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Tag: military lawyer

  • California has lost more than a quarter of its immigration judges this year

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    More than a quarter of federal immigration judges in California have been fired, retired or quit since the start of the Trump administration.

    The reduction follows a trend in immigration courts nationwide and constitutes, critics say, an attack on the rule of law that will lead to yet more delays in an overburdened court system.

    The reduction in immigration judges has come as the administration scaled up efforts to deport immigrants living in the U.S. illegally. Trump administration officials have described the immigration court process, in which proceedings can take years amid a backlog of millions of cases, as an impediment to their goals.

    Nationwide, there were 735 immigration judges last fiscal year, according to the Executive Office for Immigration Review, the arm of the Justice Department that houses immigration courts. At least 97 have been fired since President Trump took office and about the same number have resigned or retired, according to the union representing immigration judges.

    California has lost at least 35 immigration judges since January, according to Mobile Pathways, a Berkeley-based organization that analyzes immigration court data. That’s down from 132. The steepest drop occurred at the San Francisco Immigration Court, which has lost more than half its bench.

    “A noncitizen might win their case, might lose their case, but the key question is, did they receive a hearing?” said Emmett Soper, who worked at the Justice Department before becoming an immigration judge in Virginia in 2017. “Up until this administration, I had always been confident that I was working in a system that, despite its flaws, was fundamentally fair.”

    Our government institutions are losing their legitimacy

    — Amber George, former San Francisco Immigration Court judge

    The administration intends to fill some judge positions, and in new immigration judge job listings in Los Angeles, San Francisco and elsewhere seeks candidates who want to be a “deportation judge” and “restore integrity and honor to our Nation’s Immigration Court system.”

    The immigration judges union called the job listings “insulting.”

    Trump wrote on Truth Social in April that he was elected to “remove criminals from our Country, but the Courts don’t seem to want me to do that.”

    “We cannot give everyone a trial, because to do so would take, without exaggeration, 200 years,” he added.

    The National Assn. of Immigration Judges said it expects a wave of additional retirements at the end of this month.

    “My biggest concern is for the people whose lives are left in limbo. What can they count on when the ground is literally shifting every moment that they’re here?” said Amber George, who was fired last month from the San Francisco Immigration Court. “Our government institutions are losing their legitimacy.”

    Because immigration courts operate under the Justice Department, their priorities typically shift from one presidential administration to the next, but the extreme changes taking place have renewed longtime calls for immigration courts to become independent of the executive branch.

    The Trump administration recently added 36 judges; 25 of them are military lawyers serving in temporary positions.

    This summer, the Pentagon authorized up to 600 military lawyers to work for the Department of Justice. That took place after the department changed the requirements for temporary immigration judges, removing the need for immigration law experience.

    The Department of Justice did not respond to specific questions, but said judges must be impartial and that the agency is obligated to take action against those who demonstrate systemic bias.

    Former judges say that, because terminations have happened with no advance notice, remaining court staff have often scrambled to get up to speed on reassigned cases.

    Ousted judges described a pattern: In the afternoon, sometimes while presiding over a hearing, they receive a short email stating that they are being terminated pursuant to Article II of the Constitution. Their names are swiftly removed from the Justice Department website.

    Jeremiah Johnson is one of five judges terminated recently from the San Francisco Immigration Court.

    Johnson said he worries the Trump administration is circumventing immigration courts by making conditions so unbearable that immigrants decide to drop their cases.

    The number of detained immigrants has climbed to record levels since January, with more than 65,000 in custody. Immigrants and lawyers say the conditions are inhumane, alleging medical neglect, punitive solitary confinement and obstructed access to legal counsel. Requests by immigrants for voluntary departure, which avoids formal deportation, have surged in recent months.

    Many of those arrests have happened at courthouses, causing immigrants to avoid their legal claims out of fear of being detained and forcing judges to order them removed in absentia.

    “Those are ways to get people to leave the United States without seeing a judge, without due process that Congress has provided,” Johnson said. “It’s a dismantling of the court system.”

    A sign posted outside the San Francisco Immigration Court in October protests enforcement actions by immigration agents. The court has lost more than half of its immigration judges.

    (Jeff Chiu / Associated Press)

    The judges in San Francisco’s Immigration Court have historically had higher asylum approval rates than the national average. Johnson said grant rates depend on a variety of circumstances, including whether a person is detained or has legal representation, their country of origin and whether they are adults or children.

    In November, the military judges serving in immigration courts heard 286 cases and issued rulings in 110, according to Mobile Pathways. The military judges issued deportation orders in 78% of the cases — more often than other immigration judges that month, who ordered deportations in 63% of cases.

    “They’re probably following directions — and the military is very good at following directions — and it’s clear what their directions are that are given by this administration,” said Mobile Pathways co-founder Bartlomiej Skorupa. He cautioned that 110 cases are a small sample size and that trends will become clearer in the coming months.

    Former immigration judges and their advocates say that appointing people with no immigration experience and little training makes for a steep learning curve and the possibility of due process violations.

    There are multiple concerns here: that they’re temporary, which could expose them to greater pressure to decide cases in a certain way; and also they lack experience in immigration law, which is an extremely complex area of practice,” said Ingrid Eagly, an immigration law professor at UCLA.

    Immigration courts have a backlog of more than 3 million cases. Anam Petit, who served as an immigration judge in Virginia until September, said the administration’s emphasis on speedy case completions has to be balanced against the constitutional right to a fair hearing.

    “There are not enough judges to hear those cases, and this administration [is] taking it upon themselves to fire a lot of experienced and trained judges who can hear those cases and can mitigate that backlog,” she said.

    Complementary bills introduced in the U.S. Senate and House this month by Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) and Rep. Juan Vargas (D-San Diego) would prevent the appointment of military lawyers as temporary immigration judges and impose a two-year limit of service.

    “The Trump administration’s willingness to fire experienced immigration judges and hire inexperienced or temporary ‘deportation judges,’ especially in places like California, has fundamentally impacted the landscape of our justice system,” Schiff said in a statement announcing the bill.

    The bills have little chance in the Republican-controlled Congress but illustrate how significantly Democrats — especially in California — oppose the administration’s changes to immigration courts.

    Former Immigration Judge Tania Nemer, a dual citizen of Lebanon and the U.S., sued the Justice Department and Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi this month, alleging that she was illegally terminated in February because of her gender, ethnic background and political affiliation. In 2023, Nemer ran for judicial office in Ohio as a Democrat.

    Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi speaks at the White House in October.

    Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi, seen here at the White House in October, has dismissed complaints by a former immigration judge who alleged she was fired without cause.

    (Evan Vucci / Associated Press)

    Bondi addressed the lawsuit in a Cabinet meeting.

    “Most recently, yesterday, I was sued by an immigration judge who we fired,” she said Dec. 2. “One of the reasons she said she was a woman. Last I checked, I was a woman as well.”

    Other former judges have challenged their terminations through the federal Merit Systems Protection Board.

    Johnson, of San Francisco, is one of those. He filed his appeal this month, claiming that he was not given cause for termination.

    “My goal is to be reinstated,” he said. “My colleagues on the bench, our court was vibrant. It was a good place to work, despite all the pressures.”

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    Andrea Castillo

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  • Top military lawyer told chairman that officers should retire if faced with an unlawful order

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    How should a military commander respond if they determine they have received an unlawful order?Request to retire — and refrain from resigning in protest, which could be seen as a political act, or picking a fight to get fired.That was the previously unreported guidance that Brig. Gen. Eric Widmar, the top lawyer for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, gave to the country’s top general, Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Dan Caine, in November, according to sources familiar with the discussion.Related video above: US military strikes on drug boats in Latin America spark legal concernsCaine had just seen a video that included six Democratic lawmakers publicly urging U.S. troops to disobey illegal orders. He asked Widmar, according to the sources, what the latest guidance was on how to determine whether an order was lawful and how a commander should reply if it is not.Widmar responded that they should consult with their legal adviser if they’re unsure, the sources said. But ultimately, if they determine that an order is illegal, they should consider requesting retirement.The guidance sheds new light on how top military officials are thinking about an issue that has reached a fever pitch in recent weeks, as lawmakers and legal experts have repeatedly questioned the legality of the U.S. military’s counternarcotics operations in the Caribbean Sea and Pacific Ocean — including intense scrutiny of a “double-tap” strike that deliberately killed survivors on Sept. 2.Caine is not in the chain of command. But he is closely involved in operations, including those in SOUTHCOM, and is often tasked with presenting military options to the president—more so than Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, CNN has reported.The Joint Staff declined to comment for this story.Several senior officers who reportedly expressed concerns about the boat strikes, including former U.S. Southern Command commander Adm. Alvin Holsey and Lt. Gen. Joe McGee, the former director for Strategy, Plans, and Policy on the Joint Staff, have retired early in recent months.Widmar’s advice to Caine was meant to help inform the chairman’s discussions with senior military officials should the issue come up, the sources said. The Democrats’ video had become headline news, enraging Hegseth and sparking debates across the country.A separate official familiar with military legal advice said that it is not uncommon for lawyers to urge servicemembers to consider leaving the force if they believe they’re being asked to do something they are personally uncomfortable with, but it’s typically handled on a case-by-case basis and tailored to the facts of the situation.Other current and former U.S. officials, however, including those who have served as military lawyers in the Judge Advocate General’s Corps, stressed that broadly encouraging servicemembers to quietly retire — if they’re eligible — rather than voice dissent in the face of a potentially illegal order risks perpetuating a culture of silence and lack of accountability.”A commissioned officer has every right to say, ‘this is wrong,’ and shouldn’t be expected to quietly and silently walk away just because they’re given a free pass to do so,” said a former senior defense official who left the Pentagon earlier this year.More than a dozen senior officers have either been fired or retired early since Trump took office in January, an unusually high rate of turnover. In a speech before hundreds of general and flag officers in September, Hegseth directed officers to “do the honorable thing and resign” if they didn’t agree with his vision for the department.But disagreeing with the direction of the military is different than viewing an order as illegal, legal experts said.Dan Maurer, a retired Army lieutenant colonel and former JAG lawyer, said that the guidance, as described by CNN, appears to “misunderstand what a servicemember is supposed to do in the face of an unlawful order: disobey it if confident that the order is unlawful and attempt to persuade the order-giver to stop or modify it have failed, and report it through the chain of command.”Maurer added that “if the guidance does not explicitly advise servicemembers that they have a duty to disobey unlawful orders, the guidance is not a legitimate statement of professional military ethics and the law.”Widmar advised that an order may be unlawful if it is “patently illegal,” or something an ordinary person would recognize instinctively as a violation of domestic or international law, the sources said — the My Lai massacre in Vietnam is an oft-used example. But the guidance he provided was that an unlawful order should be met with retirement, if possible, and did not note that servicemembers have a duty to disobey unlawful orders, the sources said.”It’s a very safe recommendation in this current political environment,” said the former senior defense official. “But that doesn’t make it the right or ethical one.”Experts on civil-military relations have previously pointed to retirement as a reasonable option for officers who object to a particular policy, while noting that it comes with its own costs.In a September article that has been discussed amongst the Joint Staff and other senior military officials, Peter Feaver, a political science professor at Duke University, and Heidi Urben, a former Army intelligence officer and current associate director of Georgetown University’s security studies program, wrote that “quiet quitting,” or opting for retirement “allows officers with professionally grounded objections to leave without posing a direct challenge to civilian control.”But while officers shouldn’t resign in protest or pick fights, they argued, they should “speak up” and “show moral courage” when the military’s professional values and ideals are at risk.And they should be willing to be fired for it. “Complete silence can be corrosive to good order and discipline and signal to the force that the military’s professional values and norms are expendable,” they wrote.Maurer, the former Army officer, said the advice to retire in the face of an unlawful order also functions to “keep that person silent in perpetuity, because as a retiree he or she remains subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, which criminalizes a broad range of conduct and speech that would be constitutionally protected for regular civilians.”Those constraints have been apparent as the Pentagon has launched an investigation into Sen. Mark Kelly, a retired Navy captain and one of the Democratic lawmakers seen in the video encouraging troops to disobey unlawful orders, which prompted Caine to seek legal advice.As questions continue to swirl around the legality of the boat strike campaign, Widmar also advised Caine that Article II of the Constitution gives the president the authority to authorize lethal force to protect the nation, unless hostilities rise to the level of a full-blown war, in which case Congressional approval is required, the sources said.Whether the president’s orders are legal to begin with, Widmar advised according to the sources, is a question only the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel can answer, due to the executive order Trump issued in February that says the president and the attorney general’s “opinions on questions of law are controlling” on all executive branch employees — to include U.S. troops.The Office of Legal Counsel determined in September that it is legal for Trump to order strikes on suspected drug boats because they pose an imminent threat to the United States, CNN has reported.Since Sept. 2, the U.S. military has killed at least 99 people across dozens of strikes in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, arguing that those targeted were “narcoterrorists” who pose a direct threat to the United States. The Trump administration has also not provided public evidence of the presence of narcotics on the boats struck, nor their affiliation with drug cartels.Lawmakers have said that Pentagon officials have acknowledged in private briefings not knowing the identities of everyone on board a vessel before striking it; instead, military officials only need to confirm that the individuals are affiliated with a cartel or criminal organization to target them.Some members of Congress, legal experts and human rights groups have argued that potential drug traffickers are civilians who should not be summarily killed but arrested —something the Coast Guard did routinely, and continues to do in the eastern Pacific, when encountering a suspected drug trafficking vessel.CNN’s Haley Britzky contributed to this report.

    How should a military commander respond if they determine they have received an unlawful order?

    Request to retire — and refrain from resigning in protest, which could be seen as a political act, or picking a fight to get fired.

    That was the previously unreported guidance that Brig. Gen. Eric Widmar, the top lawyer for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, gave to the country’s top general, Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Dan Caine, in November, according to sources familiar with the discussion.

    Related video above: US military strikes on drug boats in Latin America spark legal concerns

    Caine had just seen a video that included six Democratic lawmakers publicly urging U.S. troops to disobey illegal orders. He asked Widmar, according to the sources, what the latest guidance was on how to determine whether an order was lawful and how a commander should reply if it is not.

    Widmar responded that they should consult with their legal adviser if they’re unsure, the sources said. But ultimately, if they determine that an order is illegal, they should consider requesting retirement.

    The guidance sheds new light on how top military officials are thinking about an issue that has reached a fever pitch in recent weeks, as lawmakers and legal experts have repeatedly questioned the legality of the U.S. military’s counternarcotics operations in the Caribbean Sea and Pacific Ocean — including intense scrutiny of a “double-tap” strike that deliberately killed survivors on Sept. 2.

    Caine is not in the chain of command. But he is closely involved in operations, including those in SOUTHCOM, and is often tasked with presenting military options to the president—more so than Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, CNN has reported.

    The Joint Staff declined to comment for this story.

    Several senior officers who reportedly expressed concerns about the boat strikes, including former U.S. Southern Command commander Adm. Alvin Holsey and Lt. Gen. Joe McGee, the former director for Strategy, Plans, and Policy on the Joint Staff, have retired early in recent months.

    Widmar’s advice to Caine was meant to help inform the chairman’s discussions with senior military officials should the issue come up, the sources said. The Democrats’ video had become headline news, enraging Hegseth and sparking debates across the country.

    A separate official familiar with military legal advice said that it is not uncommon for lawyers to urge servicemembers to consider leaving the force if they believe they’re being asked to do something they are personally uncomfortable with, but it’s typically handled on a case-by-case basis and tailored to the facts of the situation.

    Other current and former U.S. officials, however, including those who have served as military lawyers in the Judge Advocate General’s Corps, stressed that broadly encouraging servicemembers to quietly retire — if they’re eligible — rather than voice dissent in the face of a potentially illegal order risks perpetuating a culture of silence and lack of accountability.

    “A commissioned officer has every right to say, ‘this is wrong,’ and shouldn’t be expected to quietly and silently walk away just because they’re given a free pass to do so,” said a former senior defense official who left the Pentagon earlier this year.

    More than a dozen senior officers have either been fired or retired early since Trump took office in January, an unusually high rate of turnover. In a speech before hundreds of general and flag officers in September, Hegseth directed officers to “do the honorable thing and resign” if they didn’t agree with his vision for the department.

    But disagreeing with the direction of the military is different than viewing an order as illegal, legal experts said.

    Dan Maurer, a retired Army lieutenant colonel and former JAG lawyer, said that the guidance, as described by CNN, appears to “misunderstand what a servicemember is supposed to do in the face of an unlawful order: disobey it if confident that the order is unlawful and attempt to persuade the order-giver to stop or modify it have failed, and report it through the chain of command.”

    Maurer added that “if the guidance does not explicitly advise servicemembers that they have a duty to disobey unlawful orders, the guidance is not a legitimate statement of professional military ethics and the law.”

    Widmar advised that an order may be unlawful if it is “patently illegal,” or something an ordinary person would recognize instinctively as a violation of domestic or international law, the sources said — the My Lai massacre in Vietnam is an oft-used example. But the guidance he provided was that an unlawful order should be met with retirement, if possible, and did not note that servicemembers have a duty to disobey unlawful orders, the sources said.

    “It’s a very safe recommendation in this current political environment,” said the former senior defense official. “But that doesn’t make it the right or ethical one.”

    Experts on civil-military relations have previously pointed to retirement as a reasonable option for officers who object to a particular policy, while noting that it comes with its own costs.

    In a September article that has been discussed amongst the Joint Staff and other senior military officials, Peter Feaver, a political science professor at Duke University, and Heidi Urben, a former Army intelligence officer and current associate director of Georgetown University’s security studies program, wrote that “quiet quitting,” or opting for retirement “allows officers with professionally grounded objections to leave without posing a direct challenge to civilian control.”

    But while officers shouldn’t resign in protest or pick fights, they argued, they should “speak up” and “show moral courage” when the military’s professional values and ideals are at risk.

    And they should be willing to be fired for it. “Complete silence can be corrosive to good order and discipline and signal to the force that the military’s professional values and norms are expendable,” they wrote.

    Maurer, the former Army officer, said the advice to retire in the face of an unlawful order also functions to “keep that person silent in perpetuity, because as a retiree he or she remains subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, which criminalizes a broad range of conduct and speech that would be constitutionally protected for regular civilians.”

    Those constraints have been apparent as the Pentagon has launched an investigation into Sen. Mark Kelly, a retired Navy captain and one of the Democratic lawmakers seen in the video encouraging troops to disobey unlawful orders, which prompted Caine to seek legal advice.

    As questions continue to swirl around the legality of the boat strike campaign, Widmar also advised Caine that Article II of the Constitution gives the president the authority to authorize lethal force to protect the nation, unless hostilities rise to the level of a full-blown war, in which case Congressional approval is required, the sources said.

    Whether the president’s orders are legal to begin with, Widmar advised according to the sources, is a question only the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel can answer, due to the executive order Trump issued in February that says the president and the attorney general’s “opinions on questions of law are controlling” on all executive branch employees — to include U.S. troops.

    The Office of Legal Counsel determined in September that it is legal for Trump to order strikes on suspected drug boats because they pose an imminent threat to the United States, CNN has reported.

    Since Sept. 2, the U.S. military has killed at least 99 people across dozens of strikes in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, arguing that those targeted were “narcoterrorists” who pose a direct threat to the United States. The Trump administration has also not provided public evidence of the presence of narcotics on the boats struck, nor their affiliation with drug cartels.

    Lawmakers have said that Pentagon officials have acknowledged in private briefings not knowing the identities of everyone on board a vessel before striking it; instead, military officials only need to confirm that the individuals are affiliated with a cartel or criminal organization to target them.

    Some members of Congress, legal experts and human rights groups have argued that potential drug traffickers are civilians who should not be summarily killed but arrested —something the Coast Guard did routinely, and continues to do in the eastern Pacific, when encountering a suspected drug trafficking vessel.

    CNN’s Haley Britzky contributed to this report.

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