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Tag: Legal Ethics

  • Ban on AI-Generated “Biased, Offensive, or Harmful Content” in Law Practice Passes California Senate, 39-0

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    The proposal would add a new Business and Professions Code section that would say, in relevant part (emphasis added):

    It is the duty of an attorney using generative artificial intelligence to practice law to ensure … [that r]easonable steps are taken to do … [r]emove any biased, offensive, or harmful content in any generative artificial intelligence material used, including any material prepared on their behalf by others.

    But legitimate advocacy, whether in court or “provided to the public,” may well include content that some view as “biased, offensive, or harmful” (e.g., emotionally distressing, advocating for bad ideas or bad people, etc.). An attorney may well reasonably think that it’s in his client’s interest to engage in such advocacy.

    As I understand it, there are no legal ethics rules forbidding such advocacy—indeed, they may mandate it, if that’s what it takes to serve the client’s interest. Indeed, even the proposed Rule 8.4(g), which would have forbidden certain “derogatory or demeaning” speech “based upon race, sex, religion, …,” and which some courts have rejected on First Amendment grounds, at least expressly excluded “advice or advocacy consistent with [the] Rules [or Professional Conduct.” This proposed statute doesn’t have such an exclusion (though even if it did have such an exclusion, I think it would still be improper).

    I’m not sure how the law can then forbid the lawyer from using AI to express those views. Indeed, I think such a requirement would be an unconstitutional viewpoint-based speech restriction, especially since “practic[ing] law” often involves not just creating court filings but also creating public statements on a client’s behalf. And even when it comes to court filings, where various restrictions (perhaps including some viewpoint-based ones) may be permissible, it strikes me that this restriction would be highly unwise.

    Likewise, under the bill a lawyer would have the duty to ensure that

    The use of generative artificial intelligence does not unlawfully discriminate against or disparately impact individuals or communities based on age, ancestry, color, ethnicity, gender, gender expression, gender identity, genetic information, marital status, medical condition, military or veteran status, national origin, physical or mental disability, political affiliation, race, religion, sex, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, and any other classification protected by federal or state law.

    But what does it mean for generative AI in an attorney’s work product to “unlawfully discriminate against or disparately impact individuals or communities” based on those criteria? For instance, say that the attorney uses AI to generate an argument that sharply condemns people who have a particular affiliation—is that forbidden, because it “disparately impact[s]” that “communit[y]”? Or is that OK because it’s not an “unlawful[]” disparate impact? If so, what exactly would be an unlawful disparate impact of the use of generative AI (as opposed to, say, a hiring decision by the lawyer’s client).

    Similar rules have already been implemented as part of California State Judicial Administration Standard 10.80, but that has to do with rules for judicial officers “within their adjudicative role.” Such restrictions placed on the state’s own judges are a quite different matter than ones that bind all lawyers “practic[ing] law.”

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    Eugene Volokh

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  • Methuen city, school officials debate legal services

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    METHUEN — School officials defended the separation of school and city legal services Monday night in opposition to efforts by some to consolidate resources.

    The City Council has been discussing a tabled measure that would affirm City Solicitor Paul O’Neill is in charge of all legal services for Methuen, including its schools.


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    By Teddy Tauscher | ttauscher@eagletribune.com

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  • As an author of one of these briefs, I am free to admit the lie.

    As an author of one of these briefs, I am free to admit the lie.

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    Last week the Harvard Law Review published its annual Supreme Court issue, which contains a Foreword by a leading constitutional law scholar on some of the major themes of the term, or the era generally. This year the Foreword was The Constitution of Anti-Colonialism, by Maggie Blackhawk, one of the most prominent scholars of Federal Indian Law in the academy. The piece contains a lot of important themes and interesting discussions, including the Supreme Court’s decision last term in Brackeen v. Haaland, which concerned the constitutionality of the Indian Child Welfare Act.

    While this is far from the most important thing in the Foreword, I was particularly struck by a passage Professor Blackhawk wrote about the briefing in Brackeen:

    Rather than identifying the preservation of colonized communities as a constitutional value, the well-established constitutional discourse around “equal justice,” crafted in the aftermath of human enslavement and Jim Crow segregation,67 drove the legal arguments of advocates and, in turn, framed the issues before the Court.68 Advocates defending the constitutional status of ICWA assumed a defensive crouch, arguing against constitutional relevance.69 They argued instead that Native children were uniquely not part of racialized communities,70 that removal was not rooted in racism,71 and that federal “plenary” power was, on average, beneficial to Native nations.72 As an author of one of these briefs,73 I am free to admit the lie. As I have written elsewhere, “racial hierarchies formed whatever heart imperialism has”74 and “national power was no panacea for the subordination of Native peoples.”75 But, again, what other option are we left with when the United States does not seem able to even admit its status as empire,76 much less reckon with it as a problem of constitutional order?

    67: Transcript of Oral Argument, supra note 47, at 95 (discussing the principle of “equal justice” in Palmore v. Sidoti).

    68: For example, Matthew D. McGill, counsel for Chad Everet Brackeen and others, argued that ICWA “flouts the promise of equal justice under the law.” Id. at 5.

    69: See, e.g., Brief of Amici Curiae American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians in Support of Federal and Tribal Parties at 7-11, Haaland v. Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. 1609 (2023) (Nos. 21-376, 21-377, 21-378 & 21-380) [hereinafter Brief of Amici Curiae AHA and Organization of American Historians] (arguing that the federal government has long regulated Native families and children without constitutional issue).

    70: Federal Appellants’ En Banc Brief at 1, Brackeen v. Bernhardt, 937 F.3d 406 (5th Cir. 2019) (No. 18-11479) (“ICWA’s protections are triggered not by any individual’s race but rather by the political fact of membership in a federally recognized tribe.”); see also id. at 27-32 (arguing that the challenged provisions of ICWA draw upon political, not racial, classifications); Petition for a Writ of Certiorari at 12, 26, Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. 1609 (No. 21-376) (urging the Supreme Court to hold that “ICWA’s Indian-based classifications are political, not racial, classifications”).

    71: See Brief of Amici Curiae AHA and Organization of American Historians, supra note 69, at 23-25 (describing the “fiscal concerns” underlying Native child removal in the mid-twentieth century, as opposed to the influence of “a long-standing federal policy of assimilation and racism,” id. at 23).

    72: See Transcript of Oral Argument, supra note 47, at 167 (“From the beginning, the … plenary power doctrine was used to protect Indians from non-Indians.”).

    73: See Brief of Amici Curiae AHA and Organization of American Historians, supra note 69, at 1-2.

    74: Blackhawk, supra note 27, at 1861.

    75: Id. at 1797-98.Id. at 1794 n.14 (citing Lisa Kahaleole Hall, Strategies of Erasure: U.S. Colonialism and Native Hawaiian Feminism, 60 AM. Q. 273, 275 (2008) (“The myth of a (mostly) empty North American continent waiting for (European) settlement and ‘development’ is foundational to the origin story of the United States as a ‘nation of immigrants’ developing an untamed wilderness. This continental origin story requires the denial of more than five hundred years of contrary facts beginning with the existence of millions of indigenous people inhabiting North America at the time of European contact and continuing through to the present with the struggles of more than 562 currently federally recognized tribal entities fighting to maintain their limited sovereignty and promised treaty rights in the context of complete public ignorance and complaints about their ‘special rights.”‘); Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native, 8 J. GENOCIDE RSCH. 387, 388 (2006) (“The logic of elimination … is an organizing principle of settler-colonial society rather than a one-off (and superseded) occurrence. The positive outcomes of the logic of elimination can include officially encouraged miscegenation, the breaking-down of native title into alienable individual freeholds, native citizenship, child abduction, religious conversion, resocialization in total institutions such as missions or boarding schools, and a whole range of cognate bicultural assimilations …. Settler colonialism destroys to replace.” (footnotes omitted))) (surveying the literature on the erasure of colonialism).

    What I find especially thought-provoking about the bolded passage above (“As an author of one of these briefs, I am free to admit the lie“) is the tension it appears to raise between a law professor’s role in authoring scholarship and his or her role in authoring amicus briefs. It appears to suggest that as amicus, a professor might make arguments that are likely to appeal to the court even if they are arguments that one would not make—and indeed would disavow—in one’s scholarship. By contrast, others (most famously Professor Richard Fallon) have argued that scholarly amicus briefs should comply with the norms of scholarly integrity that apply to scholarship.

    I would be curious to know what reactions others have to this tension.

    [I would add that Professor Blackhawk’s name does not actually appear on the scholarly amicus brief she references (except as a cited source), which was filed on behalf of the American Historical Association and the Organization of American Historians. But Professor Blackhawk describes herself as “[a]n author” of the brief in this passage, and has taken credit for it on her CV and elsewhere, so I take it that this incident does still raise the general question about the roles of scholarship and amicus brief.]

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    Will Baude

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