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  • What to know about Nicolás Maduro’s indictment

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    Ousted Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores pled not guilty to drug trafficking charges Jan. 5 in New York federal court.

    “I’m innocent. I am not guilty. I am a decent man, the president of my country,” Maduro told the judge.

    U.S. troops captured Maduro and Flores at their home in Caracas, Venezuela, in the early hours of Jan. 3 and transferred them to the U.S.

    The Justice Department first indicted Maduro in 2020 for alleged drug-related actions dating to 1999. A newly unsealed and updated indictment filed in the Southern District of New York charges Maduro and two co-defendants with narcoterrorism conspiracy and he, Flores and the four other co-defendants with cocaine importation conspiracy and possession of machine guns.

    The indictment calls Maduro an illegitimate leader who transported cocaine under Venezuelan law enforcement protection, enriching his family and cementing power. 

    “This cycle of narcotics-based corruption lines the pockets of Venezuelan officials and their families while also benefiting violent narco-terrorists who operate with impunity on Venezuelan soil and who help produce, protect, and transport tons of cocaine to the United States,” the indictment says.

    In August, the Trump administration offered a $50 million reward for information leading to Maduro’s arrest or conviction.

    The U.S. government’s indictment focuses on cocaine and weapons and is silent about other topics Trump has cited to justify pressure on Venezuela in recent months, such as oil and fentanyl. 

    The case of Manuel Noriega of Panama, whom the U.S. ousted from power to face drug charges 36 years ago, offers some precedent about the U.S. government’s strategy and challenges. 

    Here’s what to know about the government’s case and what could come next.

    What does the indictment say Maduro did?

    In addition to Maduro and Flores, others named as co-defendants include Minister of the Interior Diosdado Cabello and Maduro’s son, Nicolás, who is a member of Venezuela’s National Assembly. Hector Rusthenford Guerrero Flores, the leader of Venezuelan prison gang Tren de Aragua, was added as a codefendant in the indictment. 

    According to the indictment, Maduro “engaged in a relentless campaign of cocaine trafficking … resulting in the distribution of thousands of tons of cocaine to the United States.”

    When he was Venezuela’s foreign affairs minister, Maduro issued diplomatic passports to known drug traffickers to help with moving drugs from Mexico to Venezuela, the indictment says. 

    It also says Maduro and his wife accepted hundreds of thousands of dollars in bribes and “ordered kidnappings, beatings, and murders against those who owed them drug money or otherwise undermined their drug trafficking operation.” 

    The indictment focuses on cocaine trafficking and does not mention fentanyl, a potent synthetic opioid responsible for most drug overdose deaths in the U.S. Without evidence, Trump has said the boats his administration has struck off of Venezuela’s coast were carrying fentanyl. However, most illicit fentanyl in the U.S. comes from Mexico.

    In his comments about Maduro’s capture, Trump also accused Maduro of stealing and seizing American oil.

    “The defense will certainly argue that this is what the case is really about, not drug trafficking,” David Oscar Markus, a Miami-based criminal defense attorney, said. “It gives the defense a hook on both pretrial motions and jury arguments.” 

    In this Jan. 4, 1990 file photo, Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega watches as U.S. Drug Enforcement Agents place chains around his waist aboard a C-130 transport plane. (AP)

    How can the U.S. indict a foreign leader? 

    The Trump administration might have relied on a 1989 memo by then Assistant Attorney General William Barr giving the FBI authority to arrest people for violating U.S. law even if it contravenes international law. It was written months before the U.S. invaded Panama to capture Noriega.

    In 1989, President George H.W. Bush sent U.S. forces into Panama to seize Noriega, the country’s strongman, after his indictment by a U.S. grand jury on drug-related charges. (Noriega’s status as head of government was contested in Panama, and the U.S. did not recognize his status.)

    After turning himself in and being extradited to Florida, Noriega was tried and convicted on eight counts of drug trafficking, money laundering and racketeering. He was sentenced to 40 years in prison. 

    An armored vehicle leaves Manhattan Federal Court where Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro was arraigned with his wife Cilia Flores, Jan. 5, 2026, in New York. (AP)

    What are the biggest challenges prosecutors could face? 

    Maduro might try to claim “head of state immunity.” 

    Under international law, heads of state are generally entitled to absolute immunity in other nations’ courts, Curtis A. Bradley, University of Chicago law professor, said.

    However, the U.S. government doesn’t recognize Maduro as the lawful head of state, so U.S. courts likely would not grant him head of state immunity. U.S. courts tend to defer to the executive branch about whether to confer immunity. 

    “Sure, he can claim it,” said Dick Gregorie, a retired federal prosecutor who indicted Noriega. “Is that going to work? I don’t think so.”

    An appeals court panel upheld Noriega’s conviction in 1997, dismissing his argument that his position as head of state should have preempted his prosecution.

    Even if Maduro’s capture violated international law, it would not be a basis for dismissing prosecution, per the “Ker-Frisbie doctrine” of U.S. law. In 1992, for example, the Supreme Court in United States v. Alvarez-Machain found that a Mexican national’s abduction from his home did not prohibit his U.S. trial.

    Jon May, a former Noriega defense attorney, said that prosecutors face a general challenge of relying on witnesses who could have credibility issues.

    “The challenge of building a case like this comes down to corroboration,” May said.

    Gregorie said that the biggest problem in the case will be discovery, which likely includes intelligence information about Maduro and witnesses. 

    What are the next steps in the prosecution?

    Federal Judge Alvin Hellerstein set the next court hearing for March 17. Maduro’s defense attorney is Barry Pollack, who also represented WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. 

    Markus predicted that the start of a multi-month trial is at least a year away. 

    PolitiFact Staff Researcher Caryn Baird contributed to this article.

    RELATED: Fact-checking Donald Trump following U.S. attacks on Venezuela and capture of Nicolás Maduro

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  • Capture of Maduro and US claim that it will run Venezuela raise new legal questions

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    The Trump administration’s capture of Venezuela’s president and claims that it will “run” the country are raising stark new questions about the legality of the U.S. actions and its future operations in the South American nation.Related video above: U.S. strikes Venezuela, captures President Maduro in overnight operationThe middle-of-the-night seizure of Nicolás Maduro, who was transported with his wife on a U.S. warship to face narco-terrorism conspiracy charges in New York, is beyond even the most high-profile historical examples of aggressive American actions toward autocratic governments in Panama, Iraq and elsewhere, legal experts said. It came after a surprise U.S. incursion that rocked the Venezuelan capital with overnight explosions.”This is clearly a blatant, illegal and criminal act,” said Jimmy Gurule, a Notre Dame Law School professor and former assistant U.S. attorney.The stunning development caps months of aggressive U.S. military action in the region, including the bombing of boats accused of trafficking drugs and seizures of oil tankers off the coast of Venezuela. The Trump administration has conducted 35 known boat strikes against vessels, killing more than 115 people since September, and positioned an armada of warships in nearby waters.The bigger debate than legality is yet to come, said John Yoo, an early architect of the George W. Bush administration’s policy in Iraq and now a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley.”It’s easier to remove a dictator,” he said, based on his experience in the Iraq War. But ensuring the transition to a stable democratic government is “the harder part.”Maduro’s arrest on anniversary of Noriega’s surrenderMaduro’s arrest came 36 years to the date of the surrender of Panama’s strongman, Manuel Noriega, a notable milestone in American involvement in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. invaded Panama in 1989 to arrest Noriega on drug trafficking charges.In Panama, however, U.S. national security interests were directly at stake in the form of the Panama Canal as well as the safety of American citizens and U.S. military installations in the country.Video below: Former Alabama exchange student reacts to Maduro captureBy contrast, Congress has not authorized any American military strike or law enforcement move against Venezuela.”The President will claim that this fits within a vast body of precedent supporting broad executive power to defend the United States, its citizens, and its interests,” Matthew Waxman, a Columbia University law professor who was a national security official in the Bush administration, said by email. “Critics will charge that this exceeds the bounds of presidential power without congressional authorization.”While U.S. agents have a long history of snatching defendants abroad to execute arrest warrants without authorization, federal courts have long deferred to the White House in foreign policy and national security matters.For example, U.S. bounty hunters, working under the direction of the Drug Enforcement Administration, in 1990 abducted in Mexico a doctor accused of killing DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena.”Courts give great deference to the president on issues related to national security,” said Gurule, who led the prosecution against Camarena’s killers. “But great deference does not mean absolute deference and unfettered authority to do anything.”Congress has yet to authorize or ban US actionsTrump’s administration has declared the drug cartels operating from Venezuela to be unlawful combatants and has said the United States is now in an “armed conflict” with them, according to an administration memo obtained in October by The Associated Press.The memo appears to represent an extraordinary assertion of presidential war powers, with Trump effectively declaring that trafficking of drugs into the U.S. amounts to armed conflict requiring the use of military force. That is a new rationale for past and future actions.Congress, which has broad authority to approve or prohibit the president’s war powers, has failed to do either, even as lawmakers from both political parties grow increasingly uneasy with the military actions in the region, particularly after it was revealed that U.S. forces killed two survivors of a boat attack with a follow-up strike.Congress’ Democratic leaders, Sen. Chuck Schumer and Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, demanded immediate briefings for the “gang of eight” leaders on Capitol Hill, which includes top members of the Intelligence committees, as well as for other lawmakers. Congressional leaders were not notified of the actions until after the operation was underway.”The idea that Trump plans to now run Venezuela should strike fear in the hearts of all Americans,” Schumer said. “The American people have seen this before and paid the devastating price.”Michael Schmitt, a former Air Force lawyer and professor emeritus at the U.S. Naval War College, said the entire operation — the boat strikes as well as the apprehension of Maduro — clearly violates international law.”Lawyers call it international armed conflict,” Schmitt said. “Lay people call it war. So as a matter of law, we are now at war with Venezuela because the use of hostilities between two states clearly triggers an internal armed conflict.”War powers vote aheadHouse Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said the administration “is working to schedule briefings” for lawmakers next week.Republican lawmakers in Congress largely welcomed the capture of Maduro as ridding the region of a leader they say is responsible for drug trafficking, but Democratic lawmakers warned that in veering from the rule of law, the administration is potentially greenlighting other countries such as China or Russia to do the same.”Beyond the legality, what kind of precedent does it send?” asked Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee. He said in an interview that the rebuilding plan ahead has echoes of the Iraq War as the Trump administration promises to use Venezuela’s oil revenue to pay the costs.Waxman, the Columbia University law professor, said seizing control of Venezuela’s resources opens up additional legal issues: “For example, a big issue will be who really owns Venezuela’s oil?”The Senate is expected to try again next week to curtail Trump’s actions, with a vote expected on a bipartisan war powers resolution that would block using U.S. forces against Venezuela unless authorized by Congress.Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said he is grateful for the armed forces “who carried out this necessary action.” He said he spoke to Secretary of State Marco Rubio and wants more information.”I look forward to receiving further briefings from the administration on this operation as part of its comprehensive counternarcotics strategy when the Senate returns to Washington next week,” Thune said.Rubio said at a briefing Saturday with Trump that because of the nature of the surprise operation, it was not something that could be shared beforehand with the lawmakers.Goodman reported from Miami.

    The Trump administration’s capture of Venezuela’s president and claims that it will “run” the country are raising stark new questions about the legality of the U.S. actions and its future operations in the South American nation.

    Related video above: U.S. strikes Venezuela, captures President Maduro in overnight operation

    The middle-of-the-night seizure of Nicolás Maduro, who was transported with his wife on a U.S. warship to face narco-terrorism conspiracy charges in New York, is beyond even the most high-profile historical examples of aggressive American actions toward autocratic governments in Panama, Iraq and elsewhere, legal experts said. It came after a surprise U.S. incursion that rocked the Venezuelan capital with overnight explosions.

    “This is clearly a blatant, illegal and criminal act,” said Jimmy Gurule, a Notre Dame Law School professor and former assistant U.S. attorney.

    The stunning development caps months of aggressive U.S. military action in the region, including the bombing of boats accused of trafficking drugs and seizures of oil tankers off the coast of Venezuela. The Trump administration has conducted 35 known boat strikes against vessels, killing more than 115 people since September, and positioned an armada of warships in nearby waters.

    The bigger debate than legality is yet to come, said John Yoo, an early architect of the George W. Bush administration’s policy in Iraq and now a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley.

    “It’s easier to remove a dictator,” he said, based on his experience in the Iraq War. But ensuring the transition to a stable democratic government is “the harder part.”

    Maduro’s arrest on anniversary of Noriega’s surrender

    Maduro’s arrest came 36 years to the date of the surrender of Panama’s strongman, Manuel Noriega, a notable milestone in American involvement in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. invaded Panama in 1989 to arrest Noriega on drug trafficking charges.

    In Panama, however, U.S. national security interests were directly at stake in the form of the Panama Canal as well as the safety of American citizens and U.S. military installations in the country.

    Video below: Former Alabama exchange student reacts to Maduro capture

    By contrast, Congress has not authorized any American military strike or law enforcement move against Venezuela.

    “The President will claim that this fits within a vast body of precedent supporting broad executive power to defend the United States, its citizens, and its interests,” Matthew Waxman, a Columbia University law professor who was a national security official in the Bush administration, said by email. “Critics will charge that this exceeds the bounds of presidential power without congressional authorization.”

    While U.S. agents have a long history of snatching defendants abroad to execute arrest warrants without authorization, federal courts have long deferred to the White House in foreign policy and national security matters.

    For example, U.S. bounty hunters, working under the direction of the Drug Enforcement Administration, in 1990 abducted in Mexico a doctor accused of killing DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena.

    “Courts give great deference to the president on issues related to national security,” said Gurule, who led the prosecution against Camarena’s killers. “But great deference does not mean absolute deference and unfettered authority to do anything.”

    Congress has yet to authorize or ban US actions

    Trump’s administration has declared the drug cartels operating from Venezuela to be unlawful combatants and has said the United States is now in an “armed conflict” with them, according to an administration memo obtained in October by The Associated Press.

    The memo appears to represent an extraordinary assertion of presidential war powers, with Trump effectively declaring that trafficking of drugs into the U.S. amounts to armed conflict requiring the use of military force. That is a new rationale for past and future actions.

    Congress, which has broad authority to approve or prohibit the president’s war powers, has failed to do either, even as lawmakers from both political parties grow increasingly uneasy with the military actions in the region, particularly after it was revealed that U.S. forces killed two survivors of a boat attack with a follow-up strike.

    Congress’ Democratic leaders, Sen. Chuck Schumer and Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, demanded immediate briefings for the “gang of eight” leaders on Capitol Hill, which includes top members of the Intelligence committees, as well as for other lawmakers. Congressional leaders were not notified of the actions until after the operation was underway.

    “The idea that Trump plans to now run Venezuela should strike fear in the hearts of all Americans,” Schumer said. “The American people have seen this before and paid the devastating price.”

    Michael Schmitt, a former Air Force lawyer and professor emeritus at the U.S. Naval War College, said the entire operation — the boat strikes as well as the apprehension of Maduro — clearly violates international law.

    “Lawyers call it international armed conflict,” Schmitt said. “Lay people call it war. So as a matter of law, we are now at war with Venezuela because the use of hostilities between two states clearly triggers an internal armed conflict.”

    War powers vote ahead

    House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said the administration “is working to schedule briefings” for lawmakers next week.

    Republican lawmakers in Congress largely welcomed the capture of Maduro as ridding the region of a leader they say is responsible for drug trafficking, but Democratic lawmakers warned that in veering from the rule of law, the administration is potentially greenlighting other countries such as China or Russia to do the same.

    “Beyond the legality, what kind of precedent does it send?” asked Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee. He said in an interview that the rebuilding plan ahead has echoes of the Iraq War as the Trump administration promises to use Venezuela’s oil revenue to pay the costs.

    Waxman, the Columbia University law professor, said seizing control of Venezuela’s resources opens up additional legal issues: “For example, a big issue will be who really owns Venezuela’s oil?”

    The Senate is expected to try again next week to curtail Trump’s actions, with a vote expected on a bipartisan war powers resolution that would block using U.S. forces against Venezuela unless authorized by Congress.

    Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said he is grateful for the armed forces “who carried out this necessary action.” He said he spoke to Secretary of State Marco Rubio and wants more information.

    “I look forward to receiving further briefings from the administration on this operation as part of its comprehensive counternarcotics strategy when the Senate returns to Washington next week,” Thune said.

    Rubio said at a briefing Saturday with Trump that because of the nature of the surprise operation, it was not something that could be shared beforehand with the lawmakers.


    Goodman reported from Miami.

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