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  • Pilgrims flock to celebrate Virgin of Guadalupe — the ‘mother of Mexico’

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    Edivaldo Hernández Villar crawled on his knees toward the Basilica of Guadalupe, wincing and whispering prayers.

    It was the final stretch of a punishing four-day pilgrimage to Mexico’s most venerated shrine, where Catholics believe the Virgin Mary miraculously appeared nearly 500 years ago.

    Hernández, his wife and their teen son had trekked 100 miles from their rural village to the nation’s capital, walking with heavy backpacks all day and sleeping under the stars at night. As with an estimated 10 million other Mexicans who will make their way to the basilica this month, their journey had been an act of faith, of penitence, and of thanks.

    “You endure cold, you endure hunger, you cross mountains,” said Hernández, a 34-year-old farmer. “All for her.”

    There is no figure more central to Mexican religious, cultural and national identity than the Virgin of Guadalupe.

    Her serene gaze is ubiquitous, adorning T-shirts, trucks and the walls of most homes. People name their children after her and tattoo their skin with her likeness: a queenly woman surrounded by sunbeams, her head bowed in prayer.

    Ada Carrillo, one of the devout who crowded the basilica this week, said she unites all of Mexico, transcending political, geographic and class divides. Even President Claudia Sheinbaum, who is Jewish, has worn clothes emblazoned with the image of Guadalupe.

    The Basilica of Guadalupe in Mexico City fills with pilgrims during the week of her feast day, which was celebrated Friday.

    A few days before the Virgin’s feast day on Friday, Carrillo looked around the vast plaza outside the grand church, where Indigenous dancers from southern states mingled with cowboys from the north and cosmopolitan types from Mexico City. Competing bands played booming, brass-heavy songs. Teenagers and street dogs dozed in the sun. A priest gave nonstop blessings, flinging holy water from a pink plastic bucket.

    “Here there are no colors, no classes,” Carrillo said. “Just faith.”

    It was in the winter of 1531, a few years after the Spanish conquest, when the virgin was said to have miraculously appeared at the base of Tepeyac Hill, a site where the Aztecs had worshiped the goddess Tonantzin. An Indigenous man named Juan Diego said she spoke to him in his native Nahuatl, and asked him to build a church in her honor.

    A skeptical Catholic bishop disregarded Juan Diego’s story at first. To help Juan Diego, who was later named a saint, prove his story, the Virgin is said to have imprinted her image on his cloak. That was on Dec. 12, a date celebrated by Mexicans ever since.

    People sing in front of an altar to the Virgin of Guadalupe, while pilgrims stop to speak to her and ask for favors

    People sing in front of an altar to the Virgin of Guadalupe, while pilgrims stop to speak to her and ask for favors. .

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    A man holds the cross he wears alongside a pendant of the Virgin of Guadalupe.

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    Alison Juarez, 14, an from Santiago Tepepa, Hidalgo, poses in her traditional attire

    1. A man holds the cross he wears alongside a pendant of the Virgin of Guadalupe. 2. Alison Juárez, 14, from Santiago Tepepa in Hidalgo state, wore traditional attire to perform with a group in a procession at the Basilica of Guadalupe.

    Now, millions come to the basilica, where the cloak is displayed, each December, with most arriving in the days leading up to Dec. 12. At midnight on that day, devotees famously sing Las Mañanitas, the traditional birthday song, for the Virgin, and set off fireworks.

    Pilgrims come from across Mexico, arriving on foot, motorcycle, bicycle, bus and even wheelchair. Many, like Hernández, knee-walk across the stones of the vast plaza to the basilica’s doors.

    The working class La Villa neighborhood of Mexico City where the basilica is located fills with trucks festooned with with wreaths and Christmas lights and hordes of pilgrims camping in the streets.

    People come bearing roses to ask for help — with matters of health, of heart, of business. They come to pray for peace for relatives who have passed.

    Others come to express gratitude for miracles that they credit to the Virgin.

    Carrillo, 46, had been told by doctors years ago that she was infertile. She had traveled to the basilica from her home in Tabasco state to beg Guadalupe to bestow on her at least one child.

    This week, Carrillo walked the steps to the basilica with her daughter, Ximena, a busy high school school student who just celebrated her 15th birthday.

    As Carrillo lighted a candle for Guadalupe, tears welled. She pulled her daughter close and murmured a small prayer. “Thank you for the blessing,” she said.

    Each December about 10 million people will visit the Basilica of Guadalupe in Mexico City.

    Each December about 10 million people will visit the Basilica of Guadalupe in Mexico City.

    The basilica is one of the most visited pilgrimage sites in the world, and on this afternoon drew tour groups from Vietnam, China and the United States. Inside the cavernous church, priests celebrated Mass hourly, and an electronic walkway kept visitors from lingering in front of Juan Diego’s famous cape.

    Religious scholars say the tradition of Guadalupe, which mixes Indigenous beliefs with Christian ones, helped solidify Catholicism’s dominance in Mexico. It has also helped prevent the encroachment of evangelical Christianity seen in many other parts of Latin America, with few here willing to give up their devotion to the “Virgencita,” as Guadalupe is widely known.

    Significantly, Mexico’s Virgin has brown skin, a detail not lost on the Indigenous population, today or centuries ago. Today some Mexicans refer to her as Guadalupe Tonantzin.

    Theresa Sanchez, 66, a retiree from Mexico City who arrived with the help of a cane, said she sees Guadalupe as a connection to Mexico’s Indigenous past and views her pilgrimage to the basilica as a way to “thank Mother Earth for all that she had given us.”

    She views the cult of Guadalupe as both an effort by the Spanish to promote the adoption of Catholicism in the New World and an opportunity for native Mexicans to who “couldn’t maintain their beliefs in an open way” to preserve traditions.

    Pilgrims pass by a blessing station, where a priest sprinkles believers with holy water, at the Basilica of Guadalupe.

    Pilgrims pass by a blessing station where they are sprayed with holy water inside the Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe.

    Many pilgrims arrived at the basilica with artifacts of devotion — mostly statues of Guadalupe from their local churches. Safely bringing the blessed objects home was an important part of the journey. Many pilgrims take turns running hundreds of miles back to their pueblos, carrying a torch lighted at the foot of Tepeyac.

    Antonio and Jesús Zamora, brothers from Michoacán state, were preparing to run 260 miles back to their hometown. Antonio, 70, had recently been declared free of prostate cancer, and said that with every step he would be thanking Guadalupe for his quick recovery. She was, he said, the “mother of Mexico.”

    Zamora and his younger brother have lived for decades in Missouri, where Zamora worked until retiring from the hotel business. During all that time, he said he returned to Mexico every December to visit the shrine.

    Guadalupe Ascencion crawls to the top of Hill of Tepeyac accompanied by his family and others

    Guadalupe Ascencion from Huamantla, Tlaxcala, crawls to the top of Tepeyac Hill accompanied by his wife, Jacqueline Maximo, and their children, Astrid, Hannytzi and Angel, on Thursday. His family says he does this every year to thank the Virgin for the favors he asks of her.

    He has asked Guadalupe for good health, for a strong family and for an end to the cartel violence plaguing his home state.

    “I pray for peace,” he said. “For Michoacán. For Mexico. For the United States. For the world.”

    This year, he said, he also thought about the immigrants in America who weren’t able to visit the basilica because they lack documents allowing them to travel between Mexico and the U.S.

    The immigrant community, he said, had been battered like never before in recent months. He also asked Guadalupe to help them.

    “I prayed for my people,” Zamora said. “And I prayed for Donald Trump, too.”

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    Kate Linthicum

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  • Mexican president’s popularity endures despite rising corruption concerns

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    Tens of thousands of Mexicans are set to gather downtown Sunday in a choreographed tribute to President Claudia Sheinbaum, who closed out her initial year in office with approval ratings north of 70%.

    Apart from her personal popularity as Mexico’s first woman president, polls show strong support among poor and working-class Mexicans for her continuation of social-aid programs launched by her predecessor and mentor, ex-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

    Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum screams during the annual shout of Independence (Grito de Independencia) as part of Mexico’s Independence Day celebration on Sept. 15 in Mexico City.

    (Hector Vivas / Getty Images)

    Sheinbaum, who took office last Oct. 1, has embraced and expanded López Obrador’s leftist social agenda, often repeating his mantra: “For the good of all, the poor first.”

    But, amid the plaudits, there is also a disconnect: Polls and interviews show deep concerns about crime, the economy and, increasingly, the defining issue of corruption — the elimination of which is a central plank of the president’s Morena movement, founded by ex-president López Obrador.

    Almost three-quarters of respondents (73%) gave Sheinbaum’s government a negative rating for its handling of corruption, the poorest mark to date for its anti-corruption efforts, according to a poll last month from the newspaper El Financiero.

    We are seeing the same corruption as in past governments, it’s very disappointing

    — Lorena Santibañez, medical student

    While crime remains Mexicans’ most pressing concern, many cite corruption as a core issue that could eventually erode trust in the administration of Sheinbaum, whose term lasts five more years.

    “We are seeing the same corruption as in past governments. It’s very disappointing,” said Lorena Santibañez, 25, a medical student. “I want to give la presidenta the benefit of the doubt — it’s her first year. But I don’t have much hope.”

    Almost daily headlines here highlight instances of alleged graft, nepotism and other questionable behavior within Sheinbaum’s ruling circles. Some reports have focused on relatives or close associates of the retired López Obrador, whom Sheinbaum regularly extols as a visionary and exemplar of moral integrity.

    The corruption revelations tend to range from the somewhat venal — party bigwigs living on limited government salaries enjoying lavish lifestyles — to more insidious allegations of Morena officials in league with organized crime.

    Making a social media splash this summer were news reports on the ritzy vacations of various Morena heavyweights, notably Andrés Manuel López Beltrán, the son of the ex-president, who serves as Morena’s party secretary.

    His stay at a $400-a-night Tokyo hotel and reported $2,600 restaurant bill sparked outrage in a nation where many earn $10 a day or less. Amid the escalating reports of Morena officials enjoying the high life abroad, Sheinbaum signaled her disapproval.

    “Power must be exercised with humility — that is my position and always will be,” she told reporters. “We have a responsibility with the movement we represent, and the principles that we represent.”

    No allegations have touched Sheinbaum, a scientist and longtime academic known for her austere lifestyle and serious demeanor.

    “We haven’t heard of any scandal about her, of corrupt relatives, or family members in public office doing business,” said José Farías, 54, a bus driver. “That has helped her remain popular, along with the fact that people view her as well-prepared, intelligent and honorable.”

    Sheinbaum, who was recruited into public service by López Obrador while she was an obscure academic and he the mayor of Mexico City, is now the standard-bearer for Morena. It is a movement that, in little more than a decade, has become a juggernaut.

    Morena dominates government, the judiciary and other facets of Mexican life in a way that has drawn inevitable comparisons to a previous Mexican political colossus — the Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as the PRI, which ruled Mexico in authoritarian fashion for much of the 20th century.

    The PRI is now greatly diminished, and Morena’s model differs from the PRI playbook of rigged elections, institutionalized graft, repression and an all-powerful president. But many of Morena’s old guard, including López Obrador, earned their stripes as PRI operatives.

    “It’s very hard to explain Morena’s hegemony without acknowledging that it cannibalized a lot of what was left of the PRI,” said Carlos Bravo Regidor, a political analyst. “And a lot of what was left of the PRI was criminal governance and complicity with criminal organizations.”

    Such complicity has become more problematic as the Trump administration has essentially declared war on drug cartels, designating a half-dozen Mexican crime syndicates as terrorist groups. Several recent scandals have suggested Morena politicians were in cahoots with organized crime.

    Morena’s top member of the Senate, Adán Augusto López Hernández — a former interior minister, ex-governor of Tabasco state and lifelong associate of López Obrador— has publicly denied links to a mob known as La Barredora (The Sweeper). The alleged leader of La Barredora, a former security chief in Tabasco, is now imprisoned in Mexico after being arrested as a fugitive in Paraguay.

    It was López Hernández who, while governor of Tabasco, appointed the alleged mob chieftain to the security post. The senator says he knew nothing.

    Even the Mexican navy, ranked among the nation’s most-trusted institutions, has been implicated in a far-reaching fuel-theft scheme, with 14 suspects arrested so far. One is a nephew of the admiral who served as secretary of the navy under López Obrador. In response, Sheinbaum defended the admiral and said he helped denounce the thievery.

    Repeatedly, Sheinbaum has been put in the position of declaring that no one is above the law. “We won’t cover up for anyone,” has become a presidential mantra.

    Some reformers have credited Sheinbaum with confronting corruption, while others say she has been too cautious, too hesitant, to take on a problem deeply entrenched in Mexican politics.

    “A lot of people inside Morena are saying, ‘Let’s push out the bad apples,’ “ noted Bravo Regidor. “But what’s rotten is the barrel, not the apples.”

    Earlier this year, the president publicly pressured Morena to institute a strict anti-nepotism policy. But her plan ran into strong headwinds in a party where patronage is rampant.

    Luisa María Alcalde Luján, a lawyer who presides as president of Morena, has been mocked for declaring that the party is nepotism-free. Both of her parents were prominent in the government of López Obrador, and her sister is the attorney general for Mexico City.

    “It’s so false when politicians from Morena say there is no corruption,” said Miguel Angel García, 32, a salesman. “Yes, Sheinbaum is more honest. But she has a lot of work to do.”

    Special correspondent Cecilia Sánchez Vidal contributed to this report.

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    Patrick J. McDonnell, Kate Linthicum

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