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Tag: Lithuania

  • 3/17/2024: The Capital of Free Russia; Healing Justice

    3/17/2024: The Capital of Free Russia; Healing Justice

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    3/17/2024: The Capital of Free Russia; Healing Justice – CBS News


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    First, Putin’s courageous Russian critics speak out. Then, exonerees and survivors come together to heal.

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  • Russian critics of Putin fight for freedom, democracy — even after going into exile

    Russian critics of Putin fight for freedom, democracy — even after going into exile

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    Russian critics of Putin fight for freedom, democracy — even after going into exile – CBS News


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    Vladimir Putin has cracked down on dissent, but it hasn’t stopped critics from speaking out. Many of them now live in Vilnius, Lithuania, a place some might view as the capital of free Russia.

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  • Dissidents speak out from Lithuania after fleeing Putin’s Russia

    Dissidents speak out from Lithuania after fleeing Putin’s Russia

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    Today is election day in Russia but there’s no suspense. 71-year-old Vladimir Putin will be named the winner as he has been over the last 24 years. This time, as often, his challengers died; one, after an explosion on a plane and, Alexey Navalny, Putin’s leading rival, who died last month in an Arctic prison camp. Putin has killed nearly all internal opposition to his unprovoked war in Ukraine. And yet, many courageous Russians continue the struggle outside the country. We met some of them in a city you might think of as the capital of free Russia. 

    It’s 500 miles west of Moscow, the city of Vilnius, in Lithuania where there is no love lost for Russia. 

    Lithuania is a democracy of about 3 million people and a NATO ally. Vilnius, the capital, is clothed in the colors of Ukraine. The city changed the Russian embassy’s address to “Heroes of Ukraine Street.” And Putin is reminded the international court in the Hague is waiting with his arrest warrant. Since Putin’s 2022 invasion, Lithuania has welcomed more than 2,500 Russian exiles.

    Mantas Adomenas: It is our policy to provide shelter to all freedom fighters.

    Mantas Adomenas served as Lithuania’s deputy foreign minister from 2020 until last August. 

    Scott Pelley: I haven’t seen so many Ukrainian flags since I was in Kyiv. Why do your people feel so strongly about this?

    Mantas Adomenas: Our freedom, our independence, our sort of security is being defended in the battlefields in Ukraine. Ukrainians are dying so that we can be safe.

    Scott Pelley: There are many more Russian dissidents who would like to come to Lithuania. Can you accept any more?

    Mantas Adomenas: Yes, I think we can accept. Of course—  we will accommodate as many as needed and to provide them with possibility to work for the freedom and democracy in Russia.

    Mantas Adomenas
    Mantas Adomenas served as Lithuania’s deputy foreign minister from 2020 until last August. 

    60 Minutes


    One of the Russian exiles, in Lithuania, working for freedom and democracy is a crusading mom. Two years ago, Anastasia Shevchenko fled Putin’s regime. 

    Anastasia Shevchenko: This is a terrorist regime. They are threatening other countries with oil, gas, nuclear weapon, and grain. They are threatening us with our children, with our parents, with our lives, and so on.

    More than anything, it was her daughter, Alina, severely disabled at birth, that made Shevchenko an activist against Putin. Back then, the family was in southern Russia and Alina was in a Russian government nursing home.

    Scott Pelley: Alina could not speak, could not communicate?

    Anastasia Shevchenko: No. She was like a one-week child, like a baby. She was 17, but even, you know, to feed her, it was a whole science, because she needed blended food. You need to hold her in a special position.

    Shevchenko cared for Alina much of the time because the Russian nursing facility was short on staff and supplies. 

    Anastasia Shevchenko: I was struggling to get medication for my daughter, begging in the pharmacy that she needed it. It was very important for her health. They said, “No, we just don’t have it, because the ministry forgot to order it this month and you need to wait.” I decided, I’m not going to keep silence. I’m going to stand out and to speak out.

    She spoke out through a Russian democracy group called Open Russia. It was tolerated 10 years ago and Shevchenko organized protests in her hometown. But in 2019, the Kremlin cracked down. Shevchenko was arrested and her lawyer warned her she would be shocked by what the police had already done.

    Anastasia Shevchenko: He showed me the screenshots of me– in my bed. And I realized that they had installed the video camera into the air conditioning unit above my bed. and they have been watching me for six months in my bedroom.

    A Russian court ordered Shevchenko into house arrest. She couldn’t visit or care for Alina. It wasn’t long before her daughter developed pneumonia. By the time a judge granted Shevchenko a pass to the hospital, Alina was unconscious. 

    Anastasia Shevchenko: I spent– maybe ten minutes, holding her hand, because that’s what I do when my children are ill. When you hold their hand, they feel better. But this time, she was cold. She didn’t feel me. And she died in an hour. 

    Anastasia Shevchenko
    Anastasia Shevchenko

    60 Minutes


    In 2021, Shevchenko was given a four-year suspended sentence. But when Putin invaded Ukraine, the next year, she decided to flee Russia. From her southern city, she took her two surviving children on an 1,100 mile drive. A U.S.-based democracy group arranged Lithuanian visas. 

    Scott Pelley: What does this tell us about Russia today?

    Anastasia Shevchenko: It’s enough to write something on social media. Just one sentence, and you can be imprisoned for years. They are listening to your phone calls. They’re watching you in your bedroom. They are controlling you. 

    Breaking that control is why Sergei Davidis also left Russia for Lithuania in 2022. 

    Scott Pelley: You would be in a Russian prison just for doing this interview.

    Sergei Davidis: Oh, for sure, for sure

    In Moscow, Davidis helped lead one of Russia’s largest human rights groups called Memorial. It won the Nobel Peace Prize two years ago but now it’s banned. He told us…

    Sergei Davidis (translation): Almost every day there are more and more arrests. We hear news about new political arrests. And apart from the legal side of it, more often than before, there’s violence and torture.

    Davidis heads Memorial’s project to support political prisoners. He told us he has confirmed 680 in prison today but he believes the actual number is multiples of that. Since 2022, Russians can be sentenced to 15 years just for criticizing the war– on the street or in the media.

    Sergei Davidis (translation): One of the consequences of the war was a complete wipe out of independent mass media, a prohibition of any opinion that’s not under control of the government.

    Sergei Davidis
    Sergei Davidis

    60 Minutes


    Independent newsrooms in Russia have been forced to close. Government-controlled newscasts report only the absurd lie that the war is self-defense against Nazis. This host says, “we are on the side of good against the forces of absolute evil, embodied by the Ukrainian Nazi battalions.”  

    Tatyana Felgenhauer: People are scared. So they feel lonely. They feel terribly lonely.

    Tatyana Felgenhauer and Aleksandr Plyuschev were talk radio hosts on a prominent Moscow station. They were allowed to speak their minds until the day Putin launched his war.

    Aleksandr Plyuschev: It was my morning show. I said, “It’s half past 6:00. Good morning. War began.”

    “War began” and within two weeks, their station was forced to close. 

    Now, Plyuschev and Felgenhauer are in Vilnius, streaming, daily, into Russia on YouTube. Putin silenced Facebook, “X” and Instagram but YouTube may be too popular for the Kremlin to block, so far. 

    Tatyana Felgenhauer: This is the only chance to talk about the war honestly because the propaganda tries to create this feeling that you are completely alone if you are against the war. 

    Scott Pelley: Why does this mean so much to you?

    Tatyana Felgenhauer: Really, I would hate myself if I am silent or pretending that everything is OK.

    Aleksandr Plyuschev and Tatyana Felgenhauer
    Aleksandr Plyuschev and Tatyana Felgenhauer

    60 Minutes


    If Russian radio and TV stations are allowed only Kremlin talking points… 

    …we saw a Lithuanian station telling the truth, not on a channel, but on platform number 5—to a captive Russian audience.

    Because part of Russia, Kaliningrad, on the left, is separate, like Alaska from the lower 48, the Moscow-Kaliningrad train must travel through Lithuania.  

    The cars are sealed for the transit but at a stop in Vilnius, Russian passengers were confronted by posters of atrocities. Each read, “Putin is killing civilians in Ukraine. Do you agree with this?” The gallery testified as the train waited half an hour. There’s no way to know how much truth climbed aboard. And no one is allowed off the train, in part, because Lithuania worries about Russian agents. 

    Scott Pelley: Putin is infamous for attempting to attack his enemies in foreign countries. And I wonder if the Russian dissidents are safe here in Lithuania.

    Mantas Adomenas: Of course, it is a major concern for us. And we spend considerable– effort in– in making sure that– dissidents are safe here and– safer than they would be, in fact, in– in many other countries. 

    Scott Pelley: Have there been attempts?

    Mantas Adomenas: Well, I’m afraid I can’t release that information in more detail. But– let’s put it this way– that– that Russia is constantly probing and constantly trying.

    And this past week, Russia may have gotten through. Leonid Volkov was attacked with a hammer outside Vilnius. Volkov, on the right, was a top aide to Putin’s late rival Alexey Navalny. Volkov’s arm was broken. The attacker fled.  

    Vladimir Putin’s re-election this week will bring him to his fifth term, which will cover the next six years. He enjoys support from nationalists who want to believe that today’s Russia is an exceptional nation. But Putin also has weaknesses. It’s estimated he’s lost 300,000 troops killed and wounded and Russia has a population less than half that of the United States and an economy about the size of Italy’s.

    Anastasia Shevchenko: My hope is– a country where a government takes care about citizens.

    Anastasia Shevchenko is free in Vilnius but she’s wanted in Russia for breaking her probation. These days she’s streaming her own YouTube show and sends medicine, food and letters to political prisoners. She’s become another voice to the isolated and the lonely and those, like her daughter, who will never escape the new iron curtain. 

    Anastasia Shevchenko: She was alone, no one next to her. I really feel very guilty about it. But I wouldn’t change anything in my life, I think.

    Scott Pelley: Why not?

    Anastasia Shevchenko: You know, the society in Russia is based on fakes. We have fake democracy, by constitution it is a democracy, fake news, fake elections And I want to be the opposite. I want to be open. I want Russia to be open. 

    Produced by Henry Schuster. Associate producer, Sarah Turcotte. Broadcast associate, Michelle Karim. Edited by Michael Mongulla.

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  • Putin’s buddy Orbán pushes EU to the brink over Ukraine

    Putin’s buddy Orbán pushes EU to the brink over Ukraine

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    Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán regularly pushes the EU to the cliff edge, but diplomats are panicking that his hostility to Ukraine is now about to finally kick the bloc over the precipice.

    A brewing political crisis is set to boil over at a summit in mid-December when EU leaders are due to make a historic decision on bringing Ukraine into the 27-nation club and seal a key budget deal to throw a €50 billion lifeline to Kyiv’s flailing war economy. The meeting is supposed to signal to the U.S. that, despite the political distraction over the war in the Middle East, the EU is fully committed to Ukraine. 

    Those hopes look likely to be knocked off course by Orbán, a strongman who cultivates close ties with Russian dictator Vladimir Putin and who is widely seen as having undermined democracy and rule of law at home. He is demanding the whole political and financial process should be put on ice until leaders agree to a wholesale review of EU support for Kyiv.

    That gives EU leaders a massive headache. Although Hungary only represents 2 percent of the EU population, Orbán can hold the bloc hostage as it is supposed to act unanimously on big strategic decisions — and they hardly come bigger than initiating accession talks with Ukraine.

    It’s far from the first time Orbán is throwing a spanner in the works of the EU’s sausage making machine. Indeed, he has been the most vocal opponent of sanctions against Russia ever since Putin’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. But this time is different, EU diplomats and officials said. 

    “We are heading toward a major crisis,” one EU official said, who was granted anonymity to discuss confidential deliberations. One senior EU diplomat warned this could become “one of the most difficult European Councils.”  

    Orbán is playing the long game, said Péter Krekó, director of the Budapest-based Political Capital Institute. “Orbán has been waiting for Europe to realize that it’s not possible to win the war in Ukraine and that Kyiv has to make concessions. (…) Now, he feels his time is coming because Ukraine fatigue is going up in public opinion in many EU countries.”

    In theory, there is a nuclear option on the table — one that would cut Hungary out of EU political decisions — but countries feel that emergency cord is toxic because of the precedent it would deliver on EU disunity and fragmentation. For now, the European leaders seem to be taking to their usual approach of fawning courtship of the EU’s bad boy to try to coax out a compromise.

    European Council President Charles Michel, whose job it is to forge deals between the 27 leaders, is leading the softly-softly pursuit of a compromise. He travelled to Budapest earlier this week for an intense two hour discussion with Orbán. While the meeting did not reach an immediate break-through, it was useful to understand Orbán’s concerns, another EU official said.

    It’s all about the money

    Some EU diplomats interpret Orbán’s threats as a strategy to raise pressure on the European Commission, which is holding back €13 billion in EU funds for Hungary over concerns that the country is falling foul of the EU’s standards on rule of law. 

    Others however said it’s a mistake not to look beyond the immediate transactional tactics. Orbán has long been questioning the EU’s Ukraine strategy, but was largely ignored or portrayed as a puppet for Russian President Vladimir Putin. 

    “We were watching it, amazed, but maybe we didn’t take enough time to actually listen,” a second senior EU diplomat acknowledged.

    Some EU diplomats interpret Orbán’s threats as a strategy to raise pressure on the European Commission | Peter Kohalmi/AFP via Getty Images

    Increasingly, the leader of the Fidesz party has been isolated in Brussels. Previous peacemakers such as former German Chancellor Angela Merkel or other Orbán-whisperers from the so-called Visegrád Four — Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic — are no longer there. The expected comeback of Donald Tusk for Poland, a pro-EU and anti-Russian leader, will only heighten Orbán’s status as the lonely, defiant hold-out.

    “There is no one left to talk sense into Orbán,” a third EU official said. “He is now undermining the EU from within.”

    Guns on the table

    As frustration grows, the EU is weighing how to deal with the Hungarian threats.

    In theory, Brussels could come out with the big guns and use the EU’s so-called Article 7 procedure against Hungary, used when a country is considered at risk of breaching the bloc’s core values. The procedure is sometimes called the EU’s “nuclear option” as it provides for the most serious political sanction the bloc can impose on a member country — the suspension of the right to vote on EU decisions.

    Because of those far-reaching consequences, there is reticence to roll out this option against Hungary. When EU leaders brought in “diplomatic sanctions” against Austria in 2000, the day after the party of Austrian far-right leader Jörg Haider entered the coalition, it backfired. Many Austrians were angry at EU interference and anti-EU sentiment soared. Sanctions were lifted later that year. 

    There is now a widespread feeling in Brussels that Article 7 could create a similar backlash in Budapest, fueling populism and in the longer term potentially even trigger a snowball effect leading to an unintended Hungarian exit of the bloc.

    Given those fears, diplomats are doubling down on ways to work around a Hungarian veto.

    One option is to split the €50 billion from 2024 to 2027 for Ukraine into smaller amounts on an annual basis, three officials said. But critics warn this option would fall short in the goal of offering greater predictability and certainty to Ukraine’s struggling public finances. It would also send a bad political signal: if the EU can’t make a long term commitment to Ukraine, then how can it ask the U.S. to do the same? 

    The same dilemma goes for the EU’s planned military aid. EU countries could use bilateral deals rather than EU structures such as the European Peace Facility to send military aid to Ukraine — effectively freezing out Budapest. Yet this would mean that the EU as such plays no role in providing weapons, an admission of impotence that is hard to swallow and hurts EU unity toward Kyiv.

    It’s “obvious” that concern is growing about EU political support for Ukraine, Lithuania’s Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis told POLITICO. “At first it’s Hungary, now, more countries are doubtful whether there’s a path.” 

    Asked about Hungary’s objections, Ruslan Stefanchuk, the chairman of Ukraine’s parliament, told POLITICO: “Ukraine is going to the European Union and Ukraine has followed all the recommendations (…) I want to make sure that all member states respect the progress that Ukraine has demonstrated.” 

    The long game 

    That leaves one other default option, and it’s an EU classic: kicking the can down the road and pushing key decisions on Ukraine policy to early next year. Apart from Hungary, Berlin is also struggling with the consequences of Germany’s top court wiping out €60 billion from a climate fund — thus creating a huge hole in its budget. 

    Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán, center, during a summit in Brussels | Nicolas Maeterlinck/Belga via AFP/Getty Images

    Such a delay would also lead to stories about fractured EU unity, said another EU diplomat. But “in the real world it wouldn’t be a problem because the Ukraine budget is fine until March 2024.”

    But for others, buying time is tricky. Europe is heading to the polls in June next year, which makes sensitive decision-making harder. “Getting closer to the elections will not make things easier,” the second EU official said, while stressing that fast decisions are key for Ukraine. “For Zelenskyy, this is existential to keep up morale on the battlefield.”

    Both, like another official quoted in this story, were granted anonymity to speak freely.

    Increasingly, Brussels is also worried about Orbán’s long game. 

    There is a constant stream of attacks coming from Budapest against Brussels, on issues ranging from democratic deficit to culture wars over the EU’s migration policy. The latest example is an aggressive euroskeptic advertising campaign featuring posters targeting European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen herself. The posters show von der Leyen next to Alexander Soros, the son of George Soros, chair of the Open Society Foundations, with the line: “Let’s not dance to the tune they whistle!”

    “Nobody feels comfortable given what’s going on in Hungary,” Budget Commissioner Johannes Hahn told reporters on Thursday. “It’s very difficult to digest given the campaign that he’s leading against the EU and against the president. When he’s asking his people many things, he’s not asking if the Union is so much worse than USSR why is he not leaving?”

    But Orbán seems more eager to hijack the EU from within rather than jump ship, as the U.K. did. Increasingly, he also feels the wind is blowing his way after the recent election results in Slovakia and the Netherlands, said Krekó, where the winners are on the same page as him when it comes to Ukraine, migration or gender issues.

    Hungary’s prime minister was quick to congratulate the winner of the Dutch election, the vehemently anti-EU Geert Wilders, saying that “the winds of change are here.” 

    “Orbán plays the long game,” the third EU official said. “With Wilders, one or two more far-right leaders in Europe and a potential return of Trump he could soon be less isolated than we all think.”

    Gregorio Sorgi, Nicolas Camut, Stuart Lau and Jakob Hanke Vela contributed reporting.

    CORRECTION: This story has been amended to correct a quote on Ukraine’s budget.

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    Barbara Moens, Nicholas Vinocur and Jacopo Barigazzi

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  • NATO strengthening “most exposed” flank in face of Russian aggression

    NATO strengthening “most exposed” flank in face of Russian aggression

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    As the world’s eyes turn from Ukraine to Israel and Gaza, NATO countries on the alliance’s eastern edge are staring down Russia and strengthening their presence on the bloc’s “most exposed” flank.

    Lithuania, Poland, and other NATO nations close to Russia and Belarus are bolstering defense and their “deterrence posture on the Eastern flank,” including protection for the contentious Suwałki Gap, Vilnius’ defense minister, Arvydas Anušauskas, told Newsweek.

    A small strip of land close to the Polish-Lithuanian border that links Belarus to the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad, the Suwałki Gap is a constant, rumbling concern in eastern Europe. With Poland and Lithuania staunch allies of Ukraine—and Belarus firmly standing with Russia—the Suwałki Gap has been intermittently described as NATO’s weak point and the alliance’s most fortified boundary.

    “Together with our allies, we are creating [the] right set of capabilities and plans to defend every inch of NATO’s territory,” Anušauskas said. Lithuania is investing in its armed forces and its supplies and NATO’s presence close to the Gap, he added, although the strategically important strip of land will “remain a fundamental challenge.”

    Polish (R) and Romanian (L) soldiers near Szypliszki village, located in the so-called Suwałki Gap on July 7, 2022. Lithuania, Poland, and other NATO nations close to Russia and Belarus are bolstering defense and “deterrence posture on the Eastern flank,” including protection for the contentious Suwałki Gap, Vilnius’ defense minister, Arvydas Anušauskas, told Newsweek.
    WOJTEK RADWANSKI/AFP via Getty Images

    “In geographical terms, the Baltic States remain as the most exposed [of] NATO’s territory, which requires specific measures to ensure credible deterrence and defense,” Anušauskas explained.

    Russia used Belarus as a springboard to launch its invasion of Ukraine 20 months ago, and reignited fears over the Suwałki Gap earlier this year when exiled Wagner mercenaries moved en masse to Belarusian bases close to it.

    In the midst of the heightened tensions around Belarus, Poland and Lithuania, a Russian lawmaker told Moscow-controlled state television that Wagner forces could be in Belarus to seize the Suwałki Gap. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko also commented in mid-July that Wagner mercenaries arriving and training in Belarus after leaving Russia were itching to move “westward” towards the country’s border with Poland.

    Poland quickly moved to swell its military presence close to the Gap, and Warsaw’s defense minister, Mariusz Błaszczak, declared: “We care about the security of the eastern flank!” Lithuania’s defense ministry also told Newsweek in late July it was “actively monitoring” Russian mercenary activity around the Suwałki Gap.

    The main concern for the Baltic nations is that Russia could mount some form of military incursion into NATO via the Gap from Belarus, burrowing into Europe via the strip of land on the way to Kaliningrad.

    “It facilitates the possible land routes for NATO troops in between Central Europe and the Baltic States,” Anušauskas said. With Belarus “basically integrated into Russia’s military planning,” as Anušauskas put it, it is not hard to see how Moscow could move a large number of its troops through it into NATO heartlands, while having the ability to resupply them via the port at Kaliningrad.

    Any incursion of this type on a NATO country would likely spark a collective, emphatic response under the alliance’s Article 5, which regards an attack on a member as an attack on all other member states.

    But despite the worries of the NATO governments close to the Gap, the Kremlin is not inclined to do so, not least because of NATO’s attention on the territory, Western experts say.

    It is “baffling” to consider the Gap a significant possible flashpoint now, and it is very hard to see how Russia could, or would want to, mount such an attack on NATO, Keir Giles, a senior consulting fellow of the Russia and Eurasia Programme at the Chatham House think tank, told Newsweek.

    For the moment, Russia has neither the intent nor the capability to mount such an assault on NATO, agreed Emily Ferris, a research fellow specializing in Russia at the London-based Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) think tank. It is “quite unrealistic” to imagine Russia could launch a ground operation in the Gap as it fights its war in Ukraine, she told Newsweek.

    “Russian troops are so embroiled in eastern Ukraine at the moment, but very hard to see where there would be even breathing room for them to consider a land assault on another country,” she said. It would “be a declaration of war in Europe” that Moscow shows all the signs of wanting to avoid, she continued. And while Kaliningrad, and the Baltic Russian bases there, may be “inherently vulnerable,” this is balanced out by Russia’s significant military presence and missile systems based there, she added.

    “The idea of attacking a NATO state, I think, is a red line—even for Moscow,” Ferris said.

    The Wagner troops that loomed on the alliance’s eastern flank have retreated as a threat in recent weeks; reports have suggested their Belarusian bases have been dismantled, and many fighters have returned to Ukraine.

    But the geography hasn’t changed, and the NATO countries do not forget the “range of provocations from Kaliningrad Oblast and Belarusian sides” described by Anušauskas. The Wagner formations may have faded, but Lithuania remembers “orchestrated migration waves” and “increased tactical nuclear threatening” over the last two years, he said.