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Tag: Narcotrafficking

  • Experts warn organized crime and dictatorship are converging across Latin America

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    Panelists at the forum “Democracy and Organized Crime in Latin America” held Thursday in Washington D.C.

    Panelists at the forum “Democracy and Organized Crime in Latin America” held Thursday in Washington D.C.

    Interamerican Institute for Democracy

    Experts and former presidents warned that organized crime, narcotrafficking and authoritarian rule are converging into an unprecedented threat to democracy across Latin America as they met during a high-level forum held in Washington, D.C.

    The event, titled “Democracy and Organized Crime in Latin America,” on Thursday brought together scholars, diplomats and political figures under the auspices of the Interamerican Institute for Democracy, Florida International University, Universidad Austral, and Infobae.

    From the start, the tone was grave. “Organized crime in the region, including the global networks to which it is connected, is the single biggest threat — beyond the People’s Republic of China — to U.S. security and prosperity,” said Professor Evan Ellis, an educator at the U.S. Army War College’s Strategic Studies Institute.

    Evan Ellis, professor at the U.S. Army War College, speaking at the forum “Democracy and Organized Crime in Latin America” held Thursday in Washington D.C.
    Evan Ellis, professor at the U.S. Army War College, speaking at the forum “Democracy and Organized Crime in Latin America” held Thursday in Washington D.C. Interamerican Institute for Democracy

    Speaking before a packed conference room near Capitol Hill, Ellis said that what was once a regional problem has evolved into a hemispheric crisis, feeding instability, corruption and authoritarianism.

    “Organized crime in the region,” he warned, “brings drugs that kill more Americans than virtually any other non-medical cause,” while exploiting migrants and “eroding democratic institutions across Latin America.”

    A Hemisphere “Awash in Cocaine”

    Ellis described a continent “awash in cocaine,” pointing to soaring coca cultivation in Colombia, Venezuela, and Peru. These illicit economies, he said, fuel cycles of “violence, illegal mining, human trafficking, and massive migration” that are destabilizing entire nations.

    He identified a nexus of criminal power stretching from Mexico’s Jalisco Nueva Generación cartel to Brazil’s Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) and Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua. These organizations, he said, have capitalized on state weakness and corruption to build transnational networks that move drugs, launder billions, and infiltrate political systems.

    “The U.S. cannot view these developments as distant,” Ellis cautioned. “Economic malaise and institutional failure open the door for the capture of power by anti-U.S. populists,” citing Venezuela, Nicaragua, Ecuador, and Bolivia as examples of governments that have curtailed law enforcement cooperation and created “safe havens for criminals.”

    Ellis also drew attention to China’s expanding role in the region’s illicit economy. “The PRC is the leading source of precursor chemicals for fentanyl and other synthetic drugs,” he said. “Its banks and companies are used for money laundering, creating new challenges for financial intelligence units.”

    He urged a coordinated response involving extradition treaties, financial transparency, and the denial of safe havens to criminal organizations. “It is vital not to permit regimes to continue to serve as sanctuaries for criminal groups,” he concluded.

    “Either We Act, or We Witness the Death of Democracy”

    The forum then turned from academic analysis to the political and personal, as former Ecuadorian president Jamil Mahuad and ex-ambassador to the U.S. Ivonne Baki described how organized crime has infiltrated their own country.

    “Ecuador’s nightmare began when Rafael Correa eliminated visa requirements and opened the borders,” Baki said. “He gave the drug trade free rein.”

    Baki said President Daniel Noboa’s administration had shown willingness to cooperate with the United States and international partners but warned that the challenge was urgent. “The narcos are organized, and we are not,” she said. “If we don’t act fast and together, it will be too late.”

    Mahuad traced Ecuador’s transformation from a relatively peaceful country into one of the most violent in the region, with criminal networks turning coastal ports into export corridors for cocaine. “Ninety percent of the world’s cocaine is produced in Colombia, Bolivia, and Peru,” he said. “Ecuador has become the strategic exit point.”

    He argued that successive governments had underestimated the threat by treating narcotrafficking as a social issue rather than a national security emergency. The result, he said, was a weakened state “striking deals with traffickers” instead of confronting them.

    His conclusion was stark. “Either we witness the chronicle of the death of democracy in Latin America,” Mahuad warned, “or we believe that the generations condemned to a hundred years of solitude still have a chance on this earth.”

    Bolivia’s Crossroads

    For Eduardo Gamarra, professor of political science at Florida International University, Bolivia illustrates how organized crime can intertwine with political power until the two become indistinguishable.

    “For two decades, Bolivia has been governed by a narco-competitive regime,” Gamarra said, referring to the government of former president Evo Morales and his Movement for Socialism (MAS). “The line between the state and the criminal world has vanished.”

    From the Chapare region—long the heart of coca cultivation—to the business hub of Santa Cruz, which he described as “a safe haven for illicit organizations,” Bolivia has become “a central node in the global cocaine trade,” Gamarra said. “Where the state is absent, organized crime rules.”

    Yet Gamarra also saw signs of change. With the MAS weakened and two center-right candidates competing in an upcoming presidential runoff, he said Bolivia stood at “a historic crossroads.”

    “The next administration has the great responsibility to combat this scourge hand in hand with international institutions,” Gamarra said. “The authoritarian structure is dying, but the narcotics network remains alive. Bolivia must act first—replace two decades of narco-politics with sovereign leadership.”

    Regional Crisis, Shared Consequences

    Ellis’s and Gamarra’s analyses reflected a broader consensus among participants: that the fusion of organized crime and politics represents a new phase of instability in Latin America.

    Speakers described a region where the rule of law is eroding, institutions are captured by criminal interests, and illicit economies sustain both authoritarian leaders and violent groups.

    The overlap of political and criminal agendas, they argued, has transformed traditional governance challenges into a direct assault on democracy. Countries such as Venezuela and Nicaragua, they said, have evolved into “narco-states,” where criminal networks operate under state protection.

    Participants also highlighted the role of corruption, weak judicial systems, and foreign actors in perpetuating impunity. Without coordinated international action, they warned, the hemisphere risks a generation of entrenched instability.

    A Call for Collective Action

    Throughout the forum, one message recurred: that the threat facing Latin America is transnational, and that only multilateral cooperation—linking governments, the private sector, and civil society—can counter it.

    For Ellis, this means rethinking security partnerships and economic strategies. For Mahuad and Baki, it means rebuilding the moral and institutional foundations of democracy. And for Gamarra, it means replacing regimes that have normalized criminality with ones that restore the rule of law.

    All agreed that the window for action is narrowing. “The narcos are organized, and we are not,” Baki’s warning echoed across the session as participants discussed how to prevent further state capture by organized crime.

    A Region Under Pressure

    The concerns raised at the forum come amid a broader regional surge in violence and political instability. Homicide rates have climbed in Ecuador, Honduras, and Haiti; mass migration continues from Venezuela and Central America; and in several countries, police and military forces have been implicated in drug-related corruption.

    Analysts say these developments have not only weakened public confidence in democracy but also created openings for authoritarian leaders who promise order while consolidating control.

    Ellis’s reference to China underscored the global dimensions of the crisis. With Beijing expanding its economic footprint in Latin America—through infrastructure projects, energy investments, and trade—U.S. officials and regional experts have warned that criminal networks are exploiting the same channels to launder money and traffic illicit goods.

    The growing nexus between state corruption, transnational crime, and great-power competition has made policy coordination increasingly complex, even among allies.

    Warnings for Washington

    While the forum focused on Latin America, speakers repeatedly emphasized the implications for U.S. national security. Ellis described organized crime as “the single biggest threat—beyond the People’s Republic of China—to U.S. security and prosperity,” linking narcotrafficking to the domestic fentanyl crisis and border instability.

    The flow of drugs, money, and people across the hemisphere, he added, is not only reshaping Latin American politics but also reaching deep into American society.

    “Economic malaise and institutional failure open the door for the capture of power by anti-U.S. populists,” he said, warning that democratic backsliding abroad will eventually reverberate at home.

    The Fight Ahead

    By the forum’s close, participants returned to the same question that had opened the day: whether democracies in the Americas can withstand the combined pressures of crime, corruption, and authoritarianism.

    The answer, most agreed, will depend on political will. Renewed cooperation, transparency and judicial reform were repeatedly cited as essential. So were citizen engagement and accountability, which speakers said are being eroded by fear, apathy, and disinformation.

    Despite the grim outlook, there was also a sense of determination. “It is vital not to permit regimes to continue to serve as sanctuaries for criminal groups,” Ellis said. Mahuad, invoking García Márquez’s famous line, offered a note of hope: that Latin America’s generations “still have a chance on this earth.”

    Antonio Maria Delgado

    el Nuevo Herald

    Galardonado periodista con más de 30 años de experiencia, especializado en la cobertura de temas sobre Venezuela. Amante de la historia y la literatura.

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    Antonio María Delgado

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  • Griselda archives: Dirty money affords brutal killers luxury in Miami

    Griselda archives: Dirty money affords brutal killers luxury in Miami

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    MIAMI – Luis Garcia-Blanco, a Cuban who had arrived in Miami on the Mariel boatlift, was accused of shooting his ex-girlfriend Maricel Gutierrez in the head with a machine gun in 1980, in Miami-Dade. He had allegedly also cut off her finger and kept it in a Bible.

    In 1981, Garcia-Blanco was working as a bodyguard for Rafael Leon Rodriguez, who police knew as the Venezuelan son of a cop who was a marksman-turned-hitman and a cocaine distributor for Colombian traffickers. A law-enforcement task force pounced on them.

    Julie Hawkins, a former Metro-Dade detective, told Netflix Tudum that day she was holding a phone with one hand and a police radio with the other to help catch Rodriguez — who was better known as “Amilcar” — and was a murder suspect in several cases.

    “It was crazy! Everybody’s talking — trying to advise where he is — and at one point, one of our detectives even rammed the car that Amilcar and this other guy were driving,” Hawkins told Tudum.

    There weren’t cell phones when detectives arrested Rodriguez. Since he used payphones, Hawkins said they used a “trap and trace device,” which identified the phone number of the payphone he was using. With the number, the phone company provided the location, and she shared it with operatives in the field.

    There was a shooting when police officers tried to arrest Rodriguez and Garcia-Blanco. While Garcia-Blanco fired at police officers and was arrested, Rodriguez ran away. A man nearby told police Rodriguez took off his Rolex and gave it to him in exchange for his car and sped away.

    Hawkins told Tulum that she found Rodriguez hiding behind a washing machine and described him as “soft-spoken” and “very calm.” When he was in handcuffs, he was wearing a brown velvet blazer, a white long-sleeve collared shirt, a brown leather belt, and brown aviator sunglasses.

    DIRTY MONEY TRAIL

    The United Nations Office of Drug and Crime released this graphic to explain the common stages of money laundering. (UN)

    Federal agents already knew that Rodriguez’s lavish lifestyle included living in posh apartments in Miami’s Brickell neighborhood and Miami-Dade’s city of Aventura. Foreign money has helped fuel Miami-Dade’s boom in high-end real estate, according to the National Association of Realtors.

    William P. Rosenblatt, a U.S. Army veteran who worked in federal law enforcement, was dedicated to targeting the way dirty money was flowing from cocaine users in the U.S. to a supply chain of dealers, distributors, and foreign traffickers.

    “You can take a large corporation, take the top executive away, the financial structure is still there,” Rosenblatt told Local 10 News Reporter Mark Potter in 1982. “You take the financial structure away from a legitimate or legal organization, it crumbles.”

    Rosenblatt had worked for the U.S. Customs Service in New York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco before meeting Potter as the Special Agent-in-Charge in Miami. He was part of Operation Greenback, which focused on the cartel’s money laundering strategy to make “dirty money” appear “clean.”

    Rosenblatt said the operation was meant to bring “pressure to bear on the financial side of these narcotics organizations.” They relied on the Bank Secrecy Act of 1970, which established a program with reporting requirements and recordkeeping to prevent money laundering.

    In 1982, the operation also resulted in a case against The Great American National Bank of Dade County on four counts of failure to file currency transaction reports with the Internal Revenue Service. In 1984, a group was arrested for buying cashier’s checks and money orders in amounts less than $10,000 to avoid transaction reports and deposit them in banks in Miami.

    At a crime scene in 1982, Metro-Dade Sgt. Skip Pearson, who focused on narcotics, told Potter the violence in Miami-Dade was a sign of trouble to come.

    “You are going to see South Florida not only the base for drug distribution and cocaine distribution for the Colombians,” Pearson said. “You are going to see it for every South American country that has the capability of either manufacturing cocaine or the coca paste.”

    Over four decades later, the new challenge for authorities is money laundering through cryptocurrencies — untraceable by design — and new synthetic drugs. U.S. authorities have identified Venezuela as “a major” money laundering country. Other countries of concern include Haiti and Panama.

    TIMELINE OF FEDERAL LAWS

    Federal anti-money laundering laws evolved slowly during the 80s and 90s, and so has the technology used for recordkeeping, financial management, and auditing.

    • In 1986, the Money Laundering Control Act introduced civil and criminal forfeiture for BSA violations. In 1988, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act expanded the definition of financial institution to include car dealers and real estate closings and required the verification of identity for monetary instruments over $3,000.

    • In 1992, The Annunzio-Wylie Anti-Money Laundering Act strengthened the sanctions for BSA violations, it required suspicious activity reports and verification for wire transfers. In 1994, the Money Laundering Suppression Act required banks to enhance procedures for referring cases to law enforcement.

    • In 1998, The Money Laundering and Financial Crimes Strategy Act required banking agencies to develop anti-money laundering training for examiners and created specialized task forces. The 911 attack also revealed a need to strengthen laws and law enforcement.

    • The 2001 PATRIOT Act criminalized the financing of terrorism, prohibited financial institutions from engaging in business with foreign shell banks, required due diligence procedures, and improved information sharing between financial institutions and the U.S. government.

    • The Intelligence Reform & Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 required the Secretary of the Treasury to regulate cross-border electronic transmittals of funds.

    Source: U.S. Treasury

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    Andrea Torres

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