being becalmed by the coronavirus pandemic in 2020, the Odyssey was bought by Villa Vie Residences in 2023.

    The residential cruising business has proved a troubled one. MS The World, launched in 2002, is currently the only vessel of the type in operation. Another venture, Life at Sea, canceled its planned 3-year voyage late last year after failing to secure a ship.

    Canen and Bodin put down a deposit on Life at Sea – they got their money back – and also gambled on Victoria Cruises, another stalled venture from which they are still seeking a refund.

    But they are undeterred.

    “We might be crazy, stupid, naive or resilient,” Bodin said. “I don’t know, you can put any label on it that you want.”

    ___

    Lawless reported from London.

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  • Arrest made 42 years after IRA car bombing killed 3 police officers in Northern Ireland

    Arrest made 42 years after IRA car bombing killed 3 police officers in Northern Ireland

    A 61-year-old man appeared in a Dublin court Thursday after being arrested in connection with an Irish Republican Army car bombing that killed three Northern Ireland policemen in 1982.

    Martin John McCauley was arrested Wednesday on an extradition warrant and will be prosecuted on murder charges in the deaths of Royal Ulster Constabulary Sgt. Sean Quinn and constables Allan McCloy and Paul Hamilton, said Iain Livingstone, head of Operation Kenova that investigated scores of murders, including dozens allegedly carried out by the IRA against informants.

    “The decision to prosecute more than 40 years after the incident shows the rigor and application Kenova has applied to this investigation and that evidence will now be tested by a court,” Livingstone said. “Our thoughts remain with the three officers’ families who have continued to act with courage and great dignity over the past four decades.”

    Charging McCauley with murder would mark a rare prosecution at this time over the violence known as “the Troubles” that reigned for three decades in a conflict involving Irish republican and British loyalist militants and U.K. security forces that left 3,600 people dead, some 50,000 wounded and thousands bereaved. The 1998 Good Friday peace accord largely ended the violence, though wounds are still raw for the victims.

    northern-ireland-officers-all-3-pic.jpg
    Police officers Sean Quinn, Allan McCloy and Paul Hamilton were killed when their car was blown up in 1982.

    Operation Kenova


    A controversial law passed by the British government last year, the Legacy and Reconciliation Bill, would have given immunity from prosecution for most offenses by militant groups and British soldiers after May 1. But a Belfast judge ruled in February that the bill does not comply with human rights law. The government is appealing the ruling.

    The Public Prosecution Service said the decision to press charges in the three murders was made in April before the law went into effect.

    “Following careful consideration of all the available evidence in a file submitted by Operation Kenova, the PPS took a decision to prosecute one individual in relation to the 1982 murders of Sergeant Sean Quinn and Constables Allan McCloy and Paul Hamilton,” a spokesperson said in a statement.

    The three officers were killed Oct. 27, 1982, when a bomb was remotely detonated along a road in Kinnego Embankment in County Armagh, Det. Sgt. Adrian Murray said in Dublin’s High Court.

    According to the BBC, two people suspected of involvement at the time were shot dead two weeks later by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officers.

    Decades later, new scientific tests were done on material recovered from the time “which has given a much better understanding of the people responsible,” lead investigator John Boutcher said in 2020.

    McCauley’s role in the bombing hasn’t been determined but there is forensic evidence tying him to the carefully planned attack, carried out by two members of the IRA, Murray said.

    McCauley denies the accusations and will contest his extradition, a law firm representing him said in a statement.

    A judge ordered McCauley held until a hearing in the Criminal Courts of Justice.

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  • U.S. woman accused of posing as heiress in scam extradited to the U.K. to face fraud charges

    U.S. woman accused of posing as heiress in scam extradited to the U.K. to face fraud charges

    7/2: CBS News 24/7 Episode 2


    7/2: CBS News 24/7 Episode 2

    46:33

    A woman accused of traveling across the U.S. claiming to be an Irish heiress and scamming several victims out of tens of thousands of dollars has been extradited to the United Kingdom, a U.S. official said Tuesday.

    Marianne Smyth, 54, faces charges of theft and fraud by abuse of position for allegedly stealing more than $170,000 from victims she met through her work as an independent mortgage adviser in Northern Ireland from 2008 to 2010. 

    A U.S. magistrate judge in Maine ruled in May that there was sufficient evidence for extradition of Smyth, who accusers say has also fashioned herself as a witch, a psychic and a friend to Hollywood stars.

    A spokesperson for the U.S. Department of Justice confirmed the extradition, and referred questions to law enforcement officials in Northern Ireland. An attorney for Smyth did not immediately respond to an email requesting comment.

    File photo of Marianne Smyth
    Marianne Smyth is seen in this photo taken in 2013 in Los Angeles.

    Johnaathan Walton / AP


    Authorities overseas have said Smyth stole money that she had promised to invest and also arranged to sell a victim a home but instead took the money. The Maine judge’s ruling on extradition detailed several instances in which prosecutors allege Smyth pocketed checks of £20,000 (about $25,370) or more. One couple accused her of making off with £72,570 (over $92,000).

    Smyth’s victims in the U.S. included Johnathan Walton, who worked as a reality television producer for “American Ninja Warrior” and “Shark Tank.” Walton also started a podcast titled “Queen of the Con” in an attempt to document his personal travails with Smyth and expose her misdeeds.

    A court in Northern Ireland issued arrest warrants for her earlier this decade. She was arrested in Bingham, Maine, in February.

    Smyth was slated to appear at the Newtownards Magistrates Court on Tuesday, according to the Hollywood Reporter, which obtained statements from the U.S. Department of Justice and the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

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  • World Snooker Championship: Mark Williams knocked out by Si Jiahui in last-frame thriller as seeds keep tumbling

    World Snooker Championship: Mark Williams knocked out by Si Jiahui in last-frame thriller as seeds keep tumbling

    Three-time world champion Mark Williams beaten 10-9 by 2023 semi-finalist Si Jiahui at the Crucible; Welshman’s exit means six seeds have now fallen in the first round so far; Ronnie O’Sullivan begins bid for eighth title against Jackson Page on Wednesday afternoon

    Last Updated: 23/04/24 6:23pm

    Mark Williams lost 10-9 to Si Jiahui in the first round of the World Snooker Championship

    Mark Williams’ quest for a fourth World Snooker Championship title ended in the first round as he lost a last-frame thriller to 2023 semi-finalist Si Jiahui.

    Sixth seed Williams – world champion in 2000, 2003 and 2018 – led 5-4 after Monday’s opening session but then found himself 8-5 down as Si reeled off four frames in a row on Tuesday afternoon.

    The 49-year-old then recovered from 9-7 down to force a decider but his Chinese opponent, 21, knocked in a nerveless break of 77 in the 19th frame to secure a second-round meeting with fellow qualifier Jak Jones.

    Si lost to Luca Brecel in the 2023 semi-finals in Sheffield

    Si lost to Luca Brecel in the 2023 semi-finals in Sheffield

    Williams’ exit takes the number of seeds eliminated in the first round to six, with defending champion Luca Brecel, four-time winner Mark Selby, Ali Carter, Gary Wilson and Zhang Anda also dispatched.

    O’Sullivan plays first match on Wednesday afternoon

    Williams was hoping to become the oldest champion in the tournament’s history, a record held by Ronnie O’Sullivan, who was 46 years and 148 days when he won the most recent of his seven Crucible trophies in 2022.

    O’Sullivan begins his bid for an outright record eighth world title against Jackson Page at 2.30pm on Wednesday, with that match then concluding from 1pm the following day.

    Jak Jones is Si's second-round opponent this year after he beat 11th seed Zhang Anda at the weekend

    Jak Jones is Si’s second-round opponent this year after he beat 11th seed Zhang Anda at the weekend

    Si led Luca Brecel 14-5 in last year’s semi-final, only to lose the match 17-15 as Brecel won 12 of the next 13 frames in a Crucible-record comeback.

    Si’s clash with Williams was viewed as one of the ties of the first round, with Williams winning the previous tournament on the calendar, the Tour Championship in Manchester.

    Williams, 49, defeated Judd Trump, Mark Allen and O’Sullivan – the top three players in the world rankings – in successive matches to claim his second ranking title of the season, after the British Open in Cheltenham in October.

    Dominic Dale is playing at The Crucible for the first time in 10 years

    Dominic Dale is playing at The Crucible for the first time in 10 years

    What else happened on Tuesday?

    Elsewhere, 2020 finalist Kyren Wilson surged into an 8-1 lead over Dominic Dale.

    Dale, who is the oldest player at this year’s competition at the age of 52 and playing at the Crucible for the first time in 10 years, had one moment to cheer against Wilson – a sublime 120 clearance.

    World No 17 Jack Liswoski leads seventh seed and 2016 finalist Ding Junhui 5-4, while Mark Allen romped into a 7-2 advantage over Robbie Williams.

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  • British banks scramble after a Big Lebowski-inspired ‘Dudeist priest’ in Northern Ireland filed hundreds of false documents

    British banks scramble after a Big Lebowski-inspired ‘Dudeist priest’ in Northern Ireland filed hundreds of false documents

    Bosses at some of the U.K.’s largest banks faced confusion and chaos after discovering hundreds of fake documents relating to their financial assets, filed by an ordained “Dudeist priest” in Northern Ireland.

    The alarm was raised by banking trade association UK Finance, which wrote to its members earlier this year warning that over 800 false loan documents relating to 190 of the country’s largest companies, including The Bank of Scotland, estate agent Knight Frank and private equity giant Macquarie, had been filed with Companies House.

    According to The Times of London, the falsified documents marked each company’s loans as being repaid or “fully satisfied” despite all the charges still being outstanding.

    While the mass filings at the start of the year could easily have been part of a complex state-sponsored cyberattack or fraud on an industrial scale, they were, in fact, the actions of just one man. 

    The individual in question is an unnamed meditation and acupuncture practitioner from Northern Ireland who identifies as a so-called Dudeist priest. Dudeism is a religious movement inspired by the Coen brothers’ 1998 movie The Big Lebowski, which advocates the practices followed by the film’s main character, Jeffrey “the Dude” Lebowski. The movement likens itself to Chinese Taoism with its “take it easy manifesto.” 

    The movie’s plot centers around the laid-back Lebowski who gets ensnared in a kidnapping conspiracy involving a millionaire who shares Lebowski’s name. 

    In an interview with The Times, the man, whose identity the outlet didn’t reveal, stated that he had made the filings as he believed the businesses concerned owed him money.

    Fortune reviewed the list of companies shared by UK Finance that were impacted by the false dismissal of charges. Some of the banks tied to the unsatisfied charges include HSBC, NatWest, CBRE and Royal Bank of Canada. 

    The incident places further scrutiny on Companies House, an agency of the UK government that maintains the register of companies.

    Companies House has been heavily criticized in recent years as the publisher of often incorrect or misleading data about U.K. companies, a powerful tool used by bogus companies, fake directorships and money launderers to hide their true intentions.

    Things are starting to change, with new powers granted to the agency last year under the Economic Crime and Corporate Transparency Act, which allows Companies House to finally start scrutinizing the data submitted to it. However, a surge in demand for its services means concerns surrounding its operations impact many companies and individuals—and therefore, are essential to address.

    “We have taken steps to block the account that is linked with these transactions and, using new powers available to us, have removed all the related filings,” a Companies House spokesperson told Fortune in a statement. “We are contacting the companies concerned and have launched an urgent review of our processes. We continue to work with law enforcement partners where appropriate.”

    Northern Ireland’s Dudeist priest

    The issues surrounding false filings have largely been resolved now—but ironically, the person behind it didn’t have a clear rationale for pursuing the companies that he did. 

    Speaking to The Times, the man said: “I didn’t know anything about it [the filings] until I was reading it and then I was sending things away all at once.

    “When I found something new I’d sink into it a bit too much and then I would get a bit scattered. I think if I spread it out and read it slowly and took my time maybe things would have been different, but that’s not what happened, unfortunately.”

    All the false filings have now been removed from the Companies House website, with a “rectified” statement prefixed. For instance, Companies House’s record on Nero Coffee Roasting Limited said: “Rectified The material was formerly considered to form part of the register but is no longer considered by the registrar to do so.”

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    Prarthana Prakash

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  • In Northern Ireland, ‘a Protestant state’ finally has a Catholic leader

    In Northern Ireland, ‘a Protestant state’ finally has a Catholic leader

    Demands and priorities

    Britain is providing the executive an extra £3.3 billion to start patching holes in services and pay long-delayed wage hikes that just triggered the biggest public sector strike in Northern Ireland’s history. The trouble is, the head of Northern Ireland’s civil service, Jayne Brady, has already told the new leaders that these eye-watering sums are still too small to pay the required bills. The U.K. expects Stormont to raise regional taxes, something local leaders have been loath to do.

    If anything can unite unionist and republican politicians, it’s their shared demand for the U.K. Treasury to keep sending more moolah — even though the British government already has committed to pay Northern Ireland over the odds into perpetuity at a new rate of £1.24 versus an equivalent £1 spent in England.

    Money demands and spending priorities should underpin short-term stability at Stormont. But a U.K. general election looms within months and DUP leader Jeffrey Donaldson wants to reverse his party’s losses to Sinn Féin. That could be complicated by the fact that he’s just compromised on Brexit trade rules in a fashion that distresses and confuses many within his own divided party, leaving him vulnerable.

    To strengthen his leadership, Donaldson boosted pragmatic allies and sought to neuter less reasonable opponents in Saturday’s DUP moves at Stormont.

    The assembly’s new non-partisan speaker will be DUP lawmaker Edwin Poots, who defeated Donaldson for the party leadership in 2021 only to be tossed out almost immediately.

    That move puts Poots — who used his previous role as Stormont’s agriculture minister to block essential resources for the required post-Brexit checks at ports — into a new strait-jacket of neutrality.

    Little-Pengelly, by contrast, is one of Donaldson’s most trusted lieutenants and a Stormont insider. He put her into his own assembly seat when, shortly after the 2022 election, Donaldson dumped it in favor of staying an MP in London.

    While Stormont is never more than one crisis away from another collapse, for Saturday, peace reigned — and an Irish republican, committed to Northern Ireland’s eventual dissolution, is in charge of making the place work.





    Shawn Pogatchnik

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  • Northern Ireland in 2024: A land of misery

    Northern Ireland in 2024: A land of misery

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    BELFAST — First its government collapsed. Then austerity began to bite. Now fresh elections are set to be cancelled, and tens of thousands of workers are going on strike.

    This is Northern Ireland in 2024 — a land of political deadlock, public sector cuts and mass labor unrest, with neither British ministers in London nor local powerbrokers the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) willing to do what is needed to restore a coherent government in this ever-divided corner of the United Kingdom.

    Nearly two years after the DUP first sabotaged the Northern Ireland Executive — the cross-community government at the heart of the region’s decades-old peace process — its leadership appears no closer to ending its boycott on cooperation with Sinn Féin. The Irish republicans overtook their DUP opponents as the most popular party at the last Stormont election in May 2022, but have been waiting ever since to lead a government under a power-sharing system the DUP refuses to revive.

    Similarly unwilling to fill the political vacuum is Northern Ireland Secretary Chris Heaton-Harris, who refuses to resume “direct rule” from Westminster. Northern Ireland was governed directly from London through most of its decades of bloodshed during the 20th century, and through a previous collapse of powersharing at Stormont between 2002-07.

    At least partly filling the vacuum over the past year have been Northern Ireland’s senior civil servants, abandoned to run their country without the help of elected politicians. They protest they lack both the power and democratic mandate to make essential spending and cost-cutting decisions — a weakness that has left public services to wither from within.

    This long-running crisis has triggered months of labor unrest, finally reducing Northern Ireland to a standstill on Thursday as 16 unions staged the region’s first coordinated mass strike in a half-century. It may not be the last.

    “This is a campaign we will continue,” said Gerry Murphy of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. “This is a campaign we will win.”

    Labor pains

    More than 170,000 workers — nearly a fifth of the entire workforce — shut down schools, transport links, non-emergency healthcare and almost all government-funded services on Thursday in a mass demand for long-withheld pay raises.

    The promised salary hikes were secured in principle years ago as part of wider U.K. labor agreements, but most of this money has yet to reach paychecks and pensions in Northern Ireland because the relevant Stormont ministers aren’t in office. In their absence, the U.K. Treasury is withholding the required funds.

    That was supposed to change as part of a conditional funding package that Heaton-Harris presented to local parties last month in a bid to break the DUP logjam. If Democratic Unionist leader Jeffrey Donaldson agreed to lead his party back to Stormont, Heaton-Harris announced, the U.K. would provide £3.3 billion in exceptional financial supports to make the relaunch of power-sharing a success. Included in the package: £584 million for the outstanding pay claims.

    But to the exasperation of other parties, and despite Donaldson’s own efforts to telegraph a coming move, the DUP leader failed to persuade his most powerful deputies to grasp the offer as a moment for compromise.

    Donaldson since has insisted that talks with U.K. government officials will drag out indefinitely until the DUP wins further concessions on Northern Ireland’s complex post-Brexit trading arrangements, which unionists fear are pushing the economy toward a united Ireland.

    The DUP leader failed to persuade his most powerful deputies to grasp the offer as a moment for compromise | Charles McQuillan/Getty Images

    Indeed, dangling billions in front of the DUP seems only to have backfired. Heaton-Harris has repeatedly said the £3.3 billion will not be forthcoming until the DUP returns to Stormont — a condition that both British unionists and Irish nationalists have denounced as blackmail.

    Mass unrest

    Reflecting that anger, tens of thousands of striking workers braved freezing conditions on Thursday to march in central Belfast, Londonderry and Enniskillen, venting their anger and demanding their salaries be boosted to the levels of their professional peers in England, Scotland and Wales.

    As one example, they cited how a newly qualified teacher in Northern Ireland earns around £24,000 a year, versus £30,000 elsewhere in the U.K. Official U.K. statistics indicate that public sector workers in Northern Ireland have seen the value of their incomes fall by 11 percent in real terms during the past two years of government collapse.

    Heaton-Harris, an arch Brexiteer who was appointed to the post by ex-PM Liz Truss during her brief Downing Street reign, has struggled to find any pressure point that works on Donaldson, whose DUP is frequently cited as the most stubborn political party in Europe.

    Heaton-Harris’ most common threat — to call an early election for Stormont — has proved particularly absurd because it would potentially help the DUP. Donaldson would hope to claw back ground lost to politicians representing the moderate middle ground, who did unusually well in the 2022 vote.

    Indeed, the prospect of fresh elections is one reason why Donaldson keeps playing for time. Accepting a deal now — and so accepting the current post-Brexit trade arrangements are here to stay — would likely split his party and drive support toward Traditional Unionist Voice, an even harder-line unionist rival that rejects working with Sinn Féin in all circumstances.

    Reflecting that anger, tens of thousands of striking workers braved freezing conditions on Thursday to march in central Belfast | Paul Faith/AFP via Getty Images

    And so the stasis — and the misery — looks set to continue.

    The unions behind Thursday’s mass strike have vowed to conduct a rolling series of similar protests until Heaton-Harris untethers their pay demands from any proposed DUP sweetheart deal.

    But Heaton-Harris looks poised to kick the Stormont can down the road yet again, meaning Northern Ireland’s public services keep suffering via piecemeal funding half-measures.

    The minister is expected to unveil emergency legislation next week that gives both himself, and Northern Ireland’s permanent secretaries, a new “hybrid” mix of powers and responsibilities over the region.

    But a former permanent secretary who oversaw the Brexit process in Northern Ireland, Andrew McCormick, said Heaton-Harris’ mismanagement of the situation to date meant neither the Stormont mandarins nor the secretary of state himself “have a legal basis for the strategic decisions that are needed. The government can and should change course as a matter of urgency. Abdication is not acceptable.”

    The legislation also is expected to delay, once again, the legally required date for the next Stormont election to early 2025 — by which time a U.K.-wide general election will likely have ended the Conservative government’s 14-year reign and turned Northern Ireland into a problem for the British Labour Party.

    Shawn Pogatchnik

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  • Sinn Féin walks immigration tightrope toward power in Ireland

    Sinn Féin walks immigration tightrope toward power in Ireland

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    DUBLIN – For Sinn Féin chief Mary Lou McDonald to become Ireland’s next prime minister, she will have to negotiate a delicate path over the newly hot-button topic of immigration.

    Tensions about Ireland’s overwhelmed refugee system have shot to the top of the political agenda following race riots in Dublin — and now pose challenges for all parties ahead of elections later this year.

    While centrists in Ireland’s coalition government face their own backroom tensions over immigration policy, it is the main opposition party, Sinn Féin, which is considered most at risk of splitting its base and shedding support to right-wing rivals.

    Such a development would undercut Sinn Féin right on the cusp of an historic breakthrough in the Republic of Ireland, where it appears poised to gain power for the first time following decades of expansion from its longtime stronghold in neighboring Northern Ireland. The Irish republicans, with popular anti-establishment messages and strong working-class roots, have held a commanding lead in every opinion poll since 2020 — an advantage that could slip away as public unease over immigration spikes.

    Unusually for a nationalist party in Europe, Sinn Féin principally fishes for votes on the crowded left of the Irish political divide, not the relatively empty right – where, according to polling, many of its traditional supporters are flowing as they seek a tougher line on asylum seekers.

    Since November 23 — when an Algerian man stabbed three schoolchildren and a teacher in central Dublin, igniting rioting and vandalism by hundreds of protesters chanting bigoted slogans — Sinn Féin has seen its popularity fall below 30 percent in national polls for the first time in two years. Much of the lost support has drifted to rural independent politicians and right-wing fringe parties, among them Sinn Féin defectors now free to express immigration-critical views.

    Rank and file Sinn Féin politicians have been warned internally not to post anything on social media at odds with McDonald’s immigration stance, which focuses on the impact on services — reflecting a hyper-twitchy environment in which commentators are primed to pounce on any perceived hardening in her position.

    McDonald wants her party to stay focused on housing, specifically its core pre-election promise to build tens of thousands of public housing units beyond the government’s own expanding commitments.

    She sees anti-immigrant sentiment as tied to the soul-crushing struggle to secure an affordable home in a country where property prices and rents are among the highest in Europe. This market dysfunction reflects a Europe-leading population boom amid tight supply.

    ‘I share that anger’

    The pace of social change has been staggering, particularly on the relatively impoverished north side of Dublin. Barely a generation ago, Ireland had only 3.5 million people and almost no immigrants in a country where its own people were its biggest export. By contrast, a fifth of today’s nearly 5.3 million residents were born outside Ireland.

    The population boom has been fueled by nearly a decade of strong multinational-driven economic growth and, more recently, a disproportionate intake of 100,000 Ukrainian war refugees and more than 26,000 other asylum seekers, hundreds of whom are now sleeping in tents in parks and side streets. Starting later this month, the government is poised to cut benefits to new Ukrainian arrivals in a bid to reduce them coming via other EU states, where benefits are lower.

    “If you are a person who can’t get a home, or your son or daughter can’t get housed, and then you reckon that lots more people are coming to the country, naturally enough, you’re going to say: ‘Well, how am I going to be housed?’” McDonald told the Business Post, the latest in a series of interviews in which she portrays anti-immigrant sentiment as both understandable and unfair.

    Followers of Hare Krishna, many of whom fled Ukraine during the war, listen to a lecture after prayer near Enniskillen, western Northern Ireland | Paul Faith/AFP via Getty Images

    “All of that anger about housing, I share that anger,” she said. “But that’s on the government, not on new people coming into the state.”

    It’s an argument that, behind the scenes, McDonald and senior party lieutenants are having with their own supporters, whose anti-immigrant sentiment has been vividly captured by pollsters if not permitted on official Sinn Féin platforms.

    According to the most detailed recent survey isolating the views of each party’s grassroots, Sinn Féin voters came out as the most anti-immigrant.

    While majorities of voters for other parties identified continued immigration as positive, Sinn Féin’s took the opposite tack. More than 70 percent said too many immigrants were arriving, with a majority associating this with “an increase in crime” and Ireland “losing its personality.” Only 38 percent viewed immigration as “beneficial for the economy.”

    Tapping into those sentiments are a disparate array of right wing upstarts. Among them is Aontú (Unity), a party founded by ex-Sinn Féin lawmaker Peadar Tóibín, and the Rural Independents, a loose grouping of lawmakers including another Sinn Féin defector, Carol Nolan. Two other Rural Independents from Cork and Limerick have just founded a new party, Independent Ireland, which they bill as offering “a comfortable alternative” to Sinn Féin.

    Independents could potentially hold the balance of power following the next general election, which must come by March 2025 but is widely expected in late 2024.

    Sinn Féin vice president Michelle O’Neill, left, watches on during the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis | Charles McQuillan/Getty Images

    First, however, these and other rising voices on the far right will get the chance to build grassroots organizations in local council elections, which take place in June alongside European Parliament elections. Likely candidates include anti-immigrant activists who have led protests outside vacant properties earmarked for housing asylum seekers, some of which have subsequently been torched.

    Police have failed to bring charges in relation to any of these arson attacks, which began in 2018 and escalated in size and frequency in the past year.

    McDonald – a Dubliner who succeeded Gerry Adams as Sinn Féin leader in 2018 – has started to experience heckling from far right activists as she attends meetings with local groups in her central Dublin constituency. These critics vow to field candidates for June’s council elections, potentially gaining a toehold in democratic institutions for the first time.

    Some are members of the Brexiteer-aping Irish Freedom Party, which predicts shelters “will continue to burn” unless government policy on immigration is reversed. Others back the far-right National Party, although its divided leadership is mired in dispute over the ownership of €400,000 in gold bars seized by police from the party’s HQ.

    The irony of Irish people demonizing immigrants is not lost on government ministers tasked with salvaging Ireland’s tourist-focused image of céad míle fáilte – “a hundred thousand welcomes.”

    When Nolan introduced a Rural Independents anti-immigration motion in parliament last month, Green Party Minister for Integration Roderic O’Gorman recalled how Ireland had “closed the doors” to Jews fleeing the Holocaust and should never act that way again – particularly given millions of Irish had emigrated since the 18th century in search of a better life.

    Sinn Féin principally fishes for votes on the crowded left of the Irish political divide, not the relatively empty right | Charles McQuillan/Getty Images

    Referring to the motion’s claim that placing “unvetted single males” in rural towns and villages presented “grave potential consequences for residents,” O’Gorman said the opposition should vet their own family trees.

    “Can any of us put our hand on our heart and say there is not a male member of our family who has not gone abroad seeking work?” he said. “There are ‘unvetted’ male migrants in every one of our families. We are lucky as a country that other countries let them come in and contribute to the system.”

    Shawn Pogatchnik

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  • Casement Park – Euro 2028’s derelict stadium caught in a storm of politics and protests

    Casement Park – Euro 2028’s derelict stadium caught in a storm of politics and protests

    Northern Ireland’s doomed bid to reach the 2024 European Championship will have a suitably downbeat conclusion at Windsor Park in Belfast tonight. Denmark, who ensured their qualification on Friday, are the visitors.

    It had been hoped this would be a major occasion, a Group H play-off of sorts, with the home side inspired as before by the raucous Windsor Park atmosphere. But it has been a hugely disappointing campaign for Michael O’Neill in his second spell as manager.

    While Denmark were qualifying, O’Neill’s team were losing 4-0 in Finland, making it seven defeats in the first nine group games. The two exceptions were both against lowly San Marino.

    There have been mitigating factors — injuries have been decimating. Last week, O’Neill cancelled training as only seven players were available. He has goodwill in the bank due to Northern Ireland’s out-of-nowhere qualification under him for Euro 2016, when his squad gave fans unforgettable days in Lyon and Paris.


    Northern Ireland have struggled through O’Neill’s second stint in charge (Ramsey Cardy/Sportsfile via Getty Images)

    That brought a connection between supporters and the European Championship, so when the Irish Football Association (IFA) was one of five successful partners in the bid to stage Euro 2028 — alongside England, Scotland, Wales and the Republic of Ireland — it was expected that Belfast’s reaction would be euphoric.

    That is not the case.

    There has been some happiness and pride that Belfast will be staging five matches in the third-largest sports tournament in the world, but there has also been loud dissent. The reason is that none of those five games will be at Windsor Park. They will instead be played at an as-yet-unbuilt redeveloped Casement Park, a stadium in the west of the city owned by the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA).

    The fact Casement Park is currently derelict is only one of the arguments placed against it.

    Belfast is the divided capital of a divided country and the religious, cultural and sporting divisions dominating daily life have been voiced loudly. Last month, during the home game with San Marino, this chant was heard at Windsor Park: “You can shove your Casement Park up your hole.”

    Not all Northern Ireland fans present sang it, and not all believe it — but many do.


    Fans at Windsor Park make their feelings clear (Niall Carson/PA Images via Getty Images)

    The Euro 2028 announcement had happened six days earlier. Casement Park was the IFA’s nominated stadium. The Amalgamation of Northern Ireland Supporters Clubs (AONISC) quickly pointed out fans’ concerns in a letter to the IFA. Foremost among these is why Windsor Park has not been chosen as the country’s host stadium.

    Last Thursday the reply from Patrick Nelson, the IFA’s chief executive, was published. In it, Nelson said “there is no current funding opportunity from government for any extension” of Windsor Park. Nelson did not say that an expansion of Windsor Park was impossible, but that there was no current process to make it happen. With Casement Park, there is a process.

    It began in 2011 when the UK government dedicated funds for the redevelopment of three stadia in Belfast — Windsor Park (football), Ravenhill (rugby union) and Casement Park (GAA). The sums respectively were £26.2million, £14.7m and £61.4m.

    In addition to the £26.2m for Windsor Park was £36.2m for local Irish League and junior football stadia. The £26.2m plus £36.2m total of £62.4m meant football received approximately the same as GAA. Such balance matters in a finger-pointing environment.

    The GAA also pledged £15million of its own money to help reconstruct Casement Park.

    The funds for Windsor Park’s upgrade to what is an all-seater 18,500 stadium were released, as was the money for Ravenhill. Casement Park’s situation was delayed and complicated by objections from local residents resulting in legal action. In December 2014, the High Court knocked back the original plans.

    A new 34,500-capacity re-design was accepted in 2016, but funding has stalled and Casement Park, built in 1953 and empty since June 2013, remains untouched.

    It is overgrown, padlocked and surrounded by hoardings.


    Weeds grow on the pitch at derelict Casement Park (Ramsey Cardy/Sportsfile via Getty Images)

    Life in Northern Ireland is frequently paralysed by its broken politics. The ancient divides — Catholic and Protestant, Irish Nationalist and British Unionist — are fiercely current. Its two largest political parties, Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), have worked together in the seat of local government at Stormont, but that was suspended from 2017-20 and has not sat since February 2022.

    The stasis means decision-making is either relocated to London or the can is simply kicked down the road.

    For example, and much to the annoyance of local football fans, that £36.2million earmarked for smaller stadia has not been seen. It is needed desperately.

    It is speculation but, were Stormont functioning as it should, there may have been conversations regarding Windsor Park’s further expansion, although even then there is the issue that the stadium is owned by the Irish League club Linfield, not the IFA. The governing body has a 51-year lease.

    Meanwhile, in 2018 the IFA started discussions with the four other partners involved in a joint UK-Ireland bid to stage the 2030 World Cup. Once the strength of Spain and Portugal’s challenge to stage that tournament became clear, the focus switched to Euro 2028 instead.

    For the IFA, and Northern Ireland, to be part of that bid, UEFA’s requirements included a plus-30,000 capacity stadium. The one venue in Belfast with planning permission and funding in place was Casement Park. Otherwise, Belfast and the IFA could not be involved. And the UK government did not want that.

    Nelson told The Athletic on Friday: “The Casement project had been part of the 2011 funding agreement and it was re-committed to in 2020 when the local government returned — I know it’s not sitting now — with a set of commitments called ‘New Decade, New Approach’. The rebuilding of Casement was on page two of that hefty document, saying all parties in Northern Ireland were committed to Casement Park being rebuilt.

    “For us (as an association), it allowed us to have serious skin in the game and be part of the bid (for 2028).”


    Patrick Nelson, the IFA’s chief executive (Brian Lawless/PA Images via Getty Images)

    Was further expansion of Windsor Park considered?

    “We love the stadium,” Nelson said. “We have been playing international football there since 1910. There’s huge history there. But there is no political project to invest in it further. There is a political project to invest in other grounds in Northern Ireland.”

    In 2018, had the IFA had political backing, could Windsor Park have been redeveloped to UEFA requirements?

    “I think that’s hypothetical,” Nelson said. “We didn’t have political backing. All the way from 2011 onwards, there’s been a commitment from the government to build or redevelop the three stadia, two of which have been done. The third is Casement. And to put £36.2million into sub-regional football stadia.

    “There isn’t any other stadium project out there with political backing.”

    The GAA was agreeable to the overall Euro 2028 bid. That organisation is fundamental to Irish Nationalism and its Rule 42 forbids any other sport from being played on GAA premises. It was hostile towards soccer.

    In a changing Irish political landscape, though, as a negotiated end to the modern ‘Troubles’ arrived in the shape of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement of 1998, the GAA relaxed Rule 42 to enable Ireland (a combined team with players from both nations) to face England in a rugby union match in Dublin’s Croke Park in February 2007. The following month, the Republic of Ireland football team played a European Championship qualifier at Croke Park against Wales.

    The GAA is a willing participant in the Euro 2028 plan. It will also ensure Casement Park gets rebuilt.


    Dublin’s Croke Park hosted England in rugby union’s Six Nations in 2007 (Julien Behal – PA Images/PA Images via Getty Images)

    Northern Ireland fans note the GAA will still own Casement Park after 2028 and ask where the ‘legacy’ value for local football is in that.

    Twelve years on from the 2011 funding agreement, costs have of course multiplied. Estimates today say Casement Park will cost £100million-plus, even £150m-plus, to rebuild. Unhelpfully, one of the contractors involved, Buckingham Group, went into administration in August.

    Nelson’s letter to Northern Ireland supporters implied, however, that Casement Park will proceed and on Friday Mike Trice, the lead architect on the project, addressed a meeting in Belfast to give an update.

    Trice is from Populous, the architects behind grounds such as the New York Yankees’ baseball stadium, Tottenham Hotspur’s new stadium and Lansdowne Road in Dublin, home of Ireland’s rugby union team and the Republic’s football side, with its comparable (to Casement Park) scale and urban setting.

    The presence of Trice and Populous in Belfast last week does not guarantee completion in June 2027 — UEFA’s deadline — but neither does it suggest the rebuild is on hold. It is thought the stadium will take three years to construct, so that gives the IFA and the UK-Ireland bid team a few months still to get their hands on the necessary funds. But it is a narrow time frame.


    Depending on the route, there are just over two miles between Windsor Park in south Belfast and Casement Park to the west.

    Whatever the direction you take, the journey is across a divided city.

    Last week, The Athletic walked from Windsor to Casement via Broadway, a street that connects Donegall Avenue, its Protestant symbols and Presbyterian churches, with the Falls Road and its Irish Republican murals and flags.

    Broadway is half a mile long from end to end and in the middle is a dual carriageway, the Westlink. This acts as a demarcation line between the two communities. Belfast is known for such dividing lines — ‘peace walls’ as they are known. There are an estimated 99 ‘interfaces’ in a city of around 350,000 people. Some dispute the 99 figure, but then they would — this is Belfast.


    Windsor Park (Charles McQuillan – UEFA/UEFA via Getty Images)

    The first wall was constructed between the Falls Road and the Shankill Road over 50 years ago as Belfast descended into the bloody sectarian strife known as The Troubles.

    Casement Park lies at the top of the Falls Road, in Andersonstown. The people who live there are — in broad terms — Irish nationalists, Catholic school-educated and supporters of a re-unified Ireland. They follow the Republic of Ireland football team, not the Northern Ireland one. On the Shankill Road, people are generally Unionists — they want to maintain the union within the UK — are state school-educated and, in football, follow Northern Ireland.

    Segregated education is a fact of Belfast life. It is one obvious illustration of the parallel lives people from the two communities lead on a daily basis.

    The Shankill and Falls run close to one another near the city centre, but the crossover in footfall is minimal. During The Troubles, this would have been life-threatening. The Troubles hardened Belfast’s arteries and that includes traffic. As if local grievances required another layer, at the Unionist end of Broadway, there are Israeli flags flying; at the Falls end, Palestinian colours are prominent.


    Irish and Palestinian flags fly side by side in the Falls Road (Paul Faith/AFP via Getty Images)

    In the letter mentioned above, the AONISC supporters’ group pointed out to the IFA that Northern Ireland fans are not prone to walking up the Falls Road or around Andersonstown and that there were legitimate worries about safety. This is valid, based partly on the lack of cross-community physical interaction today and partly on historic enmity.

    Casement Park is named after Roger Casement, a Dublin-born UK diplomat hanged for treason in London’s Pentonville prison in August 1916 for his role in the Easter Rising four months earlier.

    Casement is an important figure in Irish Nationalism; a hero. That is not his status with core Northern Ireland fans, and, since the 2028 announcement, older supporters have recalled the murders in March 1988 of British soldiers Derek Howes and David Wood.

    During a fraught time even by Belfast’s 1980s standards, Howes and Wood drove into a funeral on the Falls Road for an IRA member murdered three days previously by a Protestant paramilitary at another funeral. Howes and Wood were taken to Casement Park, beaten, then shot nearby.

    There are sights and scenes people never get over in a conflict and this was and is one of them. The past is not another country in Northern Ireland.

    Windsor Park has an engaging stadium tour which informs visitors that the ground was opened in 1905, held over 60,000 for a match against England in 1960 and, since 2016’s upgrade and redevelopment, has a capacity of 18,434.


    The redeveloped Windsor Park hosted the UEFA Super Cup between Chelsea and Villarreal in 2021 (Charles McQuillan – UEFA/UEFA via Getty Images)

    Unmentioned is the riot in December 1948, when players from Belfast Celtic — a largely Catholic-supported club from the other end of Broadway — were attacked at Windsor Park. Centre-forward Jimmy Jones was dragged into the mainly Protestant crowd and jumped on until one of his legs fractured. Jones was a Protestant but the colour of his jersey mattered more.

    Belfast Celtic withdrew from the Irish League four months later and never returned. They had withdrawn once before — in 1920-21, returning in 1924-25 — due to political violence finding its way onto the pitch. The club’s history shows current tensions are nothing new. The game has been used as a political football here since it began.

    Belfast, and Northern Ireland beyond, have a long tradition of football. The first club in Ireland formed there in 1879 — Cliftonville, now managed in the domestic top flight by former Northern Ireland international Jim Magilton — and the IFA, established in a city centre hotel in 1880, is the fourth-oldest football association in the world. The man who came up with the penalty kick, William McCrum, was born in County Armagh and played for years in the Irish League.

    As you turn left off Broadway onto the Falls Road, on the left is Nansen Street, which is where Bill McCracken grew up. McCracken is the man who altered the geography of football by being so adept at playing offside for Newcastle United, FIFA changed the law in 1925 to make it easier for attackers. McCracken then became a Newcastle scout and discovered George Eastham playing for Ards in the Irish League. Eastham, too, changed football’s geography via his landmark 1963 freedom of movement court case.

    A few yards past Nansen Street is the Irish language centre, the Culturlann, and a little further along to your right is Beechmount Avenue, known then and now as ‘RPG Avenue’. RPG is shorthand for rocket-propelled grenades. For foreign visitors come 2028, this might be intriguing history but, for traditional Northern Ireland fans, it would be at best unsettling.

    Both, however, may find some interest in Belfast City Cemetery further up the long slope leading to Casement Park. There lies Elisha Scott, who was manager of Belfast Celtic on that infamous day in 1948 but, before then, Liverpool goalkeeper from 1912 to 1934 and a man dubbed the ‘darling of the Kop’.

    Not far from Scott is the grave of John Peden, who was the first man from a city whose airport is named after George Best to play for Manchester United. It was 1893 and they were known then as Newton Heath. Peden is the beginning of a long red thread connecting Belfast and Old Trafford, with Jonny Evans being its current end.

    At the top of the Falls, you reach Andersonstown Road.

    One hundred yards on, past the Felons Club bar, sits Casement Park, hidden by dark wooden boards, its unused floodlights high above. It feels a great distance from Windsor Park.


    An aerial view of Casement Park (Ramsey Cardy/Sportsfile via Getty Images)

    Reconciliation is a word everyone in Belfast has heard. How many have experienced it is another matter.

    The City Cemetery also contains another wall, constructed long before the overground peace walls were erected. The Catholic church objected to the burial ground containing Protestants as well as Catholics, so an underground wall was built to separate the two. Sectarian division in the bones.

    But change can come.

    The Gaelic-speaking centre on the Falls Road was once a Presbyterian church and one of the exhibits on the Windsor Park tour there is an old Ireland kit — the original one used before the 1921 Partition of the island. It is blue, ‘St Patrick’s Blue’, not green.

    Historic programmes also reveal just how long the IFA clung on to calling its team ‘Ireland’ rather than ‘Northern Ireland’.


    What happens now?

    If Casement Park is not rebuilt, or its rebuild doesn’t begin in time to satisfy the organising committee, UEFA will revert to contingency planning. The Euro 2020 final played at London’s Wembley Stadium would have been switched to Budapest in Hungary had there been any problems, for instance.

    The same will apply in Germany for Euro 2024. If games cannot be staged at the originally allotted ground, they will be moved to one or more of the tournament’s other host stadia with the necessary infrastructure — security, commercial, media — in place. Euro 2028 will be no different, so Belfast’s five matches would be played in, for example, the English city of Birmingham or perhaps Dublin.

    This would leave a large hole in the bid’s delivery.

    Nelson and the IFA are not thinking this way.

    “I understand,” he said, “that we have been through a very difficult time in Northern Ireland and that everyone has their own personal place on that journey. It’s complex, I know that, and the term ‘legacy’ can be quite nuanced in our country.

    “I do appreciate there are people with genuine, heart-felt views that are different from the ones the IFA is espousing. But for me it’s quite a pivotal moment, not only for football but for wider civic society in Northern Ireland. A new stadium has a multiplier effect. Capital projects like this can really benefit the economy enormously — not only just the thing they’re meant to deliver but the knock-on effect, the supply chain. Northern Ireland will benefit.

    “For me, for many of us, it would be a real shame to miss this fantastic opportunity.”


    Casement Park has been empty since 2013 (Ramsey Cardy/Sportsfile via Getty Images)

    And the anti-Casement chants which may be heard again tonight when Denmark visit Windsor Park?

    “People have a right to express their views — I’ve always been clear on that. But this is a fantastic opportunity for our country,” Nelson added.

    “We have banded together with four other associations to bring such a brilliant tournament to our shores. It’s an opportunity to show what we can do positively for our society. This year, we are 25 years on from the Belfast Good Friday Agreement. In 2028, it will be 30 years. Ten or 15 years ago, would anyone have said we can bring a tournament like this to our shores, to Belfast?

    “Focusing on the positives and the benefits, I think it’s the right thing to do. We are adamant we can bring colour, vibrancy, quality to Euro 2028, and Belfast will bring that.”

    (Top photo: Ramsey Cardy/Sportsfile via Getty Images)

    The New York Times

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  • Gerry Adams Fast Facts | CNN

    Gerry Adams Fast Facts | CNN



    CNN
     — 

    Here’s a look at the life of Gerry Adams, former president of Sinn Fein, the leading republican political party in Northern Ireland.

    Birth date: October 6, 1948

    Birth place: Belfast, Northern Ireland

    Birth name: Gerard Adams

    Father: Gerry Adams, laborer and republican activist

    Mother: Annie (Hannaway) Adams, mill worker

    Marriage: Colette (McArdle) Adams (1971-present)

    Children: Gearóid

    Religion: Catholic

    Sinn Fein means “we ourselves.”

    Has written more than 10 books.

    Denies being a member of the Irish Republican Army.

    Early 1960s – Joins Sinn Fein, which supports the reunion of British-ruled Northern Ireland with the rest of Ireland.

    1972 – Suspected of being an Irish Republican Army leader, Adams is interned without trial.

    July 1972 – Is released to participate in secret peace talks with the British government.

    1973-1977After peace talks fail, Adams is imprisoned again.

    1978 – Elected vice president of Sinn Fein.

    1983 – Elected president of Sinn Fein.

    1983-1992 – Is the elected representative for West Belfast in the British House of Commons. Following Sinn Fein policy, Adams never takes his seat in order to avoid taking the obligatory oath of loyalty to the Queen of England.

    1984 – Is shot and seriously wounded during an assassination attempt.

    1988 – Begins talks with John Hume, the leader of Northern Ireland’s Social Democratic and Labour Party.

    1993 – Adams and Hume issue a statement suggesting ways to peacefully settle the conflict in Northern Ireland.

    1994 – Is granted his first US visa.

    1997 – Meets with British Prime Minister Tony Blair.

    April 1998 – The Good Friday Agreement, also known as the Belfast Agreement, is signed, establishing a democratically elected assembly in Northern Ireland. The assembly is suspended several times, with the last suspension ending in 2007.

    June 1998 – Is elected to the new Northern Ireland Assembly.

    2011 – Is elected to the Dáil, Ireland’s parliament.

    April 30-May 4, 2014 – Adams is held for questioning in connection with the 1972 Irish Republican Army abduction and slaying of Jean McConville, a mother of 10.

    May 19, 2015 – Meets Prince Charles. This is the first meeting between a member of the British Royal Family and the leader of Sinn Fein.

    May 22, 2015 – Calls the election results making Ireland the first country in the world to legalize same-sex marriage through popular vote, “a huge day for equality.”

    September 29, 2015 – Northern Ireland’s Public Prosecution Service confirms that Adams and six others will not be prosecuted in connection with the 1972 murder of Jean McConville.

    March 16, 2016 – The Secret Service apologizes for denying Adams entry to a White House reception, blaming the mix-up on an administrative error. Adams was invited to attend St. Patrick’s Day celebrations on March 15, but when he arrived he says staff informed him that there was an issue of security.

    November 18, 2017 – During Sinn Fein’s annual meeting in Dublin, Ireland, Adams announces his intention to stand down as president in 2018.

    February 10, 2018 – Steps down as president of Sinn Fein.

    July 13, 2018 – An explosive device is thrown at Adams’ home in Belfast, and at the home of Bobby Storey, another Sinn Fein leader. An arrest is made on July 17 in connection to the attacks.

    October 2018 – “The Negotiator’s Cook Book,” which contains recipes Adam’s calls “the best-kept secrets” behind the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, is published.

    October 17, 2019 – A Belfast court dismisses a case against former IRA member Ivor Bell, also clearing Adams of any links to the murder of McConville.

    February 2020 – The Guardian reports that Adams is part of Sinn Fein’s government formation negotiating team, according to a leaked brief. His name does not appear on the list of the negotiating team released by the party. This follows Sinn Fein’s win of a number of seats during Ireland’s general election earlier in the month. In his blog, Adams writes the that the party has always had additional advisers.

    May 13, 2020 – The United Kingdom’s Supreme Court rules that Adams was unlawfully imprisoned in the 1970s and overturns two convictions against him for trying to escape from prison.

    April 28, 2023 – Belfast’s high court rules that Adams was wrongly denied compensation after his convictions were overturned in 2020.

    July 4, 2023 – The House of Lords announces amendments to the government’s legacy bill which would deny compensation to Adams and others who were imprisoned without trial in the 1970s.

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  • After Brexit, Britain and Europe embrace ever-closer union

    After Brexit, Britain and Europe embrace ever-closer union

    LONDON — It was the gleaming smiles and mutual backslapping of two 40-something banker bros which signalled a new era of U.K.-EU relations. 

    British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and French President Emmanuel Macron looked like natural bedfellows as they riffed off one another at a friendly Paris press conference in March, announcing a sizeable £478 million package to deter migrant crossings through the English Channel.

    The contrast with the petty name-calling of the Boris Johnson and Liz Truss eras was clear to see.

    Sunak’s warm and productive summit with Europe’s most high-profile leader confirmed a more collaborative relationship with the EU and its national capitals after the turmoil of the Brexit era. Less than two weeks earlier, the British PM’s landmark Windsor Framework agreement with Brussels had finally resolved post-Brexit trading issues in Northern Ireland.

    “My hope is that [the agreement] opens up other areas of constructive engagement and dialogue and cooperation with the EU,” Sunak told POLITICO en route to the Paris summit.

    Six months on, his words have been borne out.

    In addition to the Windsor Framework and English Channel agreements, Britain has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Brussels on regulatory cooperation in financial services, and this month rejoined the EU’s massive €96 billion Horizon and Copernicus science research programs — a major result for the U.K.’s research and university sectors after two years of uncertainty.

    Next on the agenda is a cooperation deal between the British government and the EU’s border protection agency Frontex — another move that brings Britain closer to the EU in a small but meaningful way.

    The deal, confirmed by the Home Secretary Suella Braverman on Tuesday, is expected to be similar to other deals Frontex has with non-EU countries, like Albania, which allow the sharing of data on migration flows.

    “We have seen concrete steps created by a new climate of good faith,” said a London-based European diplomat, granted anonymity — like others in this article — to speak candidly about diplomatic relations.

    “We missed that before, and so that’s the Sunak effect. I wouldn’t say he’s done an amazing job, but he’s changed the state of mind — and therefore he has changed everything.”

    A new hope

    In addition to a renewed focus on relations with fellow leaders, Sunak has impressed EU diplomats with his willingness to face down the vocal Brexiteer wing of his own party, which has long seemed — to European eyes — to hold outsized influence over successive Tory prime ministers.

    Britain’s Prime Minister Rishi Sunak proclaimed a “new chapter” in post-Brexit relations with the European Union after securing a breakthrough deal to regulate trade in Northern Ireland | Pool photo by Dan Kitwood/AFP via Getty Images

    Earlier this year Sunak enraged Tory right-wingers by abandoning a controversial pledge to scrap or rewrite thousands of EU-era regulatory laws which remain on the British statute book by the end of this year, to the delight of EU capitals.

    “The improving relationship is built on the fact there’s now a willingness to find solutions and engage in a way that wasn’t there in the previous administrations,” a second London-based European diplomat said.

    Negotiations continue between Sunak’s government and Brussels over other outstanding areas of dispute — chief among them tough new tariffs due to be imposed in January on electric vehicles (EVs) being shipped in and out of the U.K. which do not conform to strict sourcing requirements for electric batteries.

    On Wednesday the U.K.-EU Trade Specialised Committee will meet to discuss the issue, with British ministers increasingly hopeful Brussels will agree to scrap the end-of-year deadline after heavy lobbying from German automakers and its own European Commissioner for trade, Valdis Dombrovskis.

    Catherine Barnard, a European law professor at Cambridge University, said overall Sunak had overseen a “much more positive relationship” with Europe, albeit one conducted on a “pay-as-you-go basis.”

    “This is looking much more positive and it’s putting some meaning on dealing with our European neighbors as friends, rather than as foes,” she said.

    “But equally, we’re not talking about a comprehensive and thorough renegotiation — quite the contrary.”

    No. 10 Downing Street agrees the shift is less profound than some media observers — or grumbling Tory MPs — would like to think.

    A No. 10 aide said Sunak sees his diplomatic efforts as “normal government,” noting that “we’ve just forgotten what it looks like” after the turmoil of the post-Brexit era.

    “I know it’s following Brexit and all that nonsense we’ve seen over the last few years, and it’s nice to see any small win or small argument to bridge that divide, but this is just normal government relations,” the aide said.

    Labour pains

    Sunak, of course, is 18 points behind in the opinion polls and faces an uphill struggle to stay in office at a general election expected next year.

    But his opponent, U.K. Labour leader Keir Starmer, has made clear he too wants closer cooperation with Europe should he seize power.

    A senior moderate Tory MP said that despite the attacks on Starmer, Sunak is “not overly ideological when it comes to the EU” | Kiran Ridley/Getty Images

    Starmer said this month a future Labour government would use the upcoming review of the post-Brexit trade deal, expected in 2025 or 2026, as a chance to reduce border checks through the signing of a veterinary agreement and to increase U.K.-EU mobility for some sectors of the economy.

    And he told a conference in Montreal last weekend that that “we don’t want to diverge from the EU” in areas such as working conditions or environmental standards.

    These comments were seized upon by Tory ministers as evidence that Starmer would bring the U.K. even further into the EU’s orbit than he has publicly admitted — something the Labour leader denies. Tory campaigners hope to use such comments in campaign attacks painting Starmer as an anti-Brexit europhile.

    But some observers suggest such political attacks are ironic, given Sunak’s own direction of travel. Barnard, quoted above, says that “what Keir Starmer was saying in Canada last week is pretty much a description of where we’re at at the moment.”

    A senior moderate Tory MP said that despite the attacks on Starmer, Sunak is “not overly ideological when it comes to the EU.”

    “There’s always been a belief in Brussels that we would inevitably come crawling back to them, and we’re seeing that a bit now,” they said.

    Nevertheless, it is unclear how much closer Britain and the EU can get without a fundamental renegotiation of the terms of Brexit — something all sides insist is off the table.

    One area for agreement is the need for enhanced security and defence links, with next year’s European Political Community Summit in Britain providing a potential opportunity for further announcements.

    Some in Westminster speculate that this could come in the form of Britain joining individual projects of the EU’s Permanent Structured Cooperation — a body which coordinates the bloc’s security and defence policy. The European Council invited Britain to join its “military mobility project” alongside Canada, Norway and the U.S. in November 2022.

    Anand Menon, director of the UK in a Changing Europe think tank , said he’s “not convinced” of the potential benefits for Britain, considering the U.K.’s existing position in NATO and other organizations.

    He believes the British government will run out of road in finding mutually beneficial areas of cooperation with Brussels.

    “The EU is relatively happy with the status quo,” Menon said. “It’s only in the U.K. where people say we need to move closer … There are so many bigger fish to fry for the EU.”

    Stefan Boscia

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  • King Charles and Queen Camilla Sit on a Special Coronation Bench in Northern Ireland

    King Charles and Queen Camilla Sit on a Special Coronation Bench in Northern Ireland

    This week, King Charles III and Queen Camilla made a surprise trip to Northern Ireland to continue their coronation celebrations, and their visit included the opportunity to sit on a throne very unlike the Westminster Abbey relics they were crowned on earlier this month. On Wednesday, the king and queen sat on a purple coronation bench designed by local elementary school children when they visited Hillsborough Castle in County Down.

    “Shall we give it a go?” Charles said before he sat down alongside his wife. He added with a laugh, “Will it suddenly collapse?”

    After sitting on the bench, Camilla spoke to students about the bench and its inspiration. The students at Blythefield Primary School were the winners of Historic Royal Palaces’ competition to create benches inspired by hopes for the king’s reign. According to the organization, which maintains six palaces and historic sites across the UK, the Blythewood students’ vibrant design featured flowers that reflect the ethnic diversity of the school, “the costus spectabili for Nigeria; the hibiscus for Malaysia and the waterlily for Bangladesh,” along with a stag motif to symbolize the environment.

    According to BBC, the couple was joined at Hillsborough by John Caldwell, a police detective who was shot in February by two gunmen potentially connected to a dissident republican group, and also had a private meeting with him.

    Earlier in the day, the couple began their visit to the region with a trip to a new Coronation Garden at Hazelbank Park in County Antrim, where they met with the garden’s designer, Diarmuid Gavin, who explained his inspiration behind the “whimsical” garden. “They were wonderful,” Gavin later told Belfast Live. “I got to spend a little bit of time with them, we went into the quiet garden with the water dancing and they were asking me where the plants came from, the idea behind the design, and they couldn’t have been nicer.” Later, the couple were serenaded by another group of school children and laughed as they cut into a cake shaped like the St. Edward’s Crown.

    On Thursday, the king and queen began their day with a trip to St. Patrick’s Cathedral in Armagh, where they were introduced to two eight-year-olds standing outside. Camilla laughed when the children, Camilla Nowawakowska and Charles Murray, told her their names. “We’ve got a couple,” she said. “Goodness me, isn’t that funny,” She noticed that the children were wearing crowns made out of construction paper with plastic jewels. “You’ve got very smart crowns on. They’re a little bit lighter than the one I had on. They look pretty cool with all the jewels.”


    Listen to Vanity Fair’s DYNASTY podcast now.

    Erin Vanderhoof

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  • Sinn Féin scores record win in Northern Ireland as voters rage at DUP blockade of Stormont

    Sinn Féin scores record win in Northern Ireland as voters rage at DUP blockade of Stormont

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    DUBLIN — Sinn Féin has scaled new electoral heights in Northern Ireland. They can thank the Stormont-wrecking antics of their sworn enemies, the Democratic Unionist Party, for making it possible.

    The Irish republicans had been tipped to finish a strong first place in Northern Ireland’s council elections last Thursday, overtaking Jeffrey Donaldson’s DUP along the way. But even Sinn Fein’s wildest hopes were eclipsed as the weekend’s results built to a crescendo over a marathon two-day count.

    When final results were declared in Belfast City Hall after midnight Saturday, Sinn Féin had won 144 seats, a 39-seat gain that more than doubled expectations. Its 30.9 percent share of the vote marked a historic high, two points better even than last year’s poll-topping Northern Ireland Assembly election — a performance that should have propelled the party’s regional leader, Michelle O’Neill, into the first minister’s chair for the first time.

    But O’Neill has been denied the chance to lead a cross-community executive, as the Good Friday peace accord intended, because the Democratic Unionists — used to finishing first — have spent the past year blocking the formation of any government at Stormont. The current rules of power-sharing require both Sinn Féin and the DUP to participate.

    According to analysts and other party leaders, the DUP’s obstructionist tactics may have galvanized support with unionist die-hards — but also triggered waves of new support for their traditional enemies from voters sick of the deadlock.

    “Jeffrey Donaldson has become the greatest recruiting sergeant possible for republicans. The longer Michelle O’Neill is blocked from becoming first minister, the more voters are driven into the arms of her party,” wrote Suzanne Breen, political editor of the Belfast Telegraph.

    Social Democratic and Labour Party leader Colum Eastwood, who competes with Sinn Féin in Irish nationalist areas, said his own moderate party’s grassroots had switched to Sinn Féin in unprecedented numbers because the DUP had exhausted their patience.

    “They’re very annoyed that Michelle O’Neill hasn’t been able to become first minister,” said Eastwood, whose party — one of the architects of the Good Friday breakthrough a quarter-century ago — suffered heavy losses amid the Sinn Féin-DUP showdown.

    “They want politicians to get back to work and deal with the issues besetting our community,” Eastwood said. “Now it’s over to the DUP to get on with it.”

    Still waiting

    When or whether the DUP actually does so remains far from certain, given that its own vote held up well at Thursday’s election.

    Donaldson and other senior DUP figures have spent the past three months picking holes in the British government’s Windsor Framework, the successor post-Brexit trade deal for Northern Ireland designed to reduce — but not eliminate — EU-required checks on goods arriving from the rest of the United Kingdom. Unionists argue such checks effectively place Northern Ireland partly outside the U.K., and on a slippery slope toward a united Ireland, Sinn Féin’s ultimate goal.

    U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak had hoped the Windsor Framework compromise package would have persuaded the DUP to resume cooperation at Stormont with a strengthened Sinn Féin.

    Jeffrey Donaldson said that his party’s resilient performance showed most unionists would rather have no Stormont than accept “barriers to trade between Northern Ireland and Great Britain.” | Charles McQuillan/Getty Images

    But Donaldson told reporters at Belfast City Hall that his party’s resilient performance — it won 122 of the 462 seats on Northern Ireland’s 11 councils, the exact same total as in the 2019 election — showed most unionists would rather have no Stormont than accept “barriers to trade between Northern Ireland and Great Britain.”

    “The DUP have polled strongly despite everything that has been thrown at us,” said Donaldson, who now wants Westminster to pass unspecified legislation reinforcing Northern Ireland’s constitutional ties to Britain. “The U.K. government must move to ensure that our place in the United Kingdom is not only respected, but protected in law. The mandate we’ve been given reinforces that message.”

    His immediate predecessor as DUP leader, Edwin Poots, said while others expected the party to end its Stormont sabotage now that the election was out of the way, such a move remains unlikely unless the U.K. government finds extra support for Stormont’s ailing finances.

    “We’re ready to go back but we need to get more than what’s currently on the table,” Poots said. “If we went back into the assembly and executive in the morning, with this budget, the first task of every minister would be to implement cuts. It’s imperative that we get a package to ensure this will not be the case.”

    O’Neill, who spent much of the weekend joining in jubilant scenes with Sinn Féin activists, expressed exasperation that the DUP might string others along indefinitely for many months longer.

    “I am not accepting the autumn as a timeframe for a restored executive, as a lot of people are suggesting. There shouldn’t be any more delays. Let’s do it Monday morning,” she said.

    Joining O’Neill in Belfast was Sinn Féin’s overall leader, Mary Lou McDonald, a Dubliner whose eye remains on a bigger prize: leading a government in the neighboring Republic of Ireland for the first time.

    Sinn Féin, the only party contesting elections in both parts of Ireland, wants as part of its Irish unity strategy to gain the reins of power in both jurisdictions simultaneously. For decades a fanciful dream — and a unionist nightmare — this scenario has become a probability.

    The party’s growth to become the top party in Northern Ireland is matched south of the border by McDonald’s successful efforts to build Sinn Féin into the dominant opposition party in Dáil Éireann, Ireland’s parliament. It has topped every opinion poll for years and looks likely to win the next general election, which must happen by 2025 but could come sooner.

    As McDonald and O’Neill together ascended the steps of Belfast City Hall, Sinn Féin activists cheered their party’s rising expectations of gaining power in both the Dáil and Stormont, with McDonald as prime minister in Dublin and O’Neill as first minister in Belfast — if the DUP ever relents.

    Shawn Pogatchnik

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  • ‘I honestly don’t know if this is the last time’ — America’s great peacemaker returns to Belfast

    ‘I honestly don’t know if this is the last time’ — America’s great peacemaker returns to Belfast

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    BELFAST — He fought for peace in Northern Ireland — and now George Mitchell is fighting for his life.

    The former U.S. Senate majority leader from Maine, who became a diplomatic superhero in Northern Ireland after leading years of painstaking talks to produce the Good Friday Agreement, may be visiting his adopted homeland for the final time.

    He hopes not. But, as Mitchell reflected in an interview with POLITICO, he simply cannot know.

    Welcomed by well-wishers young and old this week as he returned to Belfast and to Queen’s University, where he served as chancellor for a decade following his peacemaking triumph in 1998, Mitchell opened a conference marking the accord’s 25th anniversary.

    For nearly 45 minutes, Mitchell argued passionately for the power of compromise, his message leavened with well-timed jokes poking fun at the entrenched attitudes — and tough-to-decipher vowels — that tested him in Northern Ireland.

    You’d never have known that Mitchell, 89, was making his first public speech in three years — nor that he had only recently ended years of chemotherapy in a battle with leukemia that came close to killing him.

    “This is a gift by the grace of God to be able to come back here. I’ve had a rough couple of years,” he said.

    “I retired from my law firm at the end of 2019, planning with my wife a life of travel and doing a lot of things that we hadn’t done. Then COVID hit and I was almost immediately diagnosed with acute leukemia. So I’ve been pretty sick. I haven’t been able to do very much.

    “Initially I underwent intensive chemotherapy, which was very severe. I didn’t read a newspaper, I didn’t watch a minute of television. I was bedridden and very, very sick for about three months. Then I was on chemo for about two-and-a-half years,” he said. “The doctors said to me: ‘There’s a limit to how much chemotherapy you can take. We have to take you off.’ The disease may return. It may be six months, it may be two years — or who knows.”

    ‘Nothing in politics is impossible’

    Mitchell now describes himself as pain-free and in remission.

    He spoke in a Queen’s office overlooking the university’s entrance, where a bronze bust honoring him has just been unveiled by former U.S. President Bill Clinton and the former British and Irish prime ministers, Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern. In April 1998, the two premiers joined Mitchell for the intensive final days of the talks in Belfast, while Clinton cajoled Northern Ireland’s polarized politicians by phone from the White House.

    Several other figures who helped deliver that breakthrough are no longer alive, including Northern Ireland’s joint Nobel Peace Prize laureates from 1998, John Hume and David Trimble, both of whom have died since the last Good Friday commemorations five years ago.

    George Mitchell (C) attends a gala marking the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement | Pool photo by Charles McQuillan/AFP via Getty Images

    In his speech, Mitchell paid equal tribute to Hume, the moderate Irish nationalist leader who opposed Irish Republican Army violence and laid the intellectual architecture for the Good Friday deal; and Trimble, the prickly legal scholar who risked splitting his Ulster Unionist Party by accepting a deal that allowed IRA prisoners to walk free and ex-IRA chiefs to join a new cross-community government without clear-cut guarantees the outlawed group would disarm.

    “Without John Hume, there would not have been a peace process. Without David Trimble, there would not have been a peace agreement,” Mitchell said to thunderous applause from the crowd, among them most of today’s crop of British unionist, Irish nationalist and middle-ground leaders.

    Left unsaid was that others wanted to see Mitchell himself share that same Nobel prize, given his central role in sustaining hope in the talks after what U.S. President Joe Biden last week described as “700 days of failure.”

    Indeed, it has been a common refrain this week among those now seeking to revive Northern Ireland’s shuttered regional government — the centerpiece of a much broader Good Friday package that included police reform, prisoner releases and paramilitary disarmament — that they wish Mitchell was still in the market for one more Belfast mission.

    Mitchell offered only raised eyebrows and a wry smile when asked if he’d like to lead one more round of talks at Stormont, the government complex overlooking Belfast.

    But he expressed unreserved optimism that the Democratic Unionists — the party that physically tried to block him from taking his chair when the talks began in June 1996, and spent years condemning the peace process as a sellout to IRA terror — will find a way to return to a cross-community government with the Irish republicans of Sinn Féin.

    The DUP has refused to revive the coalition government since May 2022 elections, citing its opposition to post-Brexit trade rules that treat Northern Ireland differently from the rest of the U.K.

    Mitchell thinks Northern Ireland’s political fundamentals have evolved since he wrote, in his 1999 book “Making Peace,” that the Good Friday Agreement became possible only because the DUP had abandoned the talks the year before.

    “Times and circumstances change,” he said. “Nothing in politics is impossible.

    “Political parties change and evolve. Does the Republican Party in the United States today reflect the views of the Republican Party of 20 or even 10 years ago? Does the Democratic Party? The challenge of leadership is to recognize that and to deal with change, all in the broader public interest.”

    He also rejected any notion that blame for the current Stormont impasse lies entirely with the DUP. “There isn’t any one villain,” he said. “Everybody’s trying to do what they think is best. The question is: What is best?”

    Mitchell stressed that “100 percenters” — people who see “any compromise as weakness” — exist in pretty much every political party on earth, including his own Democrats. And he said no American politician should criticize the depth of political division in Northern Ireland given that, today, the divide in U.S. politics has grown arguably even more noxious.

    Former Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern and George Mitchell shake hands during a photocall at the BBC studios, in Belfast in 2008 | Peter Muhly/AFP via Getty Images

    Leaders in any democracy, he said, must be ready to absorb criticism from within their own ranks and keep striving for common ground.

    “You can’t let the first ‘no’ be the final answer,” he said. “Or the second ‘no,’ or the seventh ‘no.’ You just have to treat everyone with respect and keep at it.”

    A final goodbye

    Mitchell came face to face with his own mortality during Monday’s unveiling of his bronze bust, drawing big laughs from the crowd as he observed: “When you’re looking at a statue of yourself, you know the end is near.”

    But the reality of living with leukemia, which makes him more vulnerable to infections and other threats, draws his mind back to one of his great regrets from the Stormont talks.

    “We were at a critical early moment in the talks in the summer of 1996. I was trying to get them going, to adopt a set of rules. It was very complicated, unnecessarily complicated,” he recalled.

    With a vote on the rules due that coming Monday, he received an unexpected phone call from Maine. His brother Robbie, who had been fighting leukemia for five years, was close to death. If Mitchell hopped on to the next flight, he might make it back to his hometown of Waterville by Friday night — but he’d risk having the talks fall at their first hurdle.

    Mitchell called his brother’s doctor, oncologist Richard Stone at the Dana-Farber Cancer Institute in Boston, to be told that although Robbie’s health was deteriorating and it was impossible to be certain, he might well survive for several weeks longer. Wanting to get the first step of the peace talks banked before negotiations broke for the summer, Mitchell chose to stay in the U.K. over the weekend.

    That Saturday night, another call from Waterville confirmed that his older brother had just died.

    “I came back to Belfast on Monday and we got those rules adopted. I made it home in time to speak at Robbie’s funeral. But I didn’t see him before he passed away. That’s one of the worst decisions I’ve ever made,” Mitchell said.

    A quarter-century later, the same Dr. Stone is now treating the younger Mitchell brother for the same disease. Mitchell has been told that if the cancer returns, his advanced age means chemotherapy must be kept to a bare minimum.

    “Medical science has advanced very rapidly in the curing of leukemia. But as the doctors explained to me, chemotherapy is poison and if you take enough of that, that will kill you,” he said. “The doctor also explained to me that, on the other hand, I might go a few years and die of something else.”

    Bill Clinton shakes hands with George Mitchell in the Oval Office at the White House after naming the retiring senator to be a special advisor for economic initiatives in Ireland | Paul J. Richards/AFP via Getty Images

    Mitchell estimates he’s already flown back and forth to Belfast at least 100 times since 1995. He and his wife, Heather, have approached this trip as if it could be his last — that this week might represent his final goodbye to a vexatious land he’s come to love.

    “I honestly don’t know if this is the last time I’ll ever be in Northern Ireland. But my wife and I accept the possibility that it is,” he said. “I told Heather on the way over, we’ve really got to enjoy this and take in the sights and sounds of this beautiful place and the people. My fervent hope is that I’ll be able to come back again.”

    Shawn Pogatchnik

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  • Biden’s Northern Ireland ultimatum looks doomed to fail

    Biden’s Northern Ireland ultimatum looks doomed to fail

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    LONDON — Joe Biden is not someone known for his subtlety.

    His gaffe-prone nature — which saw him last week confuse the New Zealand rugby team with British forces from the Irish War of Independence — leaves little in the way of nuance.

    But he is also a sentimental man from a long gone era of Washington, who specializes in a type of homespun, aw-shucks affability that would be seen as naff in a younger president.

    His lack of subtlety was on show in Belfast last week as he issued a thinly veiled ultimatum to the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) — return to Northern Ireland’s power-sharing arrangements or risk losing billions of dollars in U.S. business investment.

    The DUP — a unionist party that does not take kindly to lectures from American presidents — is refusing to sit in Stormont, the Northern Ireland Assembly, due to its anger with the post-Brexit Northern Ireland protocol, which has created trade friction between the region and the rest of the U.K.

    The DUP is also refusing to support the U.K.-EU Windsor Framework, which aims to fix the economic problems created by the protocol, despite hopes it would see the party reconvene the Northern Irish Assembly.

    The president on Wednesday urged Northern Irish leaders to “unleash this incredible economic opportunity, which is just beginning.”

    However, American business groups paint a far more complex and nuanced view of future foreign investment into Northern Ireland than offered up by Biden.

    Biden told a Belfast crowd on Wednesday there were “scores of major American corporations wanting to come here” to invest, but that a suspended Stormont was acting as a block on that activity.

    One U.S. business figure, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Biden’s flighty rhetoric was “exaggerated” and that many businesses would be looking beyond the state of the regional assembly to make their investment decisions.

    The president spoke as if Ulster would be rewarded with floods of American greenbacks if the DUP reverses its intransigence, predicting that Northern Ireland’s gross domestic product (GDP) would soon be triple its 1998 level. Its GDP is currently around double the size of when the Good Friday Agreement was struck in 1998.

    Emanuel Adam, executive director of BritishAmerican Business, said this sounded like a “magic figure” unless Biden “knows something we don’t know about.” 

    DUP MP Ian Paisley Jr. told POLITICO that U.S. politicians for “too long” have “promised some economic El Dorado or bonanza if you only do what we say politically … but that bonanza has never arrived and people are not naive enough here to believe it ever will.”

    “A presidential visit is always welcome, but the glitter on top is not an economic driver,” he said.

    Joe Biden addresses a crowd of thousands on April 14, 2023 in Ballina, Ireland | Charles McQuillan/Getty Images

    Facing both ways

    The British government is hoping the Windsor Framework will ease economic tensions in Northern Ireland and create politically stable conditions for inward foreign direct investment.

    The framework removes many checks on goods going from Great Britain to Northern Ireland and has begun to slowly create a more collaborative relationship between London and Brussels on a number of fronts — two elements which have been warmly welcomed across the Atlantic.

    Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has said Northern Ireland is in a “special” position of having access to the EU’s single market, to avoid a hard border with the Republic of Ireland, and the U.K.’s internal market.

    “That’s like the world’s most exciting economic zone,” Sunak said in February.

    Jake Colvin, head of Washington’s National Foreign Trade Council business group, said U.S. firms wanted to see “confidence that the frictions over the protocol have indeed been resolved.”

    “Businesses will look to mechanisms like the Windsor Framework to provide stability,” he said.

    Marjorie Chorlins, senior vice president for Europe at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, said the Windsor Framework was “very important” for U.S. businesses and that “certainty about the relationship between the U.K. and the EU is critical.”

    She said a reconvened Stormont would mean more legislative stability on issues like skills and health care, but added that there were a whole range of other broader U.K. wide economic factors that will play a major part in investment decisions.

    This is particularly salient in a week where official figures showed the U.K.’s GDP flatlining and predictions that Britain will be the worst economic performer in the G20 this year.

    “We want to see a return to robust growth and prosperity for the U.K. broadly and are eager to work with government at all levels,” Chorlins said. 

    “Political and economic instability in the U.K. has been a challenge for businesses of all sizes.”

    Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has said Northern Ireland is in a “special” position of having access to the EU’s single market | Pool photo by Paul Faith/Getty Images

    Her words underline just how much global reputational damage last year’s carousel of prime ministers caused for the U.K., with Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey recently warning of a “hangover effect” from Liz Truss’ premiership and the broader Westminster psychodrama of 2022.

    America’s Northern Ireland envoy Joe Kennedy, grandson of Robert Kennedy, accompanied the president last week and has been charged with drumming up U.S. corporate interest in Northern Ireland.

    Kennedy said Northern Ireland is already “the No. 1 foreign investment location for proximity and market access.”

    Northern Ireland has been home to £1.5 billion of American investment in the past decade and had the second-most FDI projects per capita out of all U.K. regions in 2021.

    Claire Hanna, Westminster MP for the nationalist SDLP, believes reconvening Stormont would “signal a seriousness that there isn’t going to be anymore mucking around.”

    “It’s also about the signal that the restoration of Stormont sends — that these are the accepted trading arrangements,” she said.

    Hanna says the DUP’s willingness to “demonize the two biggest trading blocs in the world — the U.S. and EU” — was damaging to the country’s future economic prospects.

    ‘The money goes south’

    At a more practical level, Biden’s ultimatum appears to carry zero weight with DUP representatives.

    DUP leader Jeffrey Donaldson made it clear last week that he was unmoved by Biden’s economic proclamations and gave no guarantee his party would sit in the regional assembly in the foreseeable future.

    “President Biden is offering the hope of further American investment, which we always welcome,” Donaldson told POLITICO.

    “But fundamental to the success of our economy is our ability to trade within our biggest market, which is of course the United Kingdom.”

    A DUP official said U.S. governments had been promising extra American billions in exchange “for selling out to Sinn Féin and Dublin” since the 1990s and “when America talks about corporate investment, we get the crumbs and that investment really all ends up in the Republic [of Ireland].”

    “President Biden is offering the hope of further American investment, which we always welcome,” Donaldson said | Behal/Irish Government via Getty Images

    “The Americans talk big, but the money goes south,” the DUP official said.

    This underscores the stark reality that challenges Northern Ireland any time it pitches for U.S. investment — the competing proposition offered by its southern neighbor with its internationally low 12.5 percent rate on corporate profits.

    Emanuel Adam with BritishAmerican Business said there was a noticeable feeling in Washington that firms want to do business in Dublin.

    “When [Irish Prime Minister] Leo Varadkar and his team were here recently, I could tell how confident the Irish are these days,” he said. “There are not as many questions for them as there are around the U.K.”

    Biden’s economic ultimatum looks toothless from the DUP’s perspective and its resonance may be as short-lived as his trip to Belfast itself.

    This story has been updated to correct a historical reference.

    Shawn Pogatchnik

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  • Biden touts dividends of peace in Belfast, even as tensions persist | CNN Politics

    Biden touts dividends of peace in Belfast, even as tensions persist | CNN Politics


    Belfast, Northern Ireland
    CNN
     — 

    When President Joe Biden spoke here Wednesday to mark a quarter-century of the Good Friday Agreement, it wasn’t from the seat of the Northern Ireland Assembly – currently suspended over a Brexit trade dispute – but from a new university campus downtown.

    The choice of venue for Biden’s sole public event in Belfast was a symbolic one. While decades of violence between Nationalists and Unionists has been mostly left to another era, the peace is fragile and the politics are broken – making Biden’s speech to students as much about the future of this region as its bloody past.

    Biden’s optimistic speech did not paper over tensions that persist 25 years after the Good Friday Agreement was signed. He made a direct call for the parties in Northern Ireland to return to the power-sharing government – between those who want to remain part of the United Kingdom and those who favor a united Ireland – that was a central pillar of the Good Friday Agreement. And he even harkened back to the Capitol insurrection on January 6, 2021, as evidence that democratic institutions require constant maintenance.

    “We learn anew with every generation a democracy needs champions,” he said, adding later: “As a friend, I hope it’s not too presumptuous of me to say that I believe democratic institutions established in the Good Friday Agreement remain critical for the future of Northern Ireland.”

    “That’s a judgment for you to make, not me,” he said, “but I hope it happens.”

    Nearly immediately after the president concluded his speech, a key player in the paralyzed power-sharing government downplayed the impact Biden’s speech might have on the situation.

    “It doesn’t change the political dynamic in Northern Ireland,” said Jeffrey Donaldson, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, which withdrew from the government in dispute of Brexit trade rules. “We know what needs to happen.”

    Departing Washington on Tuesday, Biden described the goal of his brief 15-hour visit to Northern Ireland bluntly: ensuring the US-brokered accord remains in place.

    “Keep the peace, that’s the main thing,” he said before boarding Air Force One. “Keep your fingers crossed.”

    Biden’s frank outlook was a reflection of the lingering tensions in this once-restive region.

    While Biden was invited to speak from Stormont, the stately parliament building overlooking Belfast, he turned down the offer while the power-sharing arrangement remains mired in dysfunction. The regional government has operated only sporadically since it was formed and hasn’t been in place for more than a year as the main unionist party resists new Brexit-related trade rules.

    Both Biden and the British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak had once hoped those differences might be resolved by the time of Biden’s visit this week. But they weren’t, leaving one of the primary ambitions of the Good Friday Agreement unfulfilled at just the moment the accord is being celebrated.

    Biden’s aides worked around the disappointment by scheduling his speech at the new campus of Ulster University in Belfast, which cost millions of pounds to construct and can accommodate thousands of students – most of whom were born after the Good Friday Agreement was signed.

    “The idea to have a glass building here when I was here in ’91 was highly unlikely,” Biden said as he opened his speech, recalling the violent era before the accord known as The Troubles, when car bombs and assassinations became part of everyday life in Belfast.

    “Where barbed wire once sliced up the city, today we find a cathedral of learning, built of glass to let the light shine in and out. It just has a profound impact,” he said. “And for someone who’s come back to see it, you know it’s an incredible testament to the power and the possibilities of peace.”

    He cast the 1998 agreement, brokered with heavy involvement from the United States, as a rare glimmer of bipartisanship in Washington.

    “Protecting the peace, preserving the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement is a priority for Democrats and Republicans alike in the United States,” he said. “And that is unusual today. Because we’ve been very divided on our parties. This is something that brings Washington together. It brings America together.”

    For some students in Biden’s audience, the violence from The Troubles isn’t even a distant memory, since they weren’t around to experience it first-hand. Instead, it is economic opportunity that appears top of mind, particularly as Britain’s exit from the European Union complicates trade relations in the region.

    Biden focused in part on the economy in his speech, and has appointed a special envoy to Northern Ireland, former US Rep. Joe Kennedy III, to focus mainly on cultivating foreign investment in the territory. Under a new agreement between the UK and the EU, Northern Ireland will essentially remain part of the EU common market, potentially making it more attractive for businesses.

    “Peace and economic opportunity go together,” Biden said during his remarks, predicting scores of American businesses were ready to invest in Northern Ireland.

    Ahead of the speech, Biden sat for brief talks over coffee with Sunak, though won’t participate in any major public events with him while he’s here. Biden is also not attending next month’s coronation of King Charles III in London, leading some to identify a generally negative attitude toward the United Kingdom (The White House denies this, and points out no president has ever attended a British monarch’s coronation).

    On Wednesday, Biden also met separately with the leaders of the five parties that make up Northern Ireland’s power-sharing government, during which he stressed the importance of resuming the arrangement as part of the Good Friday Agreement’s legacy.

    “I’m going to listen,” Biden said when asked about his message for the leaders.

    It remains to be seen how successful he will be, however, and some Loyalists have quietly questioned how evenhanded the proudly Irish-American president can be when it comes to matters relating to his beloved ancestral homeland.

    That includes the former leader of the Democratic Unionist Party Arlene Foster, who previously served as the first minister of Northern Ireland. She told the local radio earlier that Biden “hates the United Kingdom,” a charge later rejected by senior US officials.

    “I think the track record of the president shows that he’s not anti-British,” said Amanda Sloat, the senior director for Europe at the National Security Council. “The president has been very actively engaged throughout his career, dating back to when he was a senator, in the peace process in Northern Ireland.”

    Biden himself seemed to make an attempt at rebutting the criticism himself in his speech, referencing not his well-known Irish roots in his speech but his English ancestors.

    Biden’s speech was the only public event on his schedule in Belfast before he departed for Dublin in the Republic of Ireland later Wednesday afternoon. The second leg of his trip – with stops in two ancestral hometowns and a visit to the Knock Shrine – promises to be more personal, and less politically fraught, than his brief stop in Belfast.

    That begins later Wednesday, when Biden will travel to County Louth in search of his family roots. The region along the border with Northern Ireland was where Biden’s great-great-great-grandfather, Owen Finnegan, was born in 1818.

    When he tours the Carlingford Castle, Biden will be able to peer out from its tower to Newry, in the North, where Owen Finnegan set out in 1849 for his journey to the US aboard a ship called the Marchioness of Bute.

    This story and headline have been updated with additional details.

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  • Biden travels to Ireland ahead of 25th anniversary of Good Friday Agreement

    Biden travels to Ireland ahead of 25th anniversary of Good Friday Agreement

    Biden travels to Ireland ahead of 25th anniversary of Good Friday Agreement – CBS News


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    Friday marks the 25th anniversary of the U.S.-brokered peace accord known as the Good Friday Agreement, which brought an end to decades of deadly violence in Northern Ireland. President Biden is traveling to Northern Ireland Tuesday where he will meet with leaders in Belfast before heading to the Republic of Ireland. Charlie D’Agata reports.

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  • Biden’s trip to Ireland is part homecoming, part diplomacy and part politics | CNN Politics

    Biden’s trip to Ireland is part homecoming, part diplomacy and part politics | CNN Politics


    Belfast, Northern Ireland
    CNN
     — 

    When President Joe Biden was isolating with Covid in the White House last summer, atop the stack of books on his desk was a 320-page paperback: “JFK in Ireland.”

    The last Irish Catholic president visited his ancestral homeland in 1963, five months before his assassination. He told his aides afterwards it was the “best four days of my life.”

    Sixty years later, the current Irish Catholic president (Secret Service codename: Celtic) departs Tuesday for his own visit bound to make a similar impression – first to Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom, and then onto Ireland from Wednesday through Saturday.

    Part homecoming, part statecraft and part politics, this week’s trip amounts to a timely intersection of Biden’s deeply felt personal history with his ingrained view of American foreign policy as a force for enduring good.

    Departing Washington on Tuesday, Biden described his goal as “making sure the Irish accords and the Windsor Agreement stay in place – keep the peace.”

    “Keep your fingers crossed,” he told reporters before boarding Air Force One.

    The visit is timed to commemorate the 1998 signing of the Good Friday Agreement, which ended decades of sectarian bloodshed in Northern Ireland known as The Troubles. The agreement came about with significant American investment, particularly from Democrats like Bill Clinton and Sen. George Mitchell, a legacy Biden is eager to highlight when he stops in Belfast starting Tuesday.

    But it will be his personal engagements in the Republic of Ireland later in the week, including stops in County Louth and County Mayo to explore his family roots, that will best capture what Biden himself has described as perhaps his single most defining trait.

    “As many of you know, I, like all of you, take pride in my Irish ancestry,” he said during a St. Patrick’s Day luncheon last month. “And as long as I can remember, it’s been sort of part of my soul.”

    Described by Ireland’s prime minister last month as “unmistakably a son of Ireland,” Biden has at various moments ascribed his temper, his nostalgic streak, his politics and his humor all to his Irish roots. He quotes poets like William Butler Yeats and Seamus Heaney freely; the most famous passage from Yeats’ “Easter 1916” has appeared no fewer than 12 times in Biden’s public remarks since he took office.

    “They think I do it because I’m Irish,” Biden said recently. “I do it because they’re the best poets.”

    Ahead of the trip, the White House distributed an extensive family genealogy stretching as far back as 1803, to the shoemakers and civil engineers and union overseers who would eventually leave Ireland on ships bound for America. Most left during the Irish famine of the 1840s and 1850s on what Biden has called the “coffin ships” because so many of their passengers didn’t survive the passage.

    His ancestors’ experiences have left indelible impressions on Biden, whose persona is defined by eternal optimism despite his own experience of profound loss.

    “One of my colleagues in the Senate, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, once made this simple but profound observation about us Irish: ‘To fail to understand that life is going to knock you down is to fail to understand the Irishness of life,’” he wrote in his 2017 memoir.

    Returning to Ireland as president has long been in the cards for Biden, who is also planning to meet with Irish leaders, address Parliament and deliver a nighttime speech in front of St. Muredach’s Cathedral, in the northwest of Ireland, before returning to Washington on Saturday. The White House said Biden’s great-great-great grandfather Edward Blewitt sold 28,000 bricks to the cathedral in 1828 to construct its pillars.

    He’ll be joined members of his family for the journey, including his son Hunter and sister Valerie. When he visited as vice president in 2016, he spent six days crisscrossing the island with several grandchildren and his sister, a newly generated family-tree in hand.

    By coincidence, Biden was on that visit to Ireland the same day a majority of British voters elected to leave the European Union, a decision he opposed and which posed thorny questions for Northern Ireland, which is part of the UK.

    As aides set to work planning his visit as president, Brexit’s legacy continued to loom. A dispute over trade rules between the UK and the European Union, to which the Republic of Ireland belongs, tested the Good Friday agreement and its fragile peace.

    It was a matter Biden took outsized interest in upon taking office. He warned successive British prime ministers to resolve the dispute before the anniversary – tacitly hinging his entire trip on it. After months of negotiations, the current PM Rishi Sunak struck a deal resolving the dispute in February, though Northern Ireland’s main unionist political party has yet to sign on. Still, the arrangement paved the way for Biden’s visit this month.

    Sunak is expected to meet Biden when he arrives, and the two will meet for talks in Belfast on Wednesday.

    Biden hopes to use his trip as a reminder of what sustained diplomacy can yield at a moment America’s role abroad is being debated. An isolationist strain among Republicans has led to questions about the durability of Washington’s global leadership. The Good Friday Agreement, brokered by the United States, stands as one of the most lasting examples of US diplomacy from the end of the 20th century.

    “President Biden has been talking about liberal internationalism as something that can return, he talks about democracy versus autocracy, all of this kind of stuff. So within that, I think that he wants to see good examples of the rule of law in US foreign policy. And this is a great example of that. This was an achievement,” said Liam Kennedy, director of the Clinton Institute for American Studies at the University College Dublin.

    “The Good Friday Agreement is certainly one of those things where you can get real bipartisan buy-in in Washington,” Kennedy said. “Believe me, that’s a pretty unusual thing.”

    President Joe Biden holds a bilateral meeting with H.E. Leo Varadkar, Taoiseach of Ireland, in the Oval Office of the White House, in Washington on Friday, March 17, 2023.

    The bloody tensions between Protestant Unionists, who support remaining part of the United Kingdom, and Catholic Irish Nationalists, who support reunification with the Republic, have mostly been left in another era. The Troubles led to more than 3,500 deaths, most of them civilians, and even more casualties.

    As a senator, Biden was outspoken in favor of American peacemaking efforts in Northern Ireland. He also opposed extraditing IRA suspects from the US to Britain, arguing the justice system that existed in Northern Ireland at the time wasn’t fair.

    In 1988, he told the Irish America magazine in a cover story (headline: “Fiery Joe Biden: White House bound?”) that as president he’d be active in trying to reach a peace.

    “If we have a moral obligation in other parts of the world, why in God’s name don’t we have a moral obligation to Ireland? It’s part of our blood. It’s the blood of my blood, bone of my bone,” he said.

    A decade later, three-way talks between the US, Ireland and Britain yielded the Good Friday Agreement, which sought to end the bloodshed through a power sharing government between the unionists and nationalists.

    Yet that government has functioned only sporadically in the quarter-century since the accord was signed and has been frozen for more than a year after the Democratic Unionists withdrew because of the Brexit trade dispute.

    John Finucane, a member of the British Parliament from Irish nationalist Sinn Fein party, said Biden’s visit to Northern Ireland this week would be a “huge help” toward resolving some of the lingering differences.

    A lawyer whose own father was murdered by Loyalist paramilitaries in collusion with UK state forces in 1989, Finucane said Biden’s visit was a reminder of the American role in brokering peace.

    “It’s no secret that I don’t think we would have had a peace process or certainly a Good Friday Agreement without the involvement of the American administration, and successive American administrations in implementing our peace,” he said. “Joe Biden himself has a very strong track record in supporting our peace process. So I think it is very fitting that he will be coming here next week.”

    Still, the threat of violence has never entirely disappeared, a reality made evident when British intelligence services raised the terrorism threat level in Northern Ireland from “substantial” to “severe” in late March.

    An operation called “Operation Rondoletto” taking place over Easter weekend ahead of Biden’s visit was set to cost around $8.7 million (£7 million), the police service said, and include motorcycle escort officers, firearms specialists and search specialists.

    Asked last month whether the heightened terror level would dissuade him from visiting, however, Biden hardly sounded concerned.

    “No, they can’t keep me out,” he said.

    This story has been updated with additional developments.

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