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Tag: Middle East

  • Strike, protests in Syria’s Sweida enter second day

    Strike, protests in Syria’s Sweida enter second day

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    A general strike and civil disobedience in Syria’s southern Sweida governorate have continued for a second consecutive day, with more than 20 protests recorded.

    Routes into and out of the city of Sweida were closed by authorities on Monday, and several offices and institutions of the Syrian government, including the main building of the ruling Baath Party in the governorate, were shut down, according to local media sources.

    Hundreds of civilians had gathered on Sunday at the city’s Karama Square, in protest against rising prices for food and goods, as well as the Syrian government’s decision to increase fuel subsidies, but some also called for the overthrow of President Bashar al-Assad.

    More than 42 protests were reported across the whole of Sweida governorate, the Sweida 24 media network said.

    Protesters in Sweida are angry about rising prices [Al Jazeera]

    “We are protesting against economic decline, the state of chaos that the country is experiencing, and the widespread corruption in all state institutions, from the presidency to the smallest government department,” said Jameel, a 25-year-old resident of Sweida city.

    Another protester, Mohammed, told Al Jazeera that al-Assad had consolidated state resources within the hands of his closest associates, a continuation of the approach of his father and predecessor as president, Hafez.

    “By exerting economic pressure on people, selling the country’s resources to Russia, and enabling Iranian influence in Syria, al-Assad is pushing people in various provinces to divide the country into regions and adopt a self-administration system,” Mohammed said.

    There has been no comment from the Syrian government on the rare protests.

    Sheikh Hikmat al-Hajri, the spiritual leader of the unified Druze sect, issued a statement on Saturday expressing deep concern about the current economic situation. He called for action to achieve change and justice.

    The Druze, members of a minority religious group in Syria and other parts of the Levant, make up the majority of Sweida’s residents.

    Protests demanding al-Assad’s fall began in different parts of Syria in 2011 and soon spiralled into an armed conflict, after government forces attacked protesters. Sweida itself has always been controlled by the government – although anti-government protests have taken place, most notably in 2020.

    General strike and civil disobedience in Syria's southern Sweida province
    More than 20 protests were recorded across the province [Al Jazeera]

    Despite the focus on the economic problems Syria faces, many demonstrators also had political demands.

    “The main reasons that led me to the streets with the protesters are to demand the release of all detainees, in addition to the soaring cost of living, the lack of medicines for children and the elderly, and the absence of electricity and water,” said Adam.

    The 25-year-old told Al Jazeera that al-Assad’s government had since 2012 been trying to divide the Syrian people.

    “We are the children of this country, and we don’t want to leave it or be second-class citizens while Russian soldiers and Iranian militias enjoy the riches of our country,” he said.

    Daraa returns to the forefront

    While opposition groups only retain control of territory in the northwest of Syria after being defeated in other areas by government forces and their Russian and Iranian allies, dissent has continued to flare up in government-controlled regions – despite the government’s intolerance for criticism.

    Daraa, which neighbours Sweida and was previously a stronghold for opposition forces being recaptured by the government in 2018, has also seen protests in recent days.

    On Saturday, dozens of protesters gathered in front of the historic Umayyad Mosque in Daraa city and raised the flag of the Syrian revolution, before chanting slogans demanding the release of detainees and the overthrow of the al-Assad government.

    “We participated in a demonstration to demand the release of our detainees who have been held in al-Assad’s prisons for over 10 years, in addition to highlighting the deteriorating economic situation we are facing,” said Abu Mohammed, a farmer from western Daraa countryside.

    Daraa is considered the cradle of the Syrian revolution and the first city from which protests erupted in Syria. Armed opposition factions had control of most of the wider governorate by the end of 2011.

    After years of battles with the government, a settlement agreement under Russian supervision was reached in which the opposition forces agreed to hand over their heavy weaponry and dissolve themselves, while allowing members to retain light arms.

    The outcome was markedly different in other parts of Syria, where opposition fighters and supporters were either killed, imprisoned or forcibly displaced upon the return of government control to their areas.

    However, opposition supporters in Daraa, like Abu Mohammed, point out that a more underhanded crackdown has continued in the governorate.

    “Since the al-Assad regime took control of Daraa, the assassinations of activists have not ceased, in addition to security crackdowns and extortion we face at al-Assad regime checkpoints,” he said, adding that the government has, since taking control of Daraa, pushed people to flee through systematic shelling of cities and villages, and conducted a widespread arrest campaign.

    “If this regime doesn’t fall, our living conditions won’t improve, the security grip won’t be loosened, and we won’t live peacefully in our country,” said Abu Mohammed.

    “We welcome the uprising of our people in Sweida,” he added. “And we call upon our people in Damascus, Homs, Aleppo, and all Syrian provinces to rise up against this regime once again.”

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  • Forgetting the Ottoman past has done the Arabs no good

    Forgetting the Ottoman past has done the Arabs no good

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    Imperialism is a difficult subject to tackle in the Arab world. The word conjures up associations with the days of French and British colonialism and the present-day settler colony of Israel. Yet the more indigenous and long-lasting form of imperial rule, Ottoman imperialism, is often left out of contemporary historical debates.

    Some of the states that succeeded the Ottoman Empire have chosen to sum up Ottoman rule in local curricula as simply Ottoman or Turkish “occupation”, while others repeat well-rehearsed tropes of “Ottoman atrocities” that continue to have popular purchase on a local level.

    In places like Syria and Lebanon, probably the best-known Ottoman official is military commander Ahmed Cemal (Jamal) Pasha, infamously nicknamed “al-Saffah” (the Butcher). His wartime governorship of the provinces of Syria and Beirut was marked by political violence and executions of Arab-Ottoman politicians and intellectuals and remains in public memory as the symbol of Ottoman rule.

    But as historian Salim Tamari has pointed out, it is wrong to reduce “four centuries of relative peace and dynamic activity [during] the Ottoman era” to “four miserable years of tyranny symbolized by the military dictatorship of Ahmad Cemal Pasha in Syria”.

    Indeed, Ottoman imperial history in the Arab world cannot be boiled down to a “Turkish occupation” or a “foreign yolk”. We cannot grapple with this 400-year history from 1516 to 1917 without coming to terms with the fact that it was a homegrown form of imperial rule.

    A substantial number of the members of the imperial ruling class were in fact Arab-Ottomans, who hailed from the Arabic-speaking-majority parts of the empire, like the Malhamés of Beirut and al-Azms of Damascus.

    They, and many others, were active members of the Ottoman imperial project, who designed, planned, implemented, and supported imperial Ottoman rule in the region and across the empire.

    Al-Azms held some of the highest positions in the empire’s Levantine provinces, including the governorship of Syria, for several generations. The Istanbul branch of the family, known as Azmzades, also held key positions in the palace, the various ministries and commissions, and later in the Ottoman parliament during the reign of Abdülhamid II and the second Ottoman constitutional period. The Malhamés were acting as commercial and political power brokers in cities like Istanbul, Beirut, Sofia and Paris.

    Many Arab Ottomans fought until the very end to introduce a more inclusive notion of citizenship and representative political participation into the empire. This was particularly true for the generation who grew up after the sweeping centralisation reforms in the first half of the 19th century, part of the so-called Tanzimat period of modernisation.

    Some of them held positions that ranged from diplomats negotiating on behalf of the sultan with imperial counterparts in Europe, Russia, and Africa to advisers who planned and executed major imperial projects, such as the implementation of public health measures in Istanbul and the construction of a railway linking the Hijaz region in the Arabian Peninsula with Syria and the capital.

    They imagined an Ottoman citizenship that, at its idealistic best, embraced all ethnic and officially recognised religious groups and that envisioned a form of belonging that, at the risk of sounding anachronistic, can be described as a multicultural notion of imperial belonging. It was an aspirational vision that was never realised, as ethno-nationalism began to influence Ottomans’ self-perception.

    Many Arab Ottomans continued to fight for it to the bitter end – until their world imploded with the demise of the empire during World War II.

    The horrors of war in the Middle East and the colonial occupation that followed were traumatic events that found peoples of the region scrambling to construct Western-sponsored nation-states.

    Nation-building took place as a narrow ethno-religious understanding of nationhood came to dominate the region, sidelining multicultural identities that had been the norm for centuries. Former Ottoman officials had to reinvent themselves as Arab, Syrian, or Lebanese, etc national leaders in the face of French and British colonialism. A prominent example is Haqqi al-Azm, who, among other positions within the Ottoman empire, held the inspector general post at the Ottoman Ministry of Awqaf; in the 1930s, he served as Syria’s prime minister.

    These visions of an ethno-national future necessitated the “forgetting” of the recent Ottoman past. Narratives of imagined primordial nations left no room for the stories of our great-grandparents and their parents, generations of people that lived part of their lives in a different geopolitical reality, and who would never be given the space to acknowledge the loss of the only reality they understood.

    These are stories of common people like Bader Doghan (Doğan) and Abd al-Ghani Uthman (Osman) – my great-grandparents who were born and raised in Beirut but lived an iterant life as artisans between Beirut, Damascus, and Jaffa until the rise of national boundaries put an end to their world experiences.

    These are also stories of better-known families like some of al-Khalidis and al-Abids, notable Arab-Ottoman political families who called Istanbul home, but maintained households and familial connections in Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Damascus. Their stories and the stories of their communities that existed for centuries within an imperial imaginary and a wider regional cosmology were often summed up in a reductionist and dismissive official narrative.

    Their recent history was replaced by a short summary that painted “the Turk” as a foreign Other, the Arab Revolt as a war of liberation, and Western colonial occupation as an inevitable conclusion to the disintegration of “the sick man of Europe”.

    This erasure of history is highly problematic, if not dangerous.

    As a historian of the Ottoman Empire with Palestinian and Lebanese roots, I truly believe it is no less than a crime to keep millions of people disconnected from their own recent past, from the stories of their ancestors, villages, town, and cities in the name of protecting an unstable conglomeration of nation-state formations. The people of the region have been uprooted from their historical reality and left vulnerable to the false narratives of politicians and nationalist historians.

    We need to reclaim Ottoman history as a local history of the inhabitants of the Arabic-speaking-majority lands because if we do not claim and unpack the recent past, it would be impossible to truly understand the problems that we are facing today, in all their temporal and regional dimensions.

    The call for local students of history to research, write, and analyse the recent Ottoman reality is in no way a nostalgic call to return to some imagined days of a glorious or harmonious imperial past. In fact, it is the complete opposite.

    It is a call to uncover and come to terms with the good, the bad, and, indeed, the very ugly imperial past that people in the Arabic-speaking-majority parts of the Middle East were also the makers of. The long and storied histories of the people of cities that flourished during the Ottoman period, like Tripoli, Aleppo, and Basra, have yet to be (re)written.

    It is also important to understand why, more than 100 years since the end of the empire, the erasure of the deeply rooted and intimate connections between the Middle East, North Africa, and Southeast Europe continues, and who benefits from this erasure. We must ask ourselves why is it that researchers from Arabic-speaking-majority countries frequent French and English imperial archives, but do not spend the time or the resources to learn Ottoman-Turkish in order to take advantage of four centuries worth of records readily available at the Ottoman imperial archives in Istanbul or local archives in former provincial capitals?

    Have we bought into the nationalist understanding of history in which Ottoman-Turkish and the Ottoman past belong solely to Turkish national historiography? Are we still the victim of a century’s worth of short-sighted political interests that ebb and flow as regional tensions between Arab countries and Turkey rise and fall?

    Millions of records in Ottoman-Turkish await students from across the Arabic-speaking-majority world to take the plunge into serious research that uses the full range of sources, both on the local and imperial levels.

    Finally, the number of local historians and students with Ottoman history-related disciplinary and linguistic training, in cities such as Doha, Cairo, and Beirut, which have a concentration of excellent institutions of higher education, is alarmingly low; some universities do not even have such cadres.

    It is high time that the institutions of higher learning in the region begin to claim Ottoman history as local history and to support scholars and students who want to uncover and analyse this neglected past.

    For if we do not invest in investigating and writing our own history, then we give up our narratives to various interests and agendas that do not put our people at the centre of their stories.

    The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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  • Two Israeli civilians killed in flashpoint West Bank town, Israel military says | CNN

    Two Israeli civilians killed in flashpoint West Bank town, Israel military says | CNN

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    CNN
     — 

    Two Israeli civilians were shot and killed on Saturday in the flashpoint West Bank town of Huwara, according to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

    IDF soldiers have been pursuing the suspects and have set up blockades in the area, the military said in a statement.

    The Magen David Adom (MDA) rescue service said they received a report of a shooting at 3:04 p.m. local time. Medics and paramedics arrived and performed CPR on two men – ages 60 and 29 – alongside IDF medics.

    MDA paramedic Tomer Gusman said the victims were unconscious with gunshot wounds.

    Huwara, south of Nablus in the occupied West Bank, was the scene of the fatal shooting of two Israeli settler brothers in February, following that night by revenge attacks by settlers on the Palestinian town.

    The IDF has deployed extra troops in the town in the wake of the violence.

    Videos taken in Huwara showed an ambulance and army vehicles at the scene, with a road checkpoint closed off to vehicles and traffic at a standstill.

    Hamas, the Palestinian militant movement that runs Gaza and is increasingly popular in the West Bank, praised the attack without directly claiming responsibility for it.

    Spokesperson Abdel-Latif al-Qanou said the shooting was “the product of the promise to defend our people and respond to the crimes of the occupation,” a reference to Israel.

    In a statement released by his office on Saturday, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said security forces were “working diligently to find the murderer.”

    “I send my condolences to the family of the two murdered – a father and son – whose lives were cut short in such a cruel and criminal way during Shabbat,” Netanyahu said.

    “The security forces are working diligently to find the murderer and come to terms with him, just as we have done with all the murderers so far.”

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  • 2 Israelis killed at West Bank car wash as Israeli-Palestinian violence surges

    2 Israelis killed at West Bank car wash as Israeli-Palestinian violence surges

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    Hawara, West Bank  — Two Israelis were killed in a suspected Palestinian shooting attack on a car wash in a volatile stretch of the occupied West Bank on Saturday, the latest outburst of violence to rock the region.

    The Israeli military said it was searching for suspects and setting up roadblocks near the town of Hawara, a flashpoint area in the northern West Bank, which has seen repeated shooting attacks as well as a rampage by Jewish West Bank settlers who torched Palestinian property.

    Two Israeli settlers dead after shooting attack in West Bank
    Israeli forces take security measures after two Israeli settlers died due to shooting attack in Huwara, south of Nablus, West Bank on August 19, 2023.

    Issam Rimawi via Getty Images


    The shooting attack came after Palestinian official media said a 19-year-old Palestinian died of his wounds following an Israeli military raid into the West Bank on Wednesday.

    The deaths are part of a relentless spiral of violence that has fueled the worst fighting between Israel and the Palestinians in the West Bank in nearly two decades. Nearly 180 Palestinians have been killed since the start of this year and some 29 people have been killed by Palestinian attacks against Israelis during that time, according to a tally by The Associated Press.

    Israeli paramedics said that when they arrived at the scene at the car wash in Hawara, two Israeli males, aged 60 and 29, were found unconscious with gunshot wounds.

    Videos circulating online showed Israeli soldiers walking across a large pool of blood at the car wash to help move two bodies on stretchers to awaiting ambulances.

    The IDF said soldiers are pursuing the suspects and have set up blockades in the area, CBS News confirmed. The IDF has also closed entry and exit to Hawara.

    Several Israelis have been killed in Hawara in the current round of fighting and the death of two brothers, residents of a nearby settlement, set off a rampage by settlers through the town in February. They torched dozens of cars and homes in some of the worst settler violence in decades.

    Similar settler mob violence has taken place elsewhere in the West Bank since. Israeli rights groups say settler violence has worsened and that radical settlers have become emboldened because their cause has supporters in important government positions.

    The violence in the area has prompted promises of a harsh response from members of Israel’s far-right government. After a recent rampage in Hawara, Smotrich called for the Israeli government to “wipe out” the Palestinian village. His remarks brought a stark rebuke from U.S. State Department Spokesman Ned Price, who called them “irresponsible, disgusting and repugnant.”

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government is composed of ultranationalist members who have demanded a harder line against the rising tide of Palestinian violence. Saturday’s attack is likely to intensify those demands.

    Palestinian militant groups praised the shooting attack, with Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine posting statements online congratulating the perpetrators. Hamas spokesman Abdel Latif Al-Qanou called the attack a “heroic shooting operation.”

    But the groups stopped short of claiming responsibility for the attack.

    In the death of the Palestinian on Saturday, according to Wafa, the official Palestinian news agency, Mohammad Abu Asab, 19, was shot in the head on Wednesday during an Israeli army incursion into the Balata refugee camp near the northern West Bank city of Nablus. It cited medical officials.

    The Israeli military said in its statement Wednesday that a commando unit raided Balata seeking to destroy an underground weapons factory when a gunfight erupted.

    Two Israeli settlers dead after shooting attack in West Bank
    Israeli forces take security measures after two Israeli settlers died due to a shooting attack in Huwara, south of Nablus, West Bank on August 19, 2023.

    Issam Rimawi via Getty Images


    Wafa reported that during the fighting, Abu Asab was shot in the head and then taken to the Rafidia hospital in Nablus where he later died from his wounds. Palestinian health officials did not immediately confirm the death.

    It was not immediately clear if Abu Asab was affiliated with a militant group and he wasn’t immediately claimed as a member by any group.

    Israel has been staging near-nightly raids since last spring in response to a spate of deadly Palestinian attacks.

    Israeli says most of the Palestinians killed were militants. But stone throwing youths protesting the incursions and those not involved in the confrontations have also been killed.

    Israel says the raids are meant to dismantle militant networks and thwart future attacks. The Palestinians see the violence as a natural response to 56 years of occupation, including stepped-up settlement construction by Israel’s government and increased violence by Jewish settlers.

    Israel captured the West Bank in the 1967 Mideast war, along with east Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip. Some 700,000 Israelis live in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, while Israel withdrew from Gaza in 2005. The Palestinians seek those territories for their hoped-for independent state.

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  • Two Israelis killed by suspected Palestinian gunman; manhunt under way

    Two Israelis killed by suspected Palestinian gunman; manhunt under way

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    DEVELOPING STORY,

    Deadly shooting comes after a Palestinian man shot by Israeli forces this week succumbed to his wounds on Saturday.

    Two Israelis have been shot dead south of Nablus in the occupied West Bank by a suspected Palestinian gunman.

    Israel’s ambulance service said two men – ages 60 and 29 – were shot near the Palestinian village of Huwara. Paramedics said the two people were targeted inside a carwash.

    “Both were unconscious and had sustained gunshot wounds to their bodies,” a spokesperson for the ambulance service said.

    The Israeli army spokesperson for Arabic media, Avichay Adraee, confirmed two Israelis had been killed.

    Translation: Urgent – suspected terrorist shooting attack targeted a number of Israeli citizens in Huwara, leading to the killing of two. The IDF is tracking suspects and has erected checkpoints in the area.

    The situation in the West Bank has been particularly volatile over the past 15 months with stepped up deadly Israeli raids and rampages by Jewish settlers on Palestinian villages.

    Huwara has been the scene of attacks by Israeli settlers and retribution in the form of Palestinian shooting attacks over the past few months.

    In the area, “there has been an intensified military presence for a year now. Huwara has been a flashpoint of a lot of tension. We’ve seen a month ago Israeli settlers rampaging through Huwara during the night, burning Palestinian homes,” said Al Jazeera’s Nida Ibrahim, reporting from Bethlehem.

    Saturday’s shooting comes the same day a Palestinian man shot by Israeli forces earlier this week during a raid in the occupied West Bank succumbed to wounds.

    Mohammed Abu Asaab was “seriously injured in the head” on Wednesday in Balata refugee camp on the outskirts of the northern West Bank city of Nablus and died Saturday, the official news agency Wafa reported.

    Abu Asaab was hit during clashes that erupted when Israeli “undercover forces” surrounded a house in the camp, it said.

    His death brought to 218 the number of Palestinians killed in violence this year linked to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

    Prospects of reviving US-brokered peace talks that collapsed almost a decade ago and that aimed to establish a Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem, remain dim.

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  • Blackwater paved the way for Wagner

    Blackwater paved the way for Wagner

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    In the aftermath of the mutiny by the Wagner private military company (PMC) in Russia, many observers expected that its founder Yevgeny Prigozhin would pay dearly for his actions, perhaps with his life. Instead, the mercenary commander was sent into “exile” in neighbouring Belarus and his fighters continued operations outside Russia and Ukraine. Prigozhin eventually met with Russian President Vladimir Putin personally and then announced that his PMC would focus on its work in Africa.

    It is hardly surprising that Putin has decided to preserve a mercenary force that has proven quite effective in pushing forward his foreign policy adventures in Europe, the Middle East and Africa. He has likely learned a lesson or two from another great power – the United States – whose heavy reliance on PMCs paved the way for the growing privatisation and outsourcing of war across the globe.

    For the US, Russia, and other powers, military contractors are serving as convenient means for proxy warfare which offer plausible deniability and mitigate potential domestic tensions over foreign wars.

    Outsourcing war

    The employment of contractors by the US government is not a recent phenomenon, but over the past two decades it has greatly expanded. While in World War II, 10 percent of American armed forces were privately contracted, during the “war on terror”, launched in 2001, they reached some 50 percent, sometimes more.

    Needing hundreds of thousands of personnel to carry out military operations in Afghanistan, Iraq and elsewhere, but fearing domestic backlash, the US government had to turn to PMCs.

    Since the start of the “war on terror”, the Pentagon has spent $14 trillion, with one-third to one-half of it going to military contractors in combat zones. A lot of this money has gone to contracts related to logistics, construction and weapons supplies, but a sizable chunk has also paid for “hired guns”.

    During the height of the 2008 counterinsurgency effort in Iraq, the number of contractors reached 163,400 (including people in non-combat roles) compared to 146,800 US troops. In 2010, amid the “surge” in Afghanistan, when additional troops were deployed for a renewed offensive against the Taliban, there were 112,100 contractors (including people in non-combat roles) compared to 79,100 troops.

    The pouring of trillions of dollars into PMCs has helped create a vast and powerful military contractor industry which has gone global and transformed how great and smaller powers engage in warfare and other violent foreign policy undertakings.

    The use of contractors conveniently offers plausible deniability and can help governments pacify electorates reluctant to send national troops on risk foreign missions. They also help dodge responsibility for war crimes.

    For example, in 2007, Blackwater killed 14 Iraqi civilians in a melee in Nisour Square in Baghdad. They were not under the US military chain of command, as they had been privately contracted by the US Department of State to guard their staff.

    When the Iraqi government decided to revoke Blackwater’s licence with the government, it found that the company never had one in the first place. Furthermore, the perpetrators of the massacre were not subject to Iraqi law, so they could not be tried on Iraqi soil.

    In 2015, a US court sentenced three former Blackwater employees to 30 years and one to life in prison for the massacre, but just five years later, President Donald Trump pardoned them before he left office.

    The Nisour Square massacre was by far not the only atrocity American mercenaries committed. Ultimately, the violence PMCs were involved in contributed to wide-spread anti-American sentiments in Iraq which undermined US-led counterinsurgency efforts – a major factor that later enabled the rise of ISIL (ISIS).

    Despite these troubles, the US did not do away with PMCs and has continued to rely on them, even after it withdrew from Afghanistan and Iraq. The flourishing PMC industry today which enables the outsourcing of war and violence across the globe is one of the morbid legacies of the US “war on terror”.

    Plausible deniability

    The Kremlin likely watched closely the US government’s use of contractors in Afghanistan and Iraq and understood their utility. According to some observers, Putin likely wanted a Russian version of Blackwater to use in his foreign policy adventures. In following his patron’s orders to create a mercenary group, Prigozhin went as far as emulating the American PMC’s aesthetics. “Wagner mercenaries in Syria and Africa played the part, wearing baseball caps and wraparound sunglasses while toting serious guns,” wrote Lucian Kim, NPR’s former Moscow bureau chief, in Foreign Policy.

    Prigozhin’s contractors was first used in 2014 to support Russian aggression in Eastern Ukraine. They were then deployed in Syria to bolster the regime of President Bashar al-Asad, and to Libya, to fight for renegade general Khalifa Haftar. Throughout these conflicts, the Kremlin kept denying the involvement in and existence of Wagner, as PMCs were illegal according to Russian law.

    The effectiveness of the Russian mercenaries encouraged political and military leaders from across Africa to resort to their services, which strengthened Moscow’s international standing and foreign policy reach.

    When in February 2022, Putin decided to launch a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, he also needed a large number of troops, which the Russian army did not have. Wagner was tasked specifically with providing fighters to throw into the bloodiest battles as cannon fodder. Quickly running out of volunteers, Prigozhin went as far as recruiting convicts, who were offered amnesty in return for military service.

    Thus, Wagner helped the Kremlin minimise the perceived cost of war for the Russian public which was rather uncomfortable with the full-scale invasion. But its forces were not under the direct command of the Russian army, which also turned into a major problem for the Kremlin.

    The mutiny was perhaps an unexpected development for Putin, and it made him look weak, not only to the international community, but also to regime insiders. The fallout of Prigozhin’s rebellion will likely continue to play out in the coming months.

    The Kremlin has removed Wagner’s forces from Russian territory and the battlefield in Ukraine, but it is clearly not ready to do away with its foreign operations. They are way too lucrative economically and useful politically. In exchange for its military services, Wagner and its front companies abroad are involved in oil and gas extraction and gold and diamonds mining, which ensure considerable financial flows to Moscow. This is a role that the traditional Russian military cannot replicate.

    By relying on mercenaries, the US, Russia and other powers have weakened internationally accepted rules of engagement and undermined the international legal regime that seeks to protect civilians in times of war. This has allowed them to get away with violence and atrocities even more easily and misrepresent the true cost of war. Blackwater, Wagner et al ultimately are making the world a that much more dangerous place.

    The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

     

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  • UN welcomes release of five staff abducted last year in Yemen

    UN welcomes release of five staff abducted last year in Yemen

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    The men – four national staff and a Bangladeshi citizen – were abducted in the southern governorate of Abyan on 11 February 2022 after returning from a field mission.

    UN Secretary-General António Guterres was delighted to learn of their release, noting that available information suggests they all are in good health.

    Mr. Guterres was “profoundly relieved that their ordeal and the anxiety of their families and friends have finally come to an end,” his deputy spokesperson, Farhan Haq, said in a statement.

    “The Secretary-General reiterates that kidnapping is an inhumane and unjustifiable crime, and calls for the perpetrators to be held accountable,” it said. “He also expresses his solidarity with other people still held against their will in Yemen.”

    In good spirits

    The UN Resident Humanitarian Coordinator for Yemen, David Gressly, also welcomed the development.

    “I was extremely pleased to see for myself that the four Yemeni colleagues were in good health when I flew with them to Aden from Mukalla today,” he said.

    Mr. Gressly reported that they all are in good spirits and in contact with their families. He thanked the Government of Yemen and others that helped to secure the staff members’ release and ensure their health during their lengthy captivity.

    “While the entire UN family in Yemen is relieved that our colleagues are free, we also recall other UN staff are still held against their will in Yemen. We stand in solidarity with them,” he added.

    © WFP/Mahmoud Fadel

    Wheat flour is distributed to vulnerable families in Abyan, Yemen. (file)

    The UN in Yemen

    Yemen continues to face a protracted political, humanitarian and developmental crisis after more than eight years of fighting between pro-Government forces, backed by a Saudi-led coalition, and Houthi rebels.

    More than 21 million people – roughly two-thirds of the population – need support and protection, and the UN and partners are delivering essential humanitarian aid and development assistance.

    Humanitarians are seeking $4.3 billion to reach 17. 3 million people this year, but the appeal is just over 30 per cent funded.

    Meanwhile, a UN-led operation to transfer more than a million barrels of crude oil from a decaying supertanker moored off Yemen’s Red Sea coast, which began just over two weeks ago, concluded on Friday.

    The floating, storage and offloading (FSO) vessel Safer has been permanently anchored for more than 30 years. Prior to the escalation of the conflict in 2015, it was used to store and export oil from fields around Ma’rib.

    The fighting brought production to a halt and the FSO Safe deteriorated significantly in the absence of any servicing or maintenance, sparking fears of a major environmental disaster.

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  • French education minister announces ban on Islamic dress in schools

    French education minister announces ban on Islamic dress in schools

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    PARIS — French Education Minister Gabriel Attal announced on Sunday that France will ban the Islamic garment known as the abaya in schools.

    “The school of the Republic was built around strong values, secularism is one of them. … When you enter a classroom, you shouldn’t be able to identify the religion of pupils,” Attal said in an interview with French TV channel TF1.

    “I announce that [pupils] will no longer be able to wear abaya at school,” he said.

    The abaya is a long, flowing dress commonly worn by Muslim women as it complies with Islamic beliefs on modest dress — but it’s also worn by other communities in North Africa and the Middle East. In 2004, France banned religious symbols in schools, including large crosses, Jewish kippahs and Islamic headscarves. But the abaya occupies a gray zone and hasn’t specifically been banned.

    Attal, who was appointed in July, announced that he would lead talks in the coming weeks before issuing new “clear nationwide rules” for schools.

    The focus on abayas follows a reported increase in girls wearing Islamic clothing in French schools, in a trend that some say is a violation of the country’s secularist values. Last month, President of the National Assembly Yaël Braun-Pivet, who is a member of President Emmanuel Macron’s Renaissance party, called for “a totally secular state school” where there is “no ramadan, no abaya, no ostentatious religious signs.”

    While some politicians were calling for new legislation to ban religious dress, it appears the government will simply give school principals new guidelines.

    Secularism in French schools has always been a hot-button topic with supporters claiming that religion, and Islam in particular, has been encroaching on the public space. Critics, on the other hand, maintain that religious minorities face discrimination in a historically Christian country.

    Tensions over education and religion worsened in 2020 when a radicalized Chechen refugee beheaded a French teacher who had shown caricatures of the prophet Mohammad in class.

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    Clea Caulcutt

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  • US, UK and Canada sanction Lebanon’s former central bank governor

    US, UK and Canada sanction Lebanon’s former central bank governor

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    Internationally wanted Riad Salameh resigned from the post he held for 30 years after corruption charges were filed against him in the wake of Lebanon’s economic collapse.

    The United States, United Kingdom and Canada have placed sanctions on the former longtime governor of Lebanon’s central bank, Riad Salameh, who has been charged with corruption.

    The countries announced the sanctions on Thursday, accusing Salameh of contributing to the breakdown of the rule of law in Lebanon through corrupt actions that enriched himself and his associates.

    “Salameh abused his position of power, likely in violation of Lebanese law, to enrich himself and his associates by funneling hundreds of millions of dollars through layered shell companies to invest in European real estate,” the US Department of the Treasury said in a statement.

    The sanctions also apply to the ex-governor’s brother Raja Salameh and his former assistant Marianne Hoayek. Washington and London also sanctioned Anna Kosakova, who has a child with Riad Salameh, and the US additionally chose to sanction his son Nady Salameh.

    The sanctions freeze the assets of Riad Salameh and his associates and prohibit transactions between them and US citizens or businesses.

    ​​Canadian Foreign Minister Melanie Joly said the sanctions send the message that the countries “will not tolerate the acts of significant corruption that have contributed to Lebanon’s economic collapse”.

    Salameh has denied the corruption allegations and said he would challenge them, adding that some of his assets have already been frozen in previous investigations.

    Tarnished legacy

    The disgraced former governor of the central bank, known as Banque du Liban, left his post on July 31 after serving in the role since 1993. Once feted as a financial genius, Salameh now has a tarnished legacy due to the collapse of Lebanon’s banking sector and corruption charges at home and abroad.

    In February, Lebanon charged him with embezzlement, money laundering and tax evasion.

    In May, French and German authorities also issued warrants for his arrest, with Interpol red notices declaring him wanted by both countries on charges of money laundering.

    In March of last year, France, Germany and Luxembourg seized assets worth 120 million euros ($135m) in an investigation into his wealth.

    A European diplomatic source has said that Salameh will soon be tried in Paris.

    Salameh has said he has been made a scapegoat for Lebanon’s crippling economic crisis.

    Decades of corruption by state officials have led Lebanon’s currency to lose 98 percent of its value against the US dollar. Many people hold Salameh and his associates responsible, accusing them of mismanagement of the country’s economy.

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  • Conflict over the clock: China among countries where time is political

    Conflict over the clock: China among countries where time is political

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    When Nuria Shamsed* was a child, she would sit with her family in front of her grandparents’ house on the outskirts of the Western Chinese city of Kashgar in the Xinjiang region and watch the summer sun set at about midnight.

    Kashgar is not located particularly far north – it is approximately at the same latitude as the Turkish capital, Ankara, where sundown is several hours earlier.

    But the sun goes down late in the Kashgar night because the Chinese Communist Party decided that all of China must operate in the same time zone as Beijing.

    This means that clocks in Kashgar are about three hours ahead of the time that the city’s geographical location actually dictates.

    “The midnight sunsets with my family are among the fondest memories I have from my childhood in Xinjiang,” 26-year-old Shamsed told Al Jazeera, speaking from her new home in San Diego, California, the United States.

    “But at the same time, the phenomenon also shows how the Chinese authorities want to control everything in Xinjiang – even our time,” she said.

    Police officers patrol the square in front of Id Kah Mosque in Kashgar, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, China, in 2021 [File: Thomas Peter/Reuters]

    Time is political in China, says Yao-Yuan Yeh, who teaches Chinese history and politics at the University of St Thomas in Houston, the US, and is used to instil a sense of interconnection and control.

    “It is used to reinforce the official narrative of a Chinese nation united under the rule of the Communist Party,” Yeh explained.

    Time zones are constructs that are constantly being renegotiated, and in few places has this been more true than in China and elsewhere in Asia.

    State control through time

    For as long as 56-year-old Payzulla Zaydun can remember, time has been a point of contention between the Uighurs in Xinjiang and the authorities in Beijing.

    Xinjiang’s provincial capital, Urumqi, is geographically two hours behind Beijing, and Zaydun recounts that when he attended university in Urumqi in the 1980s and 1990s, some of his fellow Uighur students deliberately arrived two hours late for class if classes were only listed in Beijing time.

    “They believed that Xinjiang time should be used in Xinjiang, and there was a sense that as an Uighur there was a responsibility to uphold the local time,” Zaydun told Al Jazeera from Maryland in the US.

    Therefore, many local shops and businesses in Urumqi also opened and closed following a two-hour time difference in adherence to the local time over Beijing time.

    However, that is not the case any longer.

    Upholding the local time in Xinjiang is much more difficult today, Zaydun says.

    “If you openly challenge the Beijing time now, you can be prosecuted for subversion,” he says.

    “My elderly mother never used Beijing time before, but then a few years ago she suddenly started using Beijing time when we talked on the phone because she feared the consequences if she didn’t.”

    Canadian-Uighur activist Rukiye Turdush says enforcing the use of Beijing time in Xinjiang is just one of many ways the Chinese authorities are trying to dilute the Uighur identity, alongside means such as social control, large-scale surveillance and mass detentions.

    “Language, religion, culture, space and time are all elements of the Uighur national identity that the Chinese are trying to tear apart in Xinjiang,” Turdush says.

    Other minorities in China are also experiencing that the keeping of time is the strict preserve of China’s central authorities.

    “For other minorities in China’s outer regions such as the Tibetans and the Mongolians time is also controlled from Beijing,” says Yeh of the University of St Thomas.

    Although there are practical and economic advantages to a single time zone, the impetus for standardisation was more about a signal the Chinese Communist Party wanted to send when it came to power in 1949.

    “The Chinese state did not exercise full control over China before 1949, but the Communists sought to change that in order to consolidate and legitimise their power in China,” Yeh explains.

    In pursuing that mission, controlling time became part of an official narrative about a China united under the party’s rule, which spurred the creation of a single time zone that temporally aligned the entire country with Beijing.

    Under President Xi Jinping, who came to power in 2012, there has been a renewed focus on assimilating China’s minorities into the dominant Chinese culture promoted by the Communist Party.

    “Due to that, the authorities have taken a tougher stance against any kind of separatist notions among the minority groups, including any ideas about belonging to a separate time zone,” Yeh says.

    Time is sovereignty

    China is not the only place where time is shaped more by politics than by geography.

    One look at the jigsaw puzzle that constitutes the world’s distribution of time zones clearly indicates this and recent events in Ukraine are a case in point.

    In January, Russian authorities announced that annexed regions of Ukraine were to switch from Ukrainian time to Moscow time.

    A wall clock with a picture of Russian President Vladimir Putin is seen in this photo illustration taken in a hotel room in Kazan, Russia, July 31, 2015. He may be in charge of an economy in crisis, but if mobile phone covers and souvenir mugs are a barometer of popularity, Russian President Vladimir Putin need not fear for his political future. In fact, Moscow’s annexation of Crimea from Ukraine last year has given the memorabilia makers even more material to glorify, sometimes wryly, a president whose image as a champion of Russian national interests in a hostile world is barely challenged in his own country. REUTERS/Stefan Wermuth TPX IMAGES OF THE DAYTHE IMAGES SHOULD ONLY BE USED TOGETHER WITH THE STORY - NO STAND-ALONE USES. PICTURE 12 OF 17 FOR WIDER IMAGE STORY "FROM RUSSIA WITH LOVE"SEARCH "WERMUTH PUTIN" FOR ALL PICTURES TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
    A wall clock with a picture of Russian President Vladimir Putin is seen in this photo illustration taken in a hotel room in Kazan, Russia, in 2015 [File: Stefan Wermuth/Reuters]

    In March, Greenland also moved one hour closer to Europe.

    Time can also be used by minorities to fight back against state power.

    During the 25-year-long civil war in Sri Lanka between the central government and the Tamil Tigers, the government introduced a time change that set the country’s clock back half an hour. However, the Tamil Tigers refused to recognise and implement the change in 1996 in the areas of the island under their control, meaning Sri Lanka effectively existed in two different time zones simultaneously.

    Just as time is used politically within the borders of nations, it is also used politically between the borders of nations.

    In 2015, the North Korean government announced that the country would change its time zone by setting clocks back half an hour.

    The shift was defended as a belated reckoning with Japanese imperialists that had deprived Korea historically of its time – a reference to the early 20th century when the Japanese, as Korea’s then-colonial rulers, brought the country into the same time zone as the Empire of Japan.

    An unidentified man adjusts his wristwatch in front of a clock tower of the Pyongyang Station in Pyongyang, North Korea, in this photo taken by Kyodo early May 5, 2018. Mandatory credit Kyodo/via REUTERS ATTENTION EDITORS - THIS IMAGE WAS PROVIDED BY A THIRD PARTY. MANDATORY CREDIT. JAPAN OUT.
    A man adjusts his wristwatch in front of a clock tower in Pyongyang, North Korea, in this photo taken by Kyodo in 2018 [File: Kyodo via Reuters]

    In fact, the establishment of modern timekeeping traces its roots back to the colonial era and it was the world’s colonial powers that confirmed the global time zone system during a conference in the US in 1884, according to Karl Benediktsson, who has studied the connection between politics and time zones at the University of Iceland.

    According to Benediktsson, it is revealing that the modern time zone system is based around the so-called Greenwich meridian, or the prime meridian, which runs through Greenwich in London.

    “The prime meridian could technically have been placed anywhere, but it was centred around London because Great Britain was the leading power at the time,” Benediktsson says.

    While the time zone system established by Britain and the other colonial powers in the 19th century remains largely the same as the system still in use today, the division of the world within time zones has changed frequently since the dismantling of Europe’s colonial empires.

    And the repositioning of postcolonial states on the world map has also led to some new and novel time zones.

    A general view of Rajabai Clock Tower is seen in Mumbai, India, September 1, 2016. REUTERS/Danish Siddiqui
    The Rajabai Clock Tower in Mumbai, India [File: Danish Siddiqui/Reuters]

    For example, when India gained independence from Britain in 1947, it abolished Mumbai time and Kolkata time and established Indian time as the country’s only official time.

    Nepal has aligned its own time zone with the peak of the sacred Gaurishankar Mountain, located east of Kathmandu, which places the country within a quarter-hour time zone unlike most other states that position their time keeping within a certain hourly time zone or more rarely within a half-hour time zone.

    Time zones are constructed

    The jigsaw puzzle that makes up the map of time zones across borders and around the world reflects the many political considerations and histories at play in the creation of clock time.

    Shifting geopolitical circumstances also means that the world’s time zone puzzle will likely continue to change into the future, according to the University of Iceland’s Benediktsson.

    “I usually say that time zones are social constructions,” says Benediktsson, noting that the placement of countries within certain time zones was determined by people and can therefore be changed by people over and over again.

    Workers are pictured beneath clocks displaying time zones in various parts of the world at an outsourcing centre in Bangalore, February 29, 2012. India's IT industry, with Bangalore firms forming the largest component, is now worth an annual $100 billion and growing 14 percent per year, one of the few bright spots in an economy blighted by policy stagnation and political instability. Picture taken on February 29, 2012. To match Insight INDIA-OUTSOURCING/ REUTERS/Vivek Prakash (INDIA - Tags: BUSINESS EMPLOYMENT SCIENCE TECHNOLOGY)
    Workers are pictured beneath clocks displaying time zones in various parts of the world at an outsourcing centre in Bengaluru [File: Vivek Prakash/Reuters]

    Reflecting back on her youth and observing the sun set at midnight during summer time in her native Kashgar, Nuria Shamsed believes that the enduring difference between local time and Beijing’s official time in Xinjiang demonstrates the power of people over timekeeping.

    Attempts to deny the observance of local time is another tool to deprive Uighurs of their identity, Shamsed says.

    “Time should not be a tool used by authoritarians to pursue their imperialist ambitions,” she says.

    “I also consider it a human rights violation when Uighurs in Xinjiang do not have a say in what time defines their lives.”

    *Nuria Shamsed is a pseudonym created to respect the source’s request for anonymity due to the sensitivity of the topic.

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  • Syrian reporter and three soldiers killed in roadside bombing: State media

    Syrian reporter and three soldiers killed in roadside bombing: State media

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    SAMA TV reporter Firas al-Ahmed killed in Deraa, near the Jordanian border.

    A Syrian reporter and three Syrian government soldiers have been killed in the counry’s southern Deraa governorate in a roadside bombing, according to Syrian state news agency SANA.

    Firas al-Ahmad, a reporter for the Damascus-based outlet Sama TV, was killed during the bombing on Wednesday. An earlier statement said a cameraman had also been killed but an update by SANA later reported he was alive after being rescued by local villagers.

    “The car carrying Firas and the army personnel was targeted by an IED [improvised explosive device] planted by terrorists on a road in the area of al-Shayyiah in [Deraa] countryside, claiming his life along with two members of the army immediately,” a source told SANA, before adding that a third soldier died later on.

    Al-Ahmad had been on assignment on the Syria-Jordan border.

    According to Reporters Without Borders, Syria ranks 175 out of 180 on its press freedom index, with more than 270 Syrian journalists killed since the country’s conflict began in 2011.

    Deraa was the site of the first peaceful anti-government protests that broke out that year, as the country’s opposition attempted to topple Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

    In 2018, the province was recaptured by Syrian government troops, as al-Assad regained control of most of Syria, with the help of allies Russia and Iran.

    The opposition, now mostly based in the northwest around the city of Idlib, is largely supported by Turkey, which has a significant military presence in northwest Syria, after conducting a number of military operations along the border region.

    Despite talk of a Turkish rapprochement with the Syrian government, al-Assad blamed Ankara on Wednesday for an uptick in violence in the country, saying “terrorism in Syria is made in Turkey”.

    The president made the comments during an interview for an upcoming broadcast with United Arab Emirates-based Sky News Arabia, his first interview with a foreign media outlet in months.

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  • Photos: Hundreds of homes damaged as torrential rains batter Sudan’s north

    Photos: Hundreds of homes damaged as torrential rains batter Sudan’s north

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    Torrential rains in the past couple of days have damaged more than 500 homes across Sudan’s north and areas north of Omdurman city, state media reported on Monday, validating concerns voiced by aid groups that the wet season would compound the war-torn country’s woes.

    Changing weather patterns saw Sudan’s Northern State battered by heavy rain, damaging at least 464 houses, the state-run SUNA news agency said, adding that at least 300 houses were damaged in Merowe city alone, about 330 kilometres (210 miles) from the capital, Khartoum.

    Al-Sagai, about 40km north of Omdurman, was inundated with water and dozens of houses collapsed and agricultural plantings were submerged in the wake of the rains.

    SUNA described the vast region bordering Egypt and Libya as “a desert area that rarely received rain in the past, but has been witnessing devastating rains for the past five years”.

    The tragedy comes nearly four months into a brutal war between the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces that has decimated infrastructure and plunged millions into hunger.

    Medics and aid groups have for months warned that Sudan’s rainy season, which began in June, could spell disaster for millions more, increasing the risk of malnutrition, vector-borne diseases and displacement across the country.

    According to the World Health Organization (WHO), outbreaks of cholera and measles have already been reported in parts of the country that have been nearly impossible for relief missions to access.

    More than 80 percent of Sudan’s hospitals are no longer in service, the WHO said, while the few health facilities that remain often come under fire and struggle to provide care.

    The conflict, which erupted in the capital, Khartoum, on April 15, has displaced more than three million people internally with many in urgent need of aid, according to the International Organization for Migration.

    Nearly a million others have fled across borders seeking safety, it said.

    Aid groups repeatedly complain of security challenges, bureaucratic hurdles and targeted attacks that prevent them from delivering much-needed assistance.

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  • Oil giant Saudi Aramco posts 38% drop in second-quarter profit as lower prices bite

    Oil giant Saudi Aramco posts 38% drop in second-quarter profit as lower prices bite

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    Saudi Aramco said strong market conditions helped to push its second quarter net income to $48.4 billion, up from $25.5 billion a year earlier.

    Maxim Shemetov | Reuters

    Saudi state oil giant Aramco reported 112.81 billion riyal ($30.07 billion) in net profit for the second quarter, a fall of nearly 40% from the same period last year amid a decline in hydrocarbon prices.

    Second-quarter profit nevertheless came slightly above analyst expectations near $29.8 billion in an Aramco-supplied poll.

    In a filing to the Saudi stock exchange — known as Tadawul — the company said the substantive decline was due to lower crude oil prices and weakening refining and chemicals margins.

    “Despite the economic headwinds, we see signals that global demand remains resilient, supported by an ongoing recovery in the aviation sector,” Aramco CEO Amin Nasser told the media during a company earnings call Monday. 

    The company is following its industry peers by boosting dividend payouts despite the sharp fall in profitability. The oil giant reaffirmed its first quarter base dividend of $19.5 billion, paid in the second quarter, and declared a second-quarter dividend of $19.5 billion, to be delivered in the third quarter. 

    Aramco also said it intends to distribute performance-linked dividends over six quarters, starting with a $9.9 billion distribution in the third quarter.  

    “Our plan to maintain a sustainable and progressive dividend for our shareholders remains intact,” Nasser said.

    ‘Still a strong financial position’

    This quarter’s result “is still a strong financial position. Yes, it’s not as astonishing as the results that we saw last year – but this is aligned with the overall industry trend,” Carole Nakhle of Crystol Energy told CNBC’s “Capital Connection” on Monday. 

    The net income figure was a 38% decline from the previous year’s second-quarter earnings, which had hit a jaw-dropping net income of $48.4 billion. At the time, the second-quarter 2022 result was up 90% on the year, on the back of the energy price surge triggered by Russia’s war in Ukraine.  

    The recent decline in profitability was in line with industry trends. British oil giant BP reported a nearly 70 percent year-on-year drop in second-quarter profit last Tuesday, while ExxonMobil, Shell and French oil major TotalEnergies also reported steep drops in earnings as weaker oil prices filter through the sector. 

    “At Aramco you also have to factor in the decline in production,” Nakhle said.  

    Saudi Arabia announced a 1 million barrel per day production cut in June, coming into effect in July — which has since been extended across both this and next month. The decline “can be extended or extended and deepened” beyond September, according to the Saudi Press Agency.

    The cut adds to 1.66 million barrels per day of declines that some members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and its allies are putting in place until the end of 2024. 

    “It has definitely put an award pressure on prices,” Nakhle said. “Those announced cuts are helping OPEC+ in achieving its long-promoted mantra of achieving market stability,” she said, calling $80USD a “highly desirable” price floor for Saudi Arabia.  

    Oil prices are expected to increase through the third and fourth quarters. Top forecaster Goldman Sachs expects Brent prices to top $86 a barrel by December and $93 per barrel by next year, as strong demand and OPEC+ supply deficits tighten markets.  

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  • Two Israelis arrested after Palestinian man killed in West Bank | CNN

    Two Israelis arrested after Palestinian man killed in West Bank | CNN

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    CNN
     — 

    Two Israelis have been arrested for questioning and five others detained following the reported killing of a Palestinian man in the West Bank, Israel Police said in a statement Saturday.

    It is rare for Israeli settlers to be arrested for attacks on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank. They are almost never prosecuted, even if arrested.

    A Palestinian man was shot and killed by Israeli settlers in the village of Burqa, near Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, the Palestinian Ministry of Health said late Friday.

    It is the first accusation from the Ministry that settlers have killed a Palestinian villager since February, and the second this year, although both Palestinian officials and international observers regularly document violence by settlers against Palestinians.

    The ministry said Qusai Jamal Maatan, 19, was fatally shot in the neck by Israeli settlers during an attack on his village. Two others were injured, according to the ministry.

    Maatan was buried Saturday morning.

    The IDF said in a statement that they arrived after reports of “violent clashes between Israeli civilians and Palestinians,” and that “it was reported that during the clashes, Israeli civilians shot toward the Palestinians and as a result, there was a Palestinian casualty.”

    The IDF also said Israeli civilians were reportedly injured by rocks hurled at them.

    There was no immediate comment from the Shomron (Samaria) Council, which represents settlers in the northern West Bank and would not normally issue a statement on Shabbat.

    A legal aid group that defends settlers said Saturday that the settler who shot the Palestinian was acting in self-defense after Palestinian villagers began harassing an Israeli shepherd.

    Honenu, the legal group, said the incident began when Palestinians from Burqa threatened the shepherd from Oz Zion – a settler outpost – which is illegal not only under international law but under Israeli law.

    The shepherd called other settlers “to prevent deterioration,” Honenu said, after which dozens of Palestinians attacked them with clubs, fireworks and rocks.

    One of the settlers was hit in the head with a rock “at point blank range and was seriously injured,” according to Honenu, and he managed to defend himself with a licensed gun he was carrying.

    He is currently in intensive care following an operation at Shaare Zedek hospital in Jerusalem, and under arrest, Honenu said.

    The second Israeli settler who was arrested helped transport him to the hospital, Honenu said.

    Honenu attorney Nati Rom said: “My client acted according to the law, and as is required of any licensed firearm holder – to protect his life and the lives of other civilians.”

    A statement released by the Israeli military said both Israelis and Palestinians threw stones in the West Bank confrontation.
    The army has imposed a closed military zone on the area while investigations by Israel Police and the Shin Bet security agency (ISA) are ongoing.

    The US State Department qualified the incident as a “terror attack”.

    In a statement released on Twitter, now known as X, it said: “We strongly condemn yesterday’s terror attack by Israeli extremist settlers that killed a 19-year old Palestinian.”

    “The US extends our deepest sympathies to his family and loved ones. We note Israeli officials have made several arrests and we urge full accountability and justice.”

    The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates strongly condemned attacks by what they referred to as “organized and armed terrorist settler militias” against unarmed Palestinian citizens in Burqa.

    The ministry expressed concern over the lack of real punishment for attacks by settlers on Palestinian villagers, saying the incidents have emboldened settlers to commit further crimes. The ministry accused Israeli government ministers and their followers of incitement.

    The coalition government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu includes two parties primarily supported by settlers, Israelis who live in the West Bank in order to cement the country’s hold on the Palestinian territory. Settlements are considered illegal under international law. Israeli asserts the West Bank is “disputed,” not “occupied,” and denies that the settlements are illegal.

    The United Nations warned last month of a dramatic rise in West Bank settler attacks on Palestinian people and property, with nearly 600 such incidents registered during the first half of the year.

    The UN humanitarian agency OCHA said it had recorded 591 settler-related incidents in the territory in the first six months of 2023, resulting in Palestinian casualties, property damage, or both.

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  • Russia-Ukraine war: List of key events, day 529

    Russia-Ukraine war: List of key events, day 529

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    These are the main developments as the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine enters its 529th day.

    Here is the situation on Sunday, August 6, 2023.

    Fighting

    • A blood transfusion centre, a university and an aeronautics facility in Ukraine were damaged in deadly air raids as Russian and Ukrainian forces escalated their attacks late on Saturday.
    • Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy blamed Russia for the attack on the blood bank in the eastern town of Kupiansk and described it as a “war crime”.
    • He said the “guided aerial bomb” attack caused deaths and injuries but did not say how many people were killed and wounded.
    • Zelenskyy also reported a Russian attack on an aeronautics facility belonging to Motor Sich, a maker of plane and helicopter engines as well as other components. The site is located near the city of Khmelnytskyi in western Ukraine, about 300km (190 miles) southwest of Kyiv.
    • In the Russian-controlled Donetsk region, the Moscow-installed governor accused Ukrainian forces of attacking a university with cluster munitions. The attack set the building on fire, he said.
    • Earlier on Saturday, Russian officials pledged retaliation for a Ukrainian naval attack on what they said was a civilian tanker in the Black Sea.
    • A Telegram post by Deputy Chair of Russia’s Security Council Dmitry Medvedev implied that Russia would increase its attacks against Ukrainian ports in response to Kyiv’s attacks on Russian ships in the Black Sea. “Apparently, the strikes on Odesa, Izmail, and other places were not enough for them,” he wrote.
    • On the front line, the Russian defence ministry said its forces had captured the settlement of Novoselivske in northeastern Ukraine, where Kyiv said it was confronted with a growing number of attacks. Footage from the Russian army showed Novoselivske completely destroyed, with white smoke billowing over crumbling buildings.

    Diplomacy

    • Saudi Arabia kicked off a Ukraine-organised peace summit that included delegates from 40 countries, including China, India and the United States, but not Russia.
    • A European Union official told the Reuters news agency there would be no joint statement after the meeting but that the Saudis would present a plan for further talks, with working groups to discuss issues such as global food security, nuclear safety and prisoner releases. The official described the talks as positive and said there was “agreement that respect of territorial integrity and [the] sovereignty of Ukraine needs to be at the heart of any peace settlement”.

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  • Israel: Impunity comes home to roost

    Israel: Impunity comes home to roost

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    The contention that the roots of Israel’s current political crisis are to be found in its policies towards the Palestinian people is gaining currency. According to this perspective, the authoritarian legislative agenda of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, and the methods deployed to achieve it, represent the inevitable and inescapable culmination of Israel’s 75 years of oppression and repression of the Palestinian people, and particularly its systematic eradication of the rule of law in the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967.

    Some additionally suggest that Netanyahu and his far-right allies’ primary motivation for promoting the legislative programme is to acquire powers with which to more intensively dispossess the Palestinian people.

    It is an admittedly appealing argument, especially for those making the point that Israel’s claim to be a “Jewish and democratic state” is in fact a confession of ethnocracy and for those seeking to promote the inclusion of Palestinian rights within the agenda of the movement protesting the government’s reform plan.

    The idea that Israel is experiencing a blowback in its domestic politics from its policies towards the Palestinians does have some basis in reality. To state the obvious, a Jewish supremacist regime necessarily empowers Jewish supremacists.

    This, coupled with expansionist policies which require systematic violence and the permanent subjugation and dehumanisation of the Palestinian people, has over time elevated the most extremist and messianic leaders to the pinnacle of power.

    As in similar situations throughout history, such forces tend to view any obstacle to their objectives, including established institutions and dissenting members of their own community, as disloyal elements that need to be neutralised.

    The above notwithstanding, to interpret Israel’s current crisis as an organic product of its policies towards the Palestinians, or as a domestic replication of Israeli methods of rule vis-à-vis the Palestinians, is to fundamentally misunderstand both the nature of this crisis and the Palestinian reality.

    Clearly, mass demonstrations carried out by Israelis at regular intervals throughout the country have not been criminalised, and those participating have, when confronted, encountered police forces using batons and water cannon rather than military units with snipers who shoot to maim and kill. Whatever one may think of Netanyahu and his plans for the Israeli judiciary, his government was constituted on the basis of an election and his agenda is being adopted by a parliament that the overwhelming majority of Israeli citizens embrace as the legitimate if not exclusive representation of their collective political will.

    All this is a rather far cry from the Palestinian reality of being ruled by a foreign military government under a colonial regime imposing extraterritorial legislation by force.

    The assertion that this crisis could have been averted if Israel had adopted a constitution may well be mistaken since constitutions, like judiciaries, can be revised and indeed replaced altogether.

    More clearly nonsensical is the claim that Israel refrained from adopting one because it would otherwise have to declare its borders, and either enshrine equality for all its citizens or formally proclaim ethnocracy.

    Constitutions do not delineate borders. And it is a matter of record that Israel’s 1948 declaration of statehood promised equality to those it was in the process of ethnically cleansing from their homeland, and that in 2018, the Knesset adopted a Basic Law defining Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people rather than of the citizens of the state.

    Israel’s failure to adopt a constitution primarily reflects its founders’ unwillingness to take a position on the vexed question of religion and state, thus avoiding polarisation between the rabbinical establishment and secular elites. These two sides have clashed over the definition of Jewishness, but have displayed remarkable consensus on denying Palestinians their rights.

    Similarly, the current crisis is first and foremost an internal dispute within Israel’s Jewish population and elites about the governance of their ethnocracy and the role of its institutions.

    If advocates of the government’s agenda state that it will better enable them to dispossess the Palestinians and annex their lands, which indeed it will, this reflects marketing more than motivation. In Israel, apartheid sells better than authoritarianism, and “Nakba Now!” rates better than letting crooked politicians off the hook. The government would hardly garner the same level of support for its judicial agenda if it were to proclaim a key objective is to enable senior politicians like Netanyahu and Aryeh Deri to dodge accountability for corruption indictments.

    The broad Israeli consensus on the dispossession of the Palestinians has also been apparent in the fact that most protest organisers have actively fought to exclude the rights of Palestinians – including of those who are Israeli citizens – from their movement.

    Meanwhile, Western governments also seem more incensed by the institutional degradation of Israel’s ethnocracy than its existence or persistence. Criticisms, condemnations, and boycotts of Israel, its government, military, and economy, considered taboo if undertaken in response to its eradication of Palestinian rights and lives, are proudly announced and even encouraged in defence of a judiciary that is institutionally guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

    The priority of the West – and its sole interest in the matter – is the stability of its strategic ally. That’s how the “rules-based international order” works – rules and rights only enter the equation if violated by rivals and adversaries.

    Yet this crisis is, in significant part, of the West’s own making. For decades, and increasingly in recent years, it has ensured total impunity for Israeli leaders. It is only natural that these leaders conduct themselves like spoiled toddlers, grabbing and smashing anything and everything within reach, and directing tantrums at their enablers in Washington and Brussels at the slightest hint of reservation about their course of action.

    They have, through endless repetition, been desensitised by their Western sponsors to consideration of consequence. It no longer exists in their calculations, and they have as a result become incapable of inhibition.

    It might additionally be observed that it is a little rich for the West to spend decades celebrating Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, losing no opportunity to strengthen it with acts of commission and omission, and then have a meltdown about the entirely predictable consequences of doing so – primarily because Israeli authoritarianism complicates their Middle Eastern policies in ways that support for apartheid never could.

    It is in this sense that impunity has come home to roost. As always, the price will be paid within the region, mainly by Palestinians and, to lesser extent, by Israelis as well.

    The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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  • Chip war: Is there an end to tit-for-tat China-US trade restrictions?

    Chip war: Is there an end to tit-for-tat China-US trade restrictions?

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    We consider the impact as China’s export curbs on the chipmaking metals gallium and germanium take effect.

    Semiconductor chips are a vital component used in devices including smartphones, electric cars, wind turbines and even missiles. They are now considered as crucial to economic production as oil.

    The United States is worried China could use chip technology to further develop its military power. It unveiled export controls in October to prevent Beijing from getting the most advanced ones. That marked the start of tit-for-tat trade restrictions and upped their geopolitical rivalry.

    In a recent move, China has begun to restrict the export of industry-critical materials.

    Elsewhere, after the coup in Niger, millions of its citizens could pay the price of sanctions.

    And can Egypt lure dollars back into its financial system?

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  • The Middle East is Emerging as a Serious Hotspot — Here’s What Entrepreneurs Worldwide Can Learn | Entrepreneur

    The Middle East is Emerging as a Serious Hotspot — Here’s What Entrepreneurs Worldwide Can Learn | Entrepreneur

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    Opinions expressed by Entrepreneur contributors are their own.

    Over the last decade, the Middle East has undergone a profound transformation. Traditionally viewed as an oil-rich region, the Middle East has been diversifying its economies, creating an entrepreneurial landscape ripe with opportunity. The region’s dynamic economies, bolstered by ambitious economic diversification and innovation plans, have created a favorable environment for global entrepreneurs.

    With its expansive Vision 2030 economic reform plan, Saudi Arabia has been leading this transformation. Still, the entrepreneurial wave is being felt across the region — from the United Arab Emirates to Qatar, Bahrain and beyond.

    Related: Entrepreneur Middle East

    Diverse economies foster entrepreneurship

    Countries across the Middle East are showing increased commitment to fostering entrepreneurship as they seek to diversify their economies beyond oil. Governments are investing heavily in infrastructure and establishing regulatory frameworks that are conducive to business, creating a fertile ground for startups and SMEs.

    For instance, Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 plan aims to foster a vibrant society, a thriving economy and an ambitious nation. To achieve these goals, the kingdom promotes sectors like tourism, entertainment and technology, providing ample opportunities for entrepreneurs. Likewise, the United Arab Emirates Vision 2021 aims to make the UAE among the best countries in the world by the Golden Jubilee of the Union, and it recognizes entrepreneurship as a key driver of competitiveness and growth.

    Related: The Changing Face Of Business In The Middle East

    The strategic advantage of location

    In today’s globalized economy, the Middle East’s strategic geographic position cannot be underestimated. The region serves as a bridge between the East and West, providing businesses easy access to markets in Africa, Asia and Europe. The region’s extensive logistical and transportation networks further enhance its attractiveness as a hub for international business.

    Investing in innovation

    The Middle East’s commitment to innovation is mirrored in its vibrant investment scene. Sovereign wealth funds, private investors, and venture capitalists actively invest in promising ventures, providing the financial fuel that startups need to scale and thrive. For instance, the Saudi Arabian Public Investment Fund (PIF) has been actively investing in tech companies and startups domestically and internationally, providing the necessary capital for growth.

    At the same time, governments are backing initiatives such as startup incubators and accelerators, offering new businesses resources, mentorship, and networking opportunities to navigate the entrepreneurial landscape.

    The advantage of a tech-savvy population

    One of the Middle East’s greatest assets is its young, tech-savvy population. With one of the world’s highest smartphone penetration and internet usage rates, the region’s consumers are eager for innovative products and services. This creates lucrative opportunities, particularly in the digital and e-commerce sectors, which are experiencing explosive growth.

    Overcoming challenges and obstacles

    Despite the significant potential, the Middle East’s entrepreneurial scene is not without its challenges. Entrepreneurs often cite regulatory complexities, bureaucratic red tape, and the need for more robust intellectual property rights as hurdles to business. However, governments are showing a commitment to addressing these issues, and the business environment is improving year by year.

    Moreover, the region is also grappling with the need to develop a culture of entrepreneurship and risk-taking, a shift from the traditional preference for stable government jobs. However, the tides are changing, and the growing success of startups in the region inspires a new generation of entrepreneurs.

    The Middle East, with its strategic location, vibrant economies, supportive government initiatives and untapped market potential, presents a compelling opportunity for global entrepreneurs. With the right insight, cultural understanding and innovative solutions, the region offers rewarding opportunities for those willing to navigate its unique landscape.

    As governments continue to foster entrepreneurship, and with increasing global interest in the region, the Middle East is emerging as a hotspot for global startups and a region worth considering for entrepreneurs looking to expand their horizons.

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    Henri Al Helaly

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  • ISIL confirms death of leader Abu Hussein al-Qurashi, names successor

    ISIL confirms death of leader Abu Hussein al-Qurashi, names successor

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    BREAKING,

    Turkey had announced that it had killed the ISIL leader in April.

    The ISIL (ISIS) group has confirmed the death of its leader, Abu Hussein al-Husseini al-Qurashi, and named Abu Hafs al-Hashimi al-Qurashi as his replacement.

    The group said on Thursday that its leader had been killed in “direct clashes” in rebel-held northwestern Syria with the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group.

    The announcement was made by an ISIL spokesman in a recorded message on its channels on the Telegram messaging app, without specifying when he was killed.

    Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said in April that Turkish intelligence forces had killed the leader in Syria.

    More to follow. 

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  • Israel and US discussing possible Biden visit after Netanyahu extends invitation | CNN Politics

    Israel and US discussing possible Biden visit after Netanyahu extends invitation | CNN Politics

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    Washington
    CNN
     — 

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has invited President Joe Biden to visit Israel soon, and both countries are discussing the possibility, a source familiar with the matter told CNN.

    It wasn’t clear how advanced the discussions were, or when a possible trip might occur.

    The White House said Sunday it didn’t have any new travel plans by the president to announce. “We have no new travel to announce,” National Security Council spokeswoman Adrienne Watson said.

    If it did materialize, a trip would amount to a dramatic show of support by Biden for Israel as the country responds to last weekend’s devastating attacks by Hamas.

    Israel has been signaling it is preparing for a ground invasion of Gaza even as a humanitarian crisis inside the coastal Palestinian enclave is growing. Biden has called for the protection of civilians, and the US has been working to alleviate shortages of food, water and gas.

    A Biden visit would also amount to a message to other players in the region, including the Iran-backed Hezbollah, that they should not escalate the conflict further.

    A trip would follow high-stakes shuttle diplomacy by Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who has been jetting between countries in the region for the past several days. The president would likely come bearing a similar message to that of his top diplomat, including the necessity of protecting civilian lives.

    Biden spoke Saturday with both Netanyahu and the president of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas. It was Biden’s fifth telephone call with Netanyahu since the attack last weekend.

    The US announced Saturday it was sending a second aircraft carrier strike group to the eastern Mediterranean to “deter hostile actions against Israel or any efforts toward widening this war,” according to Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin.

    This story has been updated with additional information.

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