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Tag: Nayib Bukele

  • The Trump Admin Appointees Who Love Buchanan and Bukele

    DURING THE BIDEN PRESIDENCY, Paul Dans—director of Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation–spearheaded plan for the next conservative administration—started on a lesser-known facet of the controversial program. In order to carry out Project 2025’s extensive policy framework for reconfiguring the federal government, Dans began mocking up a personnel database, one he reportedly envisioned as a “conservative LinkedIn” that would provide the next Republican occupant of the White House with thousands of appointment-ready, MAGA-devoted job candidates to fill out the political workforce. To test the ideological mettle of those who wanted to be included in the database, Dans required applicants to fill out a questionnaire that asked for specifics on their political beliefs and the names of public figures they most admired.

    In June, more than 13,000 responses to that survey were obtained and published by Distributed Denial of Secrets, a nonprofit online library of “leaked and hacked datasets.” The responses show that the men and women who bought into the Project 2025 pitch frequently professed extreme beliefs and questionable political affinities, including support for authoritarian leaders abroad, deep respect for racialist thinkers, and severe condemnations of U.S. civil rights law. And in the months since Donald Trump returned to the White House, many of these MAGA hopefuls have taken up positions in the federal government and are implementing the administration’s policies.

    In reviewing the leaked materials, I have identified a number of deeply concerning questionnaire responses that can be connected to people who now hold positions of influence as newly minted assistant secretaries, senior advisers, and policy analysts across the federal government. Such responses offered praise for extremists and authoritarians popular among the new right, including El Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele, Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán, and American right-wing thinker Pat Buchanan, and reflected beliefs that might call into question the applicants suitability for government employment. For instance, the man now responsible for running the Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights seems to have attacked the “civil rights state,” and many respondents railed against the country’s changing demographics.

    The acting assistant secretary for legislative affairs for the Department of Homeland Security, Dillon McGregor, apparently effusively praised El Salvador’s authoritarian president in one survey response that was included in the leaked database and contained personal information matching McGregor. Nayib Bukele “has imposed his will in defense of the rights of his people, against widespread domestic tyranny and corruption which masqueraded as democracy,” one of the answers states. It then condemned American institutions and implied that the United States needs its own Bukele:

    We are in a similar situation in the US, where the very “democratic” institutions of our republic serve almost solely to undermine the lives of our people and their futures, the integrity of our economy and standing aboard, bleeding our nation dry and poisoning what little blood we have left.

    First elected president of El Salvador in 2019, Bukele has overseen the repeal of the country’s presidential term limits and the erosion of civil liberties, all of which he has justified through the unilateral imposition of an indefinite “state of emergency” that began in 2022. Bukele has also been a close collaborator of President Trump, agreeing to hold in the megaprison he built, CECOT, people deported by the administration—including the illegally deported Kilmar Abrego Garcia. Another detainee, Andry Hernández Romero, a gay hairstylist, reported after being released from CECOT that he was beaten and sexually abused by guards during his incarceration; he described the facility as “hell on earth.” McGregor did not respond to my requests for comment on his apparent praise of Bukele.

    Another questionnaire response listed “the civil rights state” as the public policy issue he was most passionate about in his Project 2025 questionnaire response. This author of this response gave the name Craig Trainor—which is the name of the individual who is now the acting assistant secretary for civil rights in the Department of Education, where in February he authored an especially strident “Dear Colleague” letter to colleges and universities, threatening their federal funding if they ran afoul of the current administration’s interpretation of civil rights law. Trainor also did not respond to my requests for comment, but the personal identifying information in the unredacted version of the database provided to me by DDoSecrets matched his own. The full response maintains that “the 1964 Civil Rights Act and its subsequent innovations has become, what the late Angelo Codevilla called, ‘the little law that ate the Constitution.’” Institutional fruits of the Civil Rights Act, it asserts, “are antithetical to the American founding, its Christian moral foundation and traditions, the Constitution, and a free and well-ordered society.”1

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    THE LEAKED DATABASE also connected the names of several current employees at the Office of Personnel Management to politically extreme statements. That office, which functions as a sort of HR department in most administrations, has, in the Trump administration, been the hub of efforts to make it possible to remove civil servants on political grounds, a policy usually referred to as “Schedule F” reclassification. A representative of OPM declined to comment when I asked if the responses represented OPM culture or reflected ongoing discussions within the agency.

    Let’s look at a few of the responses apparently tied to OPM personnel.

    Noah Peters is a DOGE agent who now works as an OPM senior adviser. Questionnaire responses tied to that name praise both Bukele and preeminent paleoconservative Pat Buchanan.2 In particular, Buchanan is put forward as the “one person, past or present,” most responsible for the respondent’s political philosophy, while Bukele is identified as “one living public policy figure” admired by the respondent. “I greatly admire Nayib Bukele, president of El Salvador,” the answer states. “He has done what was thought impossible: successfully curb criminal gang violence in Central America. In doing so, he has given back freedom to his citizens– freedom to walk the streets without fear.” Peters did not respond to my requests for comment.

    According to reporting by the New York Times, Peters was already being considered for a position in the Department of Labor as part of Project 2025 two years ago. In January of this year, 404 Media determined Peters was the likely author of at least one early OPM memo trying to make it easier to fire civil servants and replace them with dedicated partisans.

    Christopher Smith was a policy adviser with OPM until August, according to government monitoring company LegiStorm. A questionnaire answer given under that name and with corresponding personal information also emphasized Buchanan’s influence and specifically praised Buchanan’s 2001 book The Death of the West: How Dying Populations and Immigrant Invasions Imperil Our Country and Civilization as “a biting commentary on the importance of establishing, maintaining, and cherishing national identity.” The respondent credits the book with making him “place a great deal of emphasis on community, shared values, and common history- all of which are rebutted by the modern orthodoxy of multiculturalism, open borders, and a million iterations of America as an ‘idea’ rather than a nation.” Smith declined to comment when contacted.

    Brandon Mayhew has, since May, been a senior adviser at OPM. A set of questionnaire responses submitted under that name argued that authoritarian Viktor Orbán’s regime in Hungary ought to serve as a model for the United States. “I think [Orbán] has the right idea of fusing faith, family, and nationhood to create a very poignant political blend,” said one answer. “This is a political blend that promote [sic] the longevity and security of Hungary as a nation and state (something that can certainly not be said for many western European states who are self-immolating). I think Orban’s simple method is something we should be importing en masse in our own political order.” Mayhew also did not respond to my questions.

    Megan “Meg” Kilgannon, formerly of the right-wing Family Research Council, is now director of strategic partnerships for the Department of Education. Questionnaire answers tied to that name might serve as a synecdoche of the extremism now deemed acceptable for political appointees. Kilgannon declined to comment when reached by phone, but the personal information included in the unredacted version of the database provided to me by DDoSecrets matched hers. The Department of Education did not respond to emails requesting comment on Kilgannon’s apparent responses.

    The answers under Kilgannon’s name heap praise on far-right intellectuals Buchanan and Sam Francis. “The writing and philosophies of Pat Buchanan and Sam Francis have been foundational in my political formation,” one answer reads. “Over the years they are proven right again and again.” Another answer praising one of Buchanan’s books emphasizes that “demographics are drivers of social change, in both positive and negative ways.”

    Kilgannon is just one of many people currently serving in the executive branch who appear to have cited Buchanan as a key influence. But she was the only one I saw who also apparently cited the late Sam Francis, a close friend of Buchanan’s and a major figure on the hard right. In 1995, Francis was let go by the conservative Washington Times, where he had been a columnist, after fellow right-wing provocateur Dinesh D’Souza drew attention to racist comments he’d made at an Atlanta convention. Francis had declared white people needed to “reassert our identity and our solidarity, and we must do so in explicitly racial terms through the articulation of a racial consciousness as whites,” a belief he would continue to espouse until his death a decade later.

    Because of their openly racialist views, Francis and Buchanan over the years were increasingly deemed verboten by the conservative mainstream. In 1992, National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr. wrote that Buchanan was “politically,” if not personally, antisemitic. A few years later, Donald Trump publicly called Buchanan “a Hitler lover” and “an antisemite.” And in a 2022 article in Vanity Fair, Alec Dent wrote that Francis “spent his final years largely confined to the fever swamps of explicitly white supremacist organizations.”

    If, as the Reagan-era maxim goes, “personnel is policy,” then in light of these questionnaire responses we should not be surprised that the second Trump administration continues attacking Americans’ civil rights, undermining free and fair elections, and prioritizing white immigration.


    SEVERAL RESPONSES connected to other people who have staffed the second Trump administration specifically cited a prominent 2020 book critiquing civil rights laws—in one case, referencing the book in support of a claim that the Civil Rights Act of 1965 “essentially replaced the original Constitution.” Another answer mentioned Curtis Yarvin, the neoreactionary monarchist, as one of the “more exciting contemporary thinkers” who’d influenced the respondent. Yet another listed the “demographic transformation of the United States and the Western World” as the respondent’s most important issue.

    While none of the individuals mentioned above confirmed to me that they had filled out the Project 2025 form, despite the matching names and corresponding personal information, three other individuals who self-identified as “liberals” in responses included in the database told me they remembered filling out the Project 2025 questionnaire, either to “gum up” the application process or to keep an eye on the effort. A fourth didn’t respond to an email I sent but had published a YouTube video in September 2023 that showed her filling out the form. Additionally, one conservative whose information was included in the leak agreed with some of the sentiments connected to his name during a brief phone conversation, but stated he couldn’t remember filling out the form and maintained the wording of the answers did not “sound like me.”

    The Heritage Foundation did not respond to my questions about the published database, or answer an earlier request for comment sent by left-leaning news outlet the Intercept.

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    1

    The answer, in all fairness, does not condemn the concept of civil rights in toto, and indeed allows that a hypothetical Civil Rights Act of 2025 should still “prohibit intentional discrimination.”

    2

    For the benefit of younger readers, Pat Buchanan had a long career first as a staffer for Republican Presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, and then as a right-wing pundit—punctuated by three runs for the presidency, in 1992, 1996, and 2000. The 1992 campaign is perhaps most memorable for his inflammatory speech at the Republican National Convention. A prominent far-right thinker, Buchanan has been obsessed with the relative “decline” of European populations for decades, as evinced by his books The Death of the West (2001) and Suicide of a Superpower (2011). In the acknowledgements section of the latter, as progressive nonprofit Media Matters pointed out, Buchanan gives “special thanks” for research assistance to an anti-immigration activist who’d written for the white-nationalist site VDare. A few years earlier, that activist had pleaded guilty to karate chopping a black woman on the head after allegedly calling her the N-word.

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  • Ecuadorians head to polls to toughen fight against gangs behind wave of violence

    Ecuadorians head to polls to toughen fight against gangs behind wave of violence

    QUITOEcuadorians headed to the polls Sunday in a referendum touted by the country’s fledgling leader as a way to crack down on criminal gangs behind a spiraling wave of violence.

    The majority of 11 questions posed to voters focus on tightening security measures. Proposals include deploying the army in the fight against the gangs, loosening obstacles to extradition of accused criminals and lengthening prison sentences for convicted drug traffickers.

    Ecuador, traditionally one of South America’s most peaceful countries, has been rocked in recent year by a wave of violence, much of it spilling over from neighboring Colombia, the world’s largest producer of cocaine. Last year, the country’s homicide rate shot up to 40 deaths per 100,000, one of the highest in the region.

    President Daniel Noboa has rallied popular support by confronting the gangs head on. That task became more urgent in January when masked gunmen, some on orders from imprisoned drug traffickers, terrorized residents and took control of a television station while it was live on the air in an unprecedented show of force.

    Following the rampage, the 36-year-old leader decreed an “internal armed conflict,” enabling him to use emergency powers to deploy the army in pursuit of about 20 gangs now classified as “terrorists.”

    The referendum seeks to extend those powers and put them on firmer legal ground.

    “We can’t live in fear of leaving our homes,” said Leonor Sandoval, a 39-year-old homemaker, after voting for all 11 of the proposals. Results were expected Sunday evening.

    But in recalling the law-and-order policies of El Salvador’s wildly popular president, Nayib Bukele, a fellow millennial, they could also boost Noboa politically as he prepares to run for reelection next year.

    Noboa, the scion of a wealthy banana exporting family, is serving the final 18 months of a presidential term left vacant when fellow conservative Guillermo Lasso resigned amid an investigation into alleged corruption by congress. He was elected following a shortened but bloody campaign that saw one of his top rivals brazenly assassinated while campaigning.

    Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.

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  • A wave of political turbulence is rolling through Guatemala and other Central American countries

    A wave of political turbulence is rolling through Guatemala and other Central American countries

    MEXICO CITY (AP) — Central America is experiencing a wave of unrest that is remarkable even for a region whose history is riddled with turbulence. The most recent example is political upheaval in Guatemala as the country heads for a runoff presidential election in August.

    A look at various events roiling Central American countries:

    Guatemala

    Costa Rica and the U.S. government have agreed to open potential legal pathways to the United States for some of the Nicaraguan and Venezuelan migrants among the 240,000 asylum seekers already awaiting asylum in the Central American country.

    Despite a dissuasion campaign by the U.S. government, migrants are headed toward its southern border in growing numbers ahead of the end of pandemic-era asylum restrictions and proposed new restrictions on those seeking asylum.

    Costa Rica’s president is promising to put more police in the streets and he wants legal changes to confront record-setting numbers of homicides that have shaken daily life in a country long known for peaceful stability.

    Guatemala is locked in the most troubled presidential election in the country’s recent history. The first round of elections in June ended with a surprise twist when little known progressive candidate Bernardo Arévalo of the Seed Movement party pulled ahead as a front-runner.

    Now headed to an August runoff election with conservative candidate and top vote-getter Sandra Torres, Arévalo has thus far managed to survive judicial attacks and attempts by Guatemala’s political establishment to disqualify his party. It comes after other moves by the country’s government to manage the election, including banning several candidates before the first-round vote.

    While not entirely unprecedented in a country known for high levels of corruption, American officials call the latest escalation a threat to the country’s democracy.

    El Salvador

    El Salvador has been radically transformed in the past few years with the entrance of populist millennial President Nayib Bukele. One year ago, Bukele entered an all-out war with the Barrio 18 and Mara Salvatruchas, or MS-13, gangs. He suspended constitutional rights and threw 1 in every 100 people in the country into prisons that have fueled allegations of mass human rights abuses.

    The sharp dip in violence that followed Bukele’s actions, combined with an elaborate propaganda machine, has ignited a pro-Bukele populist fervor across the region, with other governments trying to mimic the Bitcoin-pushing leader.

    At the same time, Bukele has announced he will run for reelection in February next year despite the constitution prohibiting it. He has also made moves that observers warn are gradually dismantling the nation’s democracy.

    Nicaragua

    President Daniel Ortega is in an all-out crackdown on dissent. For years, regional watchdogs and the U.S. government raised alarms that democracy was eroding under the leader of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. That came to a head in 2018 when Ortega’s government began a violent crackdown on protests.

    Most recently, Ortega forced hundreds of opposition figures into exile, stripping them of their citizenship, seizing their properties and declaring them “traitors of the homeland.” Nicaragua has thrown out aid groups such as the Red Cross and a yearslong crackdown on the Catholic Church has forced the Vatican to close its embassy. The tightening chokehold on the country has prompted many Nicaraguans to flee their country and seek asylum in neighboring Costa Rica or the United States.

    Honduras

    President Xiomara Castro took office last year as the first female president of Honduras, winning on a message of tackling corruption, inequality and poverty. The wife of former President Manuel Zelaya, who was ousted in a military coup, she won a landslide victory.

    But her popularity has dipped as many of her promises for change have gone unfulfilled. At the same time, the government has sought to mimic neighboring El Salvador’s crackdown on gangs, responding fiercely to a grisly massacre in a women’s prison in June.

    Costa Rica

    Once known as the land of “pura vida” and mild politics compared to the surrounding region, Costa Rica has seen rising bloodshed that threatens to tarnish the country’s reputation as a secure haven. Homicides have soared as the nation has become a base for drug traffickers. President Rodrigo Chavez, who took office last year, has promised more police in the street and tougher laws to take on the uptick in crime.

    At the same time, a migratory flight from Nicaragua has overwhelmed the country, which is known as one of the world’s great refuges for people fleeing persecution. The government has since tightened its asylum laws.

    Panama

    Panama is headed into presidential elections in May, with simmering frustration at economic woes, corruption and insecurity acting as a potential harbinger for change. Any shift could have global significance due to Panama’s status as a financial hub.

    The nation has also become the epicenter of a steady flow of migration through the perilous jungles of the Darien Gap running along the Colombia-Panama border.

    Belize

    Belize is often seen as a place of relative calm in a region that is anything but. A former British colony named British Honduras, Belize’s government system is still tightly tethered to the country. But Prime Minister Johnny Briceño has sought to distance his nation from the monarchy. The nation is also one of the few in the Americas that maintains formal ties with Taiwan amid a broad effort by China to pull support away from the island country by funneling money into Central America.

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  • Visiting El Salvador’s Slums, It’s Clear Bitcoin Country Must Go Further

    Visiting El Salvador’s Slums, It’s Clear Bitcoin Country Must Go Further

    This is an opinion editorial by Rikki, author and co-host of the “Bitcoin Italia,” and “Stupefatti” podcasts. He is one half of the Bitcoin Explorers, along with Laura, who chronicle Bitcoin adoption around the world, one country at a time.

    A few days before this writing, El Salvador’s president Nayib Bukele announced an immense police operation. San Salvador’s satellite city of Soyapango was surrounded by 8,500 military and 1,500 police officers, who went searching from house to house for gang members still hiding in the area. More than 150 arrests were counted.

    Rikki

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  • El Salvador sends 10,000 police, army to seal off town

    El Salvador sends 10,000 police, army to seal off town

    SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador — The government of El Salvador sent 10,000 soldiers and police to seal off a town on the outskirts of the nation’s capital Saturday to search for gang members.

    The operation was one of the largest mobilizations yet in President Nayib Bukele’s nine-month-old crackdown on street gangs that long extorted money from businesses and ruled many neighborhoods of the capital, San Salvador.

    The troops blocked roads going in and out of the township of Soyapango, checking people’s documents. Special teams went into the town looking for gang suspects.

    “Starting now, the township of Soyapango is completely surrounded,” Bukele wrote in his Twitter account. He posted videos showing ranks of rifle-toting soldiers.

    More than 58,000 people have been jailed since a state of emergency was declared following a wave of homicides in late March. Rights groups have criticized the mass roundups, saying they often sweep up young men based on their appearance or where they live.

    It was part of what Bukele had called in late November “Phase Five” of the crackdown. Bukele said such tactics worked in the town of Comasagua in October.

    In October, more than 2,000 soldiers and police surrounded and closed off Comasagua in order to search for street gang members accused in a killing. Drones flew over the town, and everyone entering or leaving the town was questioned or searched. About 50 suspects were detained in two days.

    “It worked,” Bukele said. The government estimates that homicides dropped 38% in the first 10 months of the year compared to the same period of 2021.

    Bukele requested Congress grant him extraordinary powers after gangs were blamed for 62 killings on March 26, and that emergency decree has been renewed every month since then. It suspends some Constitutional rights and gives police more powers to arrest and hold suspects.

    Under the decree, the right of association, the right to be informed of the reason for an arrest and access to a lawyer are suspended. The government also can intervene in the calls and mail of anyone they consider a suspect. The time someone can be held without charges is extended from three days to 15 days.

    Rights activists say young men are frequently arrested just based on their age, on their appearance or whether they live in a gang-dominated slum.

    El Salvador’s gangs, which have been estimated to count some 70,000 members in their ranks, have long controlled swaths of territory and extorted and killed with impunity.

    But Bukele’s crackdown reached another level earlier this month when the government sent inmates into cemeteries to destroy the tombs of gang members at a time of year when families typically visit their loved ones’ graves.

    Nongovernmental organizations have tallied several thousand human rights violations and at least 80 in-custody deaths of people arrested during the crackdown.

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  • Visiting El Salvador, It’s Clear That Bukele’s Bitcoin Country Is Neither Utopian, Nor Totalitarian

    Visiting El Salvador, It’s Clear That Bukele’s Bitcoin Country Is Neither Utopian, Nor Totalitarian

    This is an opinion editorial by Shinobi, a self-taught educator in the Bitcoin space and tech-oriented Bitcoin podcast host.

    I recently spent a week in El Salvador to attend Adopting Bitcoin and decided it might be worthwhile to summarize my perception of things having actually had the chance to visit the country myself.

    Since the announcement of the Bitcoin legal tender law in 2021, the topic of El Salvador has been a deeply divisive one in this space. On one hand, you have people blindly cheering on President Nayib Bukele and treating all criticism as FUD and misinformation generated simply to attack Bitcoin and the use of it. On the other hand, you have people blindly decrying him as a dictator and violator of human rights and treating anything positive he is accomplishing for his country as irrelevant in the face of his disregard for law.

    Shinobi

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  • Honduras declares state of emergency against gang crime

    Honduras declares state of emergency against gang crime

    TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — Honduras became the second country in Central America to declare a state of emergency to fight gang crimes like extortion.

    For years, street gangs have charged protection money from bus and taxi drivers and store owners in Honduras, as in neighboring El Salvador.

    Late Thursday, Honduran President Xiomara Castro proposed a measure to limit constitutional rights so as to round up gang members.

    “This social democratic government is declaring war on extorsion, just as it has, since the first day, declared wars on corruption, impunity and drug trafficking,” Castro said. The measure must still be approved by Congress. “We are going to eradicate extortion in every corner of our country.”

    On Friday, Jorge Lanza the leader of the bus operators in Honduras, supported the move, saying bus drivers were tired of being threatened and killed for not paying protection money. Lanza said drivers had been asking for a crackdown for years.

    “We can’t put up any longer with workers being killed and paying extortion,” Lanza said. “We hope these measures work and remain in place.”

    Lanza said that 50 drivers have been killed so far in 2022, and a total of 2,500 have been killed over the last 15 years. He estimated the companies and drivers have paid an average of about $10 million per month to the gangs in order to operate.

    Honduras hasn’t specified exactly what the state of emergency would entail, but normally such measures temporarily suspend normal rules regulating arrests and searches; sometime limits on freedom of speech and assembly are implemented as well.

    In neighboring El Salvador, President Nayib Bukele requested Congress grant him extraordinary powers after gangs were blamed for 62 killings on March 26, and that emergency decree has been renewed every month since then. It suspends some Constitutional rights and gives police more powers to arrest and hold suspects.

    That measure has proved popular among the public in El Salvador, and has resulted in the arrest of more than 56,000 people for alleged gang ties.

    But nongovernmental organizations have tallied several thousand human rights violations and at least 80 in-custody deaths of people arrested during the state of exception.

    Rights activists say young men are frequently arrested just based on their age, appearance or whether they live in a gang-dominated slum.

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