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  • L.A. Taco journalist sues LAPD in latest allegation of police mistreatment of media

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    A journalist for the website L.A. Taco filed a federal civil rights lawsuit against the Los Angeles Police Department on Thursday, alleging officers have repeatedly interfered with his constitutional right to document sweeps of homeless encampments throughout the city.

    Lexis-Olivier Ray said officers and city sanitation employees have wrongfully threatened him with arrest — and in one instance actually placed him in handcuffs — as he tried to report on encampment sweeps in Skid Row and West L.A. between August and November of last year, according to the complaint.

    “I tried to resolve the issue outside of a courtroom. But instead of trying to come to an understanding, LAPD officers responded by arresting me and holding me in the back of a patrol car in handcuffs for nearly an hour, before releasing me without any charges,” Ray said in a statement. “At a time when the First Amendment is being threatened by people in power, and journalists are under attack, it’s more important than ever to reaffirm our rights to film police and government officials in public spaces without threats of arrest.”

    In some of the incidents, Ray had crossed yellow crime scene tape. But his attorney, Peter Bibring, argued the tape was put up by sanitation workers rather than police and none of the incidents were active crime scenes.

    City workers claimed Ray was interfering with their operations and in a “work zone,” but the suit contends other members of the public were able to walk through the area and he created no disruption.

    “LAPD consistently fails to get the basic point that the First Amendment forbids them from closing areas to the press unless its required for a specific and overriding concern,” Bibring said.

    Jennifer Forkish, the LAPD’s communications director, said that while she could not comment on pending litigation, the department “fully recognizes the rights of the press to cover public spaces and police activity.”

    “Our officers are trained to respect those rights while maintaining public safety,” she said.

    The city attorney’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    The lawsuit comes at a time when LAPD’s treatment of the press has come under increasing scrutiny in courtrooms.

    Last week, a judge barred police and federal law enforcement from using less-lethal weapons on journalists after a spate of incidents in which reporters were hurt during summer protests against the Trump administration’s immigration raids. The city also recently settled two lawsuits filed by journalists who claimed they were injured or wrongfully arrested during protests.

    Ray’s lawsuit claims city workers singled him out.

    During one September incident, an officer approached Ray and told him “I know exactly who you are” before demanding he leave the area, according to the complaint. In another, he was observing a clean up behind the yellow tape when a sanitation worker purposefully obstructed his view and ordered him to move back while on a public sidewalk, the suit alleges.

    Last October, an LAPD officer handcuffed Ray on suspicion of interfering with a clean-up. Video from the scene that the reporter posted to X shows the clean-up work continuing uninterrupted even as an officer tells Ray they are going to “put him in cuffs.” Ray was never formally arrested or charged with a crime.

    This is not the first time the department has faced accusations of retaliation against Ray. In 2020, he was arrested for failure to disperse while covering chaotic celebrations that followed the Dodgers World Series victory. A 2021 Times investigation showed that Ray was the only person, among the hundreds in the streets that night, that the LAPD later sought to have charged with a crime.

    Ultimately, Ray was not charged in that incident.

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    James Queally

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  • El Monte Gas Station Shooting Leaves One Dead, Another Injured

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    The California Department of Justice is currently investigating the matter.

    Credit: Getty

    Late Thursday evening, a 26-year-old man was shot and killed by El Monte police after officers responded to a domestic violence call at a Route 66 gas station near Garvey and Durfee avenues. According to FoxLA, the shooting occurred around 10:30 pm. The man has yet to be identified.

    Details around the matter confirmed that the man was declared dead on the scene, despite the life-saving efforts by the fire department. A woman was also taken away in an ambulance with non-threatening injuries and is currently in stable condition. One officer was taken in for non-threatening injuries as well and has now been released.

    A dark-colored sedan was seen on NBC4’s chopper, boxed in by police cars at the scene, with the passenger side door ripped off.

     Residents nearby shared that they were shaken by a sudden burst of gunshots late at night. “I heard like six or seven gunshot… and yeah, we looked on the news and saw it this close, so we had to come running over here,” said one resident, according to ABC7

    Witnesses also reported that the suspect’s vehicle may have possibly rammed into a patrol unit before gunshots were unleashed. Certain details remain unknown regarding what exactly led up to the gunfire and the details surrounding the original call. 

    The shooting sparked a long investigation, closing Garvey Avenue from Durfee to Valley. 

    The California Department of Justice is leading the investigation, and no further information is currently available.

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    Anthony Gutierrez

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  • SWAT officers descend on North Hollywood neighborhood overnight

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    SWAT officers descended on a North Hollywood neighborhood early Friday morning to carry out a search warrant at a home.

    Details about the investigation that led to the operation at about 1:30 a.m. on Kling Street near Riverside Drive were not immediately available. NBCLA has reached out the LAPD for details.

    Officers appeared to be focused on one house in the neighborhood. An officer could be heard telling someone to come out with their hands up.

    At least one person was detained, but details about how the person was connected to the investigation were not immediately available.

    SWAT members, a K9 team and other officers left the area before dawn.

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    Brittany Hope and Jonathan Lloyd

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  • Grim Discoveries: LAPD Finds Two Bodies in Impounded Vehicles

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    The bodies of two women were recovered in as many days in vehicles that had been impounded, with one in a Tesla belonging to a musician on tour

    Credit: Photo by Roberto Finizio/NurPhoto via AP

    The body was found Monday in the front trunk of a Tesla belonging to TikTok star David Anthony Burke, a musical sensation known by fans as D4vd, was “severely decomposed,” a Los Angeles County Medical Examiner determined after an autopsy announced Wednesday. The victim, a young woman who died wearing black leggings and a tube top sometime before her body was recovered, died well before she was found on Monday.

    “The decedent was found severely decomposed inside a vehicle,” according to the ME’s report. “She appears to have been deceased inside the vehicle for an extended period of time before being found. We are unable to determine her age or race/ethnicity. The decedent was wearing a tube top and black leggings (size small). She has wavy black hair. Jewelry includes yellow metal stud earring and yellow metal chain bracelet.”

    The medical examiner said that the woman was 5 feet 2 and 71 pounds and that she had a tattoo on her right index finger that said “Shhh…”

    The LAPD said it was called to the Hollywood tow yard on North Mansfield Avenue because of a “foul odor coming from a vehicle.” The vehicle had been towed from the Hollywood Hills while D4vd continues to travel with his Withered World Tour. The platinum-selling artist played Tuesday night in Minneapolis.

    The Tesla bearing Texas license plates was towed after it was found abandoned five days prior at Bluebird Avenue and Doheny Drive in the Hollywood Hills area, according to the LAPD. The impounded Tesla had been at the tow yard for two days before the smell was reported, police said.

    A separate death investigation – not believed to be related – is underway in South Los Angeles after the charred remains of another woman were found inside of a car at a tow yard on the 1900 block of W. Gage Avenue a day later on Tuesday. Family members had filed a missing persons report, officials say, and pinged her Honda Civic’s location at the tow lot.

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    Michele McPhee

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  • LAPD ends protection of former Vice President Kamala Harris amid criticism over diverting cops, sources say

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    The Los Angeles Police Department on Saturday discontinued its protection for former Vice President Kamala Harris after heavy criticism within its own ranks that officers were being diverted from crime suppression, sources told The Times.

    LAPD Metropolitan Division officers had been assisting the California Highway Patrol in protecting Harris and were visible until Saturday morning outside her Brentwood home.

    Both California police agencies scrambled this week to protect Harris after President Trump, her rival in November’s election, revoked Harris’s Secret Service protection last week. Thursday. President Biden had extended that protection for Harris beyond the six months after leaving office that vice presidents traditionally get.

    Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass had directed the LAPD to provide the security team to assist the CHP in the short term. According to sources, those Metro officers had to be drawn away from crime suppression work in the San Fernando Valley this week.

    The department is “assisting the California Highway Patrol in providing protective services for former Vice President Kamala Harris until an alternate plan is established,” said Jennifer Forkish, L.A. police communications director, on Thursday. “This temporary coordinated effort is in place to ensure that there is no lapse in security.”

    The CHP has not indicated how the LAPD’s move would alter its arrangement with the former vice president nor said how long it will continue.

    A dozen or more LAPD officers began working a detail to protect Harris after Trump revoked her Secret Service protection as of Monday. Sources not authorized to discuss the details of the plan said the city would fund the security but that the arrangement was expected to be brief, with Harris hiring her own security in the near future.

    A security detail was seen outside Harris’ Brentwood home by a Fox 11 helicopter as the station broke the story of the use of L.A. police earlier this week.

    The Los Angeles Police Protective League, the union that represents rank-and-file LAPD officers, criticized the move.

    “Pulling police officers from protecting everyday Angelenos to protect a failed presidential candidate who also happens to be a multi-millionaire… and who can easily afford to pay for her own security, is nuts,” its board of directors said.

    The statement continued, “Mayor Karen Bass should tell Governor Newsom that if he wants to curry favor with Ms. Harris and her donor base, then he should open up his own wallet because LA taxpayers should not be footing the bill for this ridiculousness.”

    Newsom, who was required to sign off on CHP protection, has not confirmed the arrangement to The Times, but a spokesperson for Newsom added: “The safety of our public officials should never be subject to erratic, vindictive political impulse.”

    Bass, in a statement last week, commented on Trump scrapping the security detail for Harris, saying: “This is another act of revenge following a long list of political retaliation in the form of firings, the revoking of security clearances, and more. This puts the former Vice President in danger and I look forward to working with the governor to make sure Vice President Harris is safe in Los Angeles.”

    Deploying LAPD officers to protect Harris was a source of controversy within the department in years past.

    During L.A. Police Chief Charlie Beck’s tenure, when Harris was a U.S. senator, plainclothes officers served as security and traveled with her from January 2017 to July 2018. Beck said at the time through a spokesman that the protection was granted based on a threat assessment.

    Beck’s successor, Michel Moore, ended the protection in July 2018 after he said a new evaluation determined it was no longer needed. The decision came as The Times filed a lawsuit seeking records from then-Mayor Eric Garcetti detailing the costs of security related to his own extensive travel. Garcetti said he was unaware of the police protection until Moore ended it.

    Former vice presidents usually get Secret Service protection for six months after leaving office, while former presidents are given protection for life. But before his term ended, then-President Biden signed an order to extend Harris’ protection to July 2026. Aides to Harris had asked Biden for the extension. Without it, her security detail would have ended last month, according to sources.

    The curtailing of Secret Service protection comes as Harris is going to begin a book tour next month for her memoir, titled “107 Days.” The tour has 15 stops, which include visits to London and Toronto. The book title references the short length of her presidential campaign.

    Harris, the first Black woman to serve as vice president, was the subject of an elevated threat level — particularly when she became the Democratic presidential contender last year. The Associated Press reports, however, a recent threat intelligence assessment by the Secret Service conducted on those it protects, such as Harris, found no red flags or credible evidence of a threat to the former vice president.

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    Richard Winton

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  • LAPD is assisting CHP in protecting Kamala Harris after Trump pulls Secret Service

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    Los Angeles police Metropolitan Division officers, meant to be working crime-suppression assignments in hard-hit areas of the city, are instead providing security for former Vice President Kamala Harris, sources told The Times.

    The department is “assisting the California Highway Patrol in providing protective services for former Vice President Kamala Harris until an alternate plan is established,” said Jennifer Forkish, L.A. police communications director. “This temporary coordinated effort is in place to ensure that there is no lapse in security.”

    A dozen or more officers have begun working a detail to protect Harris after President Trump revoked her Secret Service protection as of Monday. Sources not authorized to discuss the details of the plan said the city would fund the security but that the arrangement was expected to be brief, with Harris hiring her own security in the near future.

    Trump ended an arrangement that had extended Harris’ security coverage beyond the six months that vice presidents are usually provided after leaving office. California officials then put into place a plan for the California Highway Patrol to provide dignitary protection for Harris. At some point, the LAPD was added to the plan, according to the sources, as California law enforcement scrambled to take over from the Secret Service on Monday.

    A security detail was captured outside Harris’ Brentwood home by a FOX 11 helicopter as the station broke the story of the use of L.A. police.

    The Los Angeles Police Protective League, the union that represents rank-and-file LAPD officers, criticized the move.

    “Pulling police officers from protecting everyday Angelenos to protect a failed presidential candidate who also happens to be a multi-millionaire, with multiple homes and who can easily afford to pay for her own security, is nuts,” its board of directors said in a statement to The Times. Mayor Karen Bass “should tell Governor Newsom that if he wants to curry favor with Ms. Harris and her donor base, then he should open up his own wallet because LA taxpayers should not be footing the bill for this ridiculousness.”

    Newsom, who would need to sign off on CHP protection, has not confirmed the arrangement to The Times. Izzy Gordon, a spokesperson for Newsom, simply said, “The safety of our public officials should never be subject to erratic, vindictive political impulses.”

    Newsom’s office and Bass’ office had discussions last week on how best to address the situation, according to sources not authorized to talk about the details.

    Bass, in a statement last week, commented on Trump scrapping the security detail for Harris, saying, “This is another act of revenge following a long list of political retaliation in the form of firings, the revoking of security clearances, and more. This puts the former Vice President in danger and I look forward to working with the governor to make sure Vice President Harris is safe in Los Angeles.”

    Her office did not respond to comment on the LAPD deployment on Thursday.

    Two law enforcement sources told The Times that the Metro officers had been slated to go to the San Fernando Valley for crime-suppression work before their assignment changed.

    Deploying LAPD officers to protect Harris was a source of controversy within the department in years past.

    During L.A. Police Chief Charlie Beck’s tenure, when Harris was a U.S. senator, plainclothes officers served as security and traveled with her from January 2017 to July 2018. It was an arrangement that then-Mayor Eric Garcetti said he was unaware of until Beck’s successor ended it. Beck said at the time through a spokesman that the protection was granted based on a threat assessment.

    Beck’s successor, Michel Moore, ended the protection in July 2018 after he said a new evaluation determined it was no longer needed. The decision came as The Times filed a lawsuit seeking records from Garcetti detailing the costs of security related to his own extensive travel.

    Trump signed a memorandum on Thursday ending Harris’ protection as of Monday, according to sources not authorized to discuss the security matter.

    Former vice presidents usually get Secret Service protection for six months after leaving office, while former presidents are given protection for life. But before his term ended, then-President Biden signed an order to extend Harris’ protection beyond six months, to July 2026. Aides to Harris had asked Biden for the extension. Without it, her security detail would have ended last month, according to sources.

    The Secret Service, the CHP and Los Angeles police do not discuss details of dignitary protection in terms of deployment, numbers, or travel teams. CNN first reported the removal of Harris’ protection detail.

    The curtailing of Secret Service protection comes as Harris is about to begin a book tour for her memoir, titled “107 Days.” The tour has 15 stops, which include visits to London and Toronto. The book title references the short length of her presidential campaign. The tour begins next month.

    Harris, the first Black woman to serve as vice president, was the subject of an elevated threat level — particularly when she became the Democratic presidential contender last year. The Associated Press reports, however, a recent threat intelligence assessment by the Secret Service conducted on those it protects, such as Harris, found no red flags or credible evidence of a threat to the former vice president.

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    Richard Winton

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  • LAPD, CHP Protect Harris After Secret Service Ends Detail

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    The Los Angeles Police Department and the California Highway Patrol provide security to Harris in Los Angeles after her Secret Service security detail was rescinded on the 1st

    As a homeowner in Brentwood, Los Angeles, Kamala Harris is being provided with security detail through local law enforcement.
    Credit: (Photo by Getty Images)

    The Los Angeles Police Department and the California Highway Patrol have provided former Vice President Kamala Harris with a security detail, according to the LAPD’s Metropolitan Division. As many as 14 LAPD officers have been pulled from active cases to provide security for Harris.

    On September 1st, Trump’s directive to end Secret Service protection for Harris went into effect. Throughout his second term so far, Trump has ended Secret Service protections for other former government officials and their children, including John Bolton, Hunter Biden, and Ashley Biden. 

    In 2008, a law was passed that provided vice presidents, their spouses, and their children who are under the age of 16 with Secret Service protection for 6 months after they serve. Biden signed an executive order in early January that extended Harris’s protections for 18 months after her term ended.  Harris’s legally guaranteed 6 months of protection ended on July 21, but in recent years, vice presidents have been provided with protections for longer than 6 months due to heightened political tensions in the US.

    To end Harris’s protections, Trump ordered Kristi Noem to rescind the protection through an executive order that amended Biden’s protective directives, according to two senior officials at the Department of Homeland Security. 

    The U.S. Secret Service ran an assessment on Harris and did not find anything alarming that would warrant extending her protection past the six months. Therefore, they are proceeding with the president’s directive to end protections for Harris.

    Local Los Angeles officials are speaking out against Trump’s decision to rescind security detail for Harris.

    “This is another act of revenge following a long list of political retaliation in the form of firings, the revoking of security clearances and more,” Democratic LA Mayor Karen Bass told Fox 11 in a statement. “This puts the former vice president in danger and I look forward to working with the governor to make sure Vice President Harris is safe in Los Angeles”.

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    Ava Mitchell

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  • Toddler and brother who vanished from their L.A. foster home have been found, LAPD says

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    Two children who disappeared from their foster home in the early hours of Thursday morning have been found, the Los Angeles Police Department said Sunday.

    When the brothers — a 10-year-old and a toddler — vanished, police said they were believed to be in imminent danger.

    Two young brothers were believed to have been abducted by their biological mother, left.

    (California Highway Patrol)

    Derek Rodriguez-Hernandez, 2, and older brother Jaden Hernandez left their foster home in the Westlake neighborhood about 1:30 a.m., police said.

    The boys’ foster parents heard the door of their house opening and ran outside, they told KTLA, but the boys were already gone.

    The LAPD said they’d been taken by their biological mother, Jackeline Hernandez-Torres. An Amber Alert was issued for the trio.

    On Sunday afternoon, the alert was canceled, and LAPD officials said the boys had been found and were in good health.

    They will soon be reunited with their foster parents, the news release said. No information was immediately provided about their mother.

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    Jessica Garrison

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  • Man arrested after using baseball bat to damage cars in North Hollywood, LAPD says

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    A man was taken into custody Wednesday after using a baseball bat to vandalize cars in North Hollywood, Los Angeles police said.

    Police received several 911 calls at about 9 a.m. Wednesday about a man hitting cars with a bat. The man also unsuccessfully tried to carjack someone, police told NBC4 Investigates.

    Police found the man nearby, still in possession of the bat, the LAPD said. After a short chase, police used a stun gun and took the man into custody.

    He was transported to a hospital to be evaluated for injuries. Police said he will be booked on suspicion of felony attempted carjacking.

    On Tuesday, another man caused thousands of dollars in damage to dozens of cars after smashing their windows in North Hollywood, according to the Los Angeles Police Department. He was arrested for felony vandalism after damaging 29 cars.

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    Jonathan Lloyd and Dennis Broad

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  • Two major reports slam UCLA over policing, violence at pro-Palestinian protest

    Two major reports slam UCLA over policing, violence at pro-Palestinian protest

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    Two high-profile, back-to-back reports slam UCLA leaders for a confusing breakdown in its police response leading to violence at a pro-Palestinian encampment in April, with one investigation also calling out the university’s “dramatic failures in confronting antisemitism.”

    A draft report to the Los Angeles Police Commission released Friday cited a lack of coordination between UCLA, LAPD and the California Highway Patrol and smaller municipal police agencies that were hastily called to campus in the spring.

    UCLA, which has its own police force, had distanced itself from relying on the LAPD in the wake of Black Lives Matter protests four years ago, a practice that contributed to the poorly coordinated response, the report suggested. Some arriving teams of officers did not even know their way around the sprawling campus and were subjected to conflicting orders about what to do as the melee unfolded for hours in front of them the night of April 30.

    The LAPD should take the the lead on campus law enforcement ahead of future “large scale events” if university staffing isn’t adequate, the report said.

    The report to the commission, the civilian agency tasked with LAPD oversight, came on the heels of a congressional probe that pilloried the university for allowing antisemitism to foment on campus during pro-Palestinian protests.

    The Republican-led U.S. House Committee on Education and the Workforce criticized UCLA and other elite universities, including Harvard and Columbia, for “dramatic failures in confronting antisemitism.” The report — which drew upon emails between UCLA Police, UCLA administrators, UC President Michael V. Drake and UC Regents — followed explosive committee hearings in the last year that contributed to the resignations of presidents of Harvard, Columbia, Rutgers and the University of Pennsylvania.

    In a statement, UCLA Associate Vice Chancellor for Campus Safety Rick Braziel said the findings and recommendations sent to the police commission were under review.

    “Meanwhile, both UCLA and the University of California Office of the President are conducting separate reviews of the events that took place last spring, and UCLA has already been implementing a host of measures to improve campus safety,” Braziel said.

    In a separate university statement on the congressional report, UCLA said it was “committed to combating antisemitism and fostering an environment where every member of our community feels safe and welcome. We have learned valuable lessons from the events of last spring, and ahead of the start of this academic year, instituted reforms and programs to combat discrimination and enhance campus safety.”

    In August, Drake directed chancellors of all 10 campuses to strictly enforce rules against encampments, protests that block pathways and masking that shields identities amid sharp calls to stop policy violations during demonstrations.

    Early signs of trouble

    The combined narrative of both reports offer the most detailed timeline on events leading up to the night of violence that began April 30, with repercussions spanning through May 2, when a massive police sweep of the encampment led more than 200 arrests and six uses of police force.

    In a UCLA Police message thread on April 25, five days before the violence, a patrol officer suggested police should identify and remove people who were not UCLA students, staff and faculty from the recently formed encampment at Royce Quad in the center of campus, the House report said. An unidentified individual responded that UCLA had decided to “hold off.”

    Around 5 a.m. on April 25, then-UCLA police Chief John Thomas texted LAPD commanders Steve Lurie and Jonathan Tom to inform them that multiple tents were being set up on campus and that UCLA “may need some assistance as the day progresses,” said the police commission report, compiled by LAPD and submitted by Interim Police Chief Dominic H. Choi to the commission. The panel could approve it as early as its next meeting Tuesday.

    On April 25, a UCLA police lieutenant informed the then-UCLA police chief that more than 50 unidentified people were unloading wood, tents and other materials from truck at Royce Quad. UCLA closed off a nearby street to prevent further access, but the erection of tents in by Royce Quad and Powell Library continued, the House committee report said.

    The encampment grew to more than 150 people with tents surrounded by wooden pellets, with the university fire marshal warning that the use of wood was not advised, the House committee report said.

    “Over the course of the next day, it became apparent to UCPD and campus administrators that the university was underequipped,” according to the House report, which largely summarized university emails.

    “UCLA leaders worried that they would be unable to restrict access to the area or prevent further expansion of the encampment without a significant surge in manpower, with one senior administrator warning that ‘no temporary fence is going to keep these people out,’” the House report said.

    On April 27, Choi approved the deployment of two LAPD mobile response squads to campus to stand by. Thomas told Choi that Beverly Hills, Culver City and Santa Monica were also sending squads and that LAPD would be the last resort.

    The following morning, Thomas wrote in a group chat with other law enforcement leaders that more pro-Palestinian protesters planned to go to campus. A few minutes later, an LAPD lieutenant texted his colleagues to say that UCLA had “no plans” to clear out protesters, the report said.

    By 10:30 a.m. more than 1,000 pro-Israel counterprotesters arrived by the encampment.

    That morning, a single squad car from West L.A. was dispatched to monitor the protest. By 10:41 a.m., police began receiving reports that protesters and counterprotesters were “getting physical.”

    Additional LAPD officers were sent to campus. About 11:14 a.m., the LAPD lieutenant texted Lurie to say that UCLA had requested the LAPD’s help in clearing out the protesters. But he responded that the LAPD would not participate in making arrests.

    Around 1:34 p.m., Lurie texted a group of LAPD senior staff to inform them that the pro-Israel protest crowd was thinning out and UCLA administrators were discussing how and when to clear the encampment. Choi responded that the LAPD would not be involved in clearing out the area. About 90% of the pro-Israel group left within the hour.

    There were further moments of tension during the next two days, as coordination with the LAPD showed signs of being disjointed, the report to the police commission indicated.

    It exploded the night of on April 30.

    As reports of clashes began to increasingly pick up, UCLA police leaders contacted Lurie to let him know that campus police were being overwhelmed by the crowd.

    While the initial message was sent at 11:07 p.m., campus police officials didn’t make an official request for mutual aid until 11:31 p.m. and again 10 minutes later, the commission report said. The first LAPD units arrived on campus by 12:12 a.m. By about 1:45 a.m., several mobile response squads waded into the melee to try to separate protesters and counterprotesters who’d converged near a flagpole.

    But they took “no further action to clear the crowds” because they were still formulating a plan and awaiting backup, the commission report said. Under the department’s crowd control rules, officers are supposed to wait for “sufficient personnel” before entering a crowd to make arrests. It was at least another hour before CHP officers began to clear the rest of the courtyard near the encampment. By 3:48 a.m., the area was cleared although the encampment remained.

    By the next night, multiple law enforcement agencies participated in clearing the encampment with more than 200 arrests.

    The report to the commission recommended that UCPD, LAPD and other police agencies “establish procedures” for who is in control when officers in the primary jurisdiction over “overwhelmed,” as was the case at UCLA. It said combining different agencies together can be “problematic” because of “varying use of force policies and tactics.”

    It also said that LAPD officers should better coordinate with UCLA so they are more aware of how to navigate campus and that the LAPD should improve on its record keeping and training to improve response to similar future protests.

    Protests fomented antisemitism

    The House committee’s findings accuse UCLA of largely ignoring the growing encampment while being aware as early as April 27 of campus accusations of antisemitic language or acts stemming from it.

    Chaired by Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.), the committee has been accused of bias. Democrats, who make up 20 of the 44 members of the committee, have criticized Republicans as not being serious in their pursuit to combat antisemitism. Members of the House minority have called the hearings an attempt by the chamber’s Republicans to use campus unrest for political gain, pointing out that equal attention has not been given to anti-Muslim or anti-Arab hatred, which have also increased since the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel.

    The committee grilled former UCLA Chancellor Gene Block in the spring along with the presidents of Northwestern and Rutgers universities but questions to Block about the violence at UCLA largely came from Democrats.

    USC escapes harsh criticism

    Separately on Friday, the Los Angeles Police Commission also released a report on USC, where LAPD arrested 94 people on April 24 as police and campus safety officers cleared a pro-Palestinian encampment at Alumni Park.

    That report, which is significantly shorter than the UCLA one, was less critical. USC did not reply to a request for comment about on the finding, which said that LAPD deployed 619 officers the campus over three days between April 24 and May 5. The report’s recommendations included that police do a better job at “tracking personnel” in order to estimate costs and more closely follow reporting procedures on use of force.

    Police used force on two occasions at USC. In one, an LAPD officer fired a 40mm round at a protester, and in the other an officer used their baton. Neither incident resulted in injuries, the report said. But, the cases weren’t immediately investigated, as required by department policy, because of the department’s reliance on paper records.

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    Jaweed Kaleem, Libor Jany

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  • Student who elicited “F— the police” from L.A. council candidate works for Kevin de León

    Student who elicited “F— the police” from L.A. council candidate works for Kevin de León

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    In a room full of students at Cal State L.A. last week, a young man told Los Angeles City Council candidate Ysabel Jurado that he supports the idea of abolishing the police and wanted to know where she stood on the issue.

    Jurado’s reply, which included the phrase “F— the police, that’s how I see ‘em,” drew sharp criticism this week from parts of the Eastside, where she is seeking to unseat Councilmember Kevin de León.

    On Wednesday, De León confirmed that Martin Perez, one of his staffers, is the Cal State L.A. student who posed the question.

    De León declined to say whether Perez, who handles constituent services in his office, made the recording of Jurado’s remarks, which first appeared Monday on the website of the Westside Current. But he commended his aide, saying Jurado has been sidestepping questions about police abolition.

    “He got the answer that we’ve been asking [during] five consecutive debates as to why she wants to abolish the police,” he said. “And she confirmed it with a very vulgar and crude “F—the police.”

    Jurado’s remarks at the Cal State L.A. meet-and-greet have delivered an unexpected jolt to the campaign for the 14th District, which takes in all or part of downtown, Boyle Heights, El Sereno and Eagle Rock. De León has been struggling to emerge from a two-year-old scandal over a different recording — one that featured crude and racist remarks — and is facing a fierce opponent in Jurado, a tenant rights attorney who has never run for office before.

    Councilmember Monica Rodriguez labeled Jurado’s use of the phrase immature, while Councilmember Bob Blumenfield called it “incredibly offensive.” The Los Angeles Police Protective League, which endorsed De León and represents about 8,800 officers, is now airing 30-second attack ads criticizing Jurado.

    “Her plan for public safety starts with an F-bomb,” the ad states.

    In recent weeks, Jurado has pushed back on assertions that she intends to defund the police, while also arguing that too much money is being spent on the LAPD, putting the city on the brink of a financial crisis.

    On Monday, she downplayed her use of “F— the police,” saying it was “just a lyric” from a rap song. Although she didn’t say which song, her wording parallels parts of N.W.A’s “F— Tha Police” and Kanye West’s “All Falls Down.”

    Jurado declined to comment about Perez on Wednesday. But she described the police union ad as “just noise.”

    “Our community is focused on how they’re going to put food on the table and pay their rent on time — not song lyrics,” she said in a statement. “That’s why we’re more determined than ever to lift up their needs and be their champion in City Hall. This campaign is about delivering results, not distractions.”

    Perez declined an interview request from The Times. In the recording of the meet-and-greet, he began his question by noting that he lives in the council district and is “a punk from East L.A.”

    More than a dozen people attended the event, and several recorded different questions and answers, said Elliot Avila, a Cal State L.A. student who took part in the discussion. Nevertheless, Avila said he is convinced that Perez made the recording of Jurado’s remarks.

    “He’s the one who claims to be a police abolitionist, and he’s clearly working for Kevin de León,” he said. “The only person with the motive to do that would be him.”

    Avila, who plans to vote for Jurado, said her full response to the abolition question was actually “centrist.” After using the phrase “F— the police,” Jurado pointed out that some of her constituents want more police and said the LAPD needs to focus on violent crime.

    “She was meeting [Perez] where he was at, but then walking back to a more centrist, pragmatic position,” Avila said. “I would have liked for her to go much harder against the police.”

    Perez has been an aide to De León for about a year and half, according to his LinkedIn profile. He founded and managed a clothing company in the “vibrant East L.A. punk scene” while also working as a security guard, the profile says.

    Perez has been volunteering for De León’s reelection campaign, door-knocking, phone banking and creating “art for tote bags to be used by other staffers,” his profile states.

    Jurado identified herself as an abolitionist — someone who supports the “abolition of police and the “prison industrial complex” — in a questionnaire she submitted to the Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles.

    De León has assailed that stance, saying it would leave neighborhoods from downtown to Boyle Heights vulnerable to violent crime. Earlier this week, he described Jurado’s use of the F-bomb as “irresponsible,” saying wealthy neighborhoods will always have the ability to hire security personnel.

    “Poor neighborhoods, low-income neighborhoods, neighborhoods that struggle every single day to make ends meet, they deserve public safety as well,” he told KTLA.

    Jurado has pushed back on the idea that she plans to defund the LAPD, saying she wants officers to focus on gangs, drugs and violent crime.

    On the campaign trail, she has also argued that the city’s approach to public safety “isn’t working,” saying that more money should be devoted to street lighting, sidewalk repairs and youth programs.

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    David Zahniser, Dakota Smith

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  • What you missed at the CD-14 debate between Ysabel Jurado and Kevin De León

    What you missed at the CD-14 debate between Ysabel Jurado and Kevin De León

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    PUBLISHER’S NOTE:
    Yes on Proposition 3 and Los Angeles Blade will present an urgent Town Hall on October 28 from 7:00 PM at St. Thomas Episcopal Church, 7501 Hollywood Blvd, Los Angeles, CA 90046. For more information or to RSVP, click here.

    As California voters prepare for the Election Day ballot, they have a critical opportunity to address a potentially dangerous inconsistency in the state’s constitution regarding the rights of same-sex couples to marry.

    Think of it as a firewall against a potential 2nd Trump administration and Supreme Court effort to overturn same-sex marriage.

    Proposition 3, the Right to Marry and Repeal Proposition 8 Amendment, seeks to remove outdated language from the Prop 8 era, a ballot initiative that successfully defined marriage as solely between a man and a woman. 

    Although federal court rulings have rendered this language unenforceable, it has lingered in California’s constitution since 2008.

    Proposition 3 would not only eliminate this vestigial language but also establish a constitutional right to marriage regardless of gender or race.

    The history of Prop 8 is a complex and contentious chapter in California’s past. Passed in the 2008 state election, Prop 8 effectively banned same-sex marriage, following a California Supreme Court ruling that had declared a previous ban (Proposition 22 from 2000) unconstitutional. Prop 8 added language to the state constitution stating that “only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California.”

    The passage of Prop 8 shocked many who viewed California as a bastion of progressive values, highlighting a divide within the state and igniting intense debate and legal battles. Religious organizations, particularly the Roman Catholic Church and the now somewhat repentant Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, played significant roles in supporting Prop 8, with the LDS Church notably contributing more than $20 million to the campaign and mobilizing volunteers for door-to-door canvassing.

    The legal journey of Prop 8 has been long and complex. Initially upheld by the California Supreme Court in 2009, it was later challenged in federal court. In August 2010, Chief Judge Vaughn Walker of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California ruled Prop 8 unconstitutional under both the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the 14th Amendment. This decision was upheld by the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in 2012, albeit on narrower grounds.

    The case ultimately reached the U.S. Supreme Court in “Hollingsworth v. Perry” (2013). However, rather than ruling on the merits of same-sex marriage, the Court decided that the proponents of Prop 8 lacked legal standing to defend the law in federal court. This effectively upheld Walker’s 2010 ruling, paving the way for the resumption of same-sex marriages in California.

    The uncertain landscape of LGBTQ+ rights

    The current Proposition 3 arises from recent concerns about the stability of LGBTQ+ rights at the federal level. Following the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, Justice Clarence Thomas suggested reconsidering other precedents, including the 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges decision that legalized same-sex marriage nationwide. This potential threat prompted California legislators to act proactively to safeguard marriage equality at the state level.

    Moreover, 2024 has seen a surge of anti-LGBTQ+ legislation across the nation and in Congress. “Extremist lawmakers in Congress failed in their hateful attempts to add anti-LGBTQ+ provisions to must-pass spending bills. These measures would have restricted medically necessary health care for transgender people, allowed taxpayer-funded discrimination against married same-sex couples, and further stigmatized the LGBTQ+ community,” said a spokesperson from Equality California.

    Strong bipartisan negotiations led to the removal of 51 of 52 anti-LGBTQ+ riders, thanks in large part to the efforts of the Congressional Equality Caucus and the relentless advocacy of LGBTQ+ organizations. Speaker Mike Johnson — considered the most anti-LGBTQ+ speaker in history — attempted to slow the appropriations process with these “poison pill” amendments, leading the country to the brink of a government shutdown multiple times. 

    Despite his failures, Johnson is attempting to claim victory by highlighting a limited provision that prohibits the flying of Pride flags on embassy buildings, which imposes no limits on other displays of the flag. “While we are disappointed in the passage of this provision, it is important to consider it in the context of the overwhelming defeat of other measures. The Speaker’s attempt to use this as a symbol of victory is as laughable as his dysfunctional term as Speaker has been,” the spokesperson added.

    The fragility of rights

    The overturning of Roe v. Wade has sent shockwaves through the legal community, particularly among LGBTQ+ advocates. The decision raised alarms about the vulnerability of other civil rights protections, including marriage equality. Legal experts are now grappling with unprecedented questions about how to secure these rights amid a shifting judicial landscape.

    The fragility of unenumerated rights — those not explicitly written in the Constitution but granted through Supreme Court interpretation — has become increasingly apparent. Marriage equality, like abortion rights, falls into this category and has been upheld through the 14th Amendment’s due process clause. However, Thomas’s opinion in the Dobbs case hints at a willingness to reexamine these precedents.

    A significant concern for marriage equality advocates is the idea that rights relying on due process must be “deeply rooted in this nation’s history and tradition.” Since nationwide marriage equality is only seven years old, it lacks the historical foundation that might protect it from future challenges.

    The patchwork possibility

    If Obergefell were overturned, the U.S. could revert to a patchwork of marriage laws reminiscent of the pre-2015 era. According to the Movement Advancement Project, as many as 32 states could potentially revert to banning same-sex marriages. This scenario would create a stark divide across the country, with some states recognizing LGBTQ+ marriages while others outlaw them.

    Such a reversion would have far-reaching implications for hundreds of thousands of couples who have married since Obergefell. While it’s unlikely that existing marriages would be invalidated, the legal status of these unions could become uncertain. This potential outcome underscores the urgency of enshrining marriage equality in state constitutions and laws.

    The challenge of codification

    While some lawmakers have expressed interest in codifying marriage equality at the federal level, legal experts are divided on whether Congress has that authority. Traditionally, marriage laws have fallen under state jurisdiction, complicating efforts to establish federal protections.

    This uncertainty adds pressure to state-level efforts to protect marriage equality. In states with existing bans, securing marriage rights would require constitutional amendments or ballot measures, necessitating extensive public education campaigns and grassroots organizing.

    The importance of proactive constitutional change

    Despite California’s progressive reputation, the state constitution still contains language that could be used to restrict same-sex marriages if federal protections were overturned. This highlights the importance of Prop 3.

    Currently, 35 states maintain constitutional or statutory bans on same-sex marriage. Although these bans are unenforceable due to the Obergefell decision, they could be reactivated if the Supreme Court were to overturn that ruling. California, despite its forward-thinking values, is among these states due to the lingering effects of Prop 8.

    Without the passage of Prop 3, California could face a situation where existing same-sex marriages remain valid, but new marriages could be denied. This potential legal limbo underscores the urgency of updating the state constitution to explicitly protect marriage equality.

    By passing Prop 3, California would not only eliminate discriminatory language from its constitution but also create a robust state-level protection for same-sex marriages. This proactive approach would ensure that, regardless of future federal court decisions, the right to marry would remain secure for all Californians.

    The path forward

    The journey to this point reflects a remarkable shift in public opinion. In 1996, 68 percent of Americans opposed legalizing same-sex marriage. By 2023, that figure had flipped, with 71 percent supporting marriage equality. This change crosses party lines, with a majority of Republicans now in favor. The trend is particularly strong among younger voters, indicating a generational shift toward greater acceptance and equality.

    The importance of Prop 3 extends beyond its practical effects. While same-sex marriages are of course recognized in California, enshrining this right in the state constitution provides an additional layer of protection against potential future challenges. Moreover, it represents a formal acknowledgment of past mistakes and a clear statement of California’s values of equality and inclusion.

    Critics of Prop 3 have raised concerns about its potential to open doors for challenges to laws against polygamy or underage marriages. However, these arguments are misleading. Constitutional rights are not absolute and can be limited by compelling state interests, as seen with other fundamental rights like freedom of speech.

    This situation highlights the ongoing nature of the struggle for equal rights and the importance of vigilance in protecting hard-won freedoms. Prop 3 represents an opportunity for California to lead by example, demonstrating how states can take concrete steps to safeguard the rights of their LGBTQ+ citizens in an uncertain legal landscape.

    As the November election approaches, California voters can align the state’s constitution with the prevailing values of equality and inclusivity. By voting yes on Prop 3, Californians can eliminate the last remnants of discrimination from their constitution and send a clear message that bigotry has no place in California’s fundamental laws.

    In a time when LGBTQ+ rights face renewed challenges across the nation, California has the chance to reaffirm its status as a progressive leader and to correct a long-standing injustice in its constitution. 

    Prop 3 is not just about changing words in a document; it’s about enshrining the principle that love and commitment deserve equal recognition under the law, regardless of who you are or whom you love.

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    Gisselle Palomera

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  • A top detective alleges the LAPD is toxic toward women. Will her lawsuit bring change?

    A top detective alleges the LAPD is toxic toward women. Will her lawsuit bring change?

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    Even as a young street cop trying to work her way up the ranks of the Los Angeles Police Department in the mid-90s, Kristine Klotz says she was quick to call out sexism on the job. Right is right and wrong is wrong, she used to tell herself, knowing that she would ruffle some feathers in the process.

    So she didn’t hesitate to speak up last summer when she learned that a male supervisor in the vaunted Robbery-Homicide Division where she worked had allegedly compared female detectives to sex workers on Figueroa Street.

    To make it in the LAPD, department veterans say, you need a thick skin. But Klotz, 54, alleges the Figueroa comments were just the tip of an iceberg of verbal abuse women in the unit faced.

    Klotz said that after repeated complaints about her mistreatment at the hands of department officials went ignored, she and another female Robbery-Homicide detective reached out for help from the Board of Police Commissioners, the LAPD’s civilian oversight body. For weeks, they heard nothing.

    A response eventually came, just not the one Klotz expected.

    In a whistleblower lawsuit filed this year in Los Angeles County Superior Court, Klotz claims the LAPD retaliated against her. She alleges she was demoted, reassigned and put under internal investigation in the span of a few months.

    The lawsuit accuses several current senior LAPD officials, including Deputy Chief Marc Reina, and Capts. Scot Williams and Robin Petillo of inflicting emotional distress and creating a hostile work environment. The suit names two women, Petillo and Lt. Blanca Lopez; the rest of the defendants are men. A follow-up letter to the Police Commission names the supervising detective who allegedly made the Figueroa comments, Christopher Marsden.

    Emails from The Times to the work accounts of the officials singled out in the suit went unreturned.

    The LAPD said it doesn’t discuss pending litigation and referred questions to the city attorney’s office, which didn’t respond to an email seeking comment. A private law firm that is representing the defendants, including the city, has asked a judge for more time before responding to Klotz’s suit in court.

    A 29-year department veteran with a long list of high-profile criminal investigations to her name, Klotz said she had no choice but to turn to the court system while fighting to restore both her career and reputation. The months-long ordeal, she said, “opened my eyes to a completely different way of thinking when there was so much pride I had in this organization.”

    Tackling persistent sexual harassment complaints will be among the pressing issues facing incoming LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell, who was appointed to the job this month, pending City Council approval. He will also be expected to overhaul a disciplinary system that some argue seems to penalize the accuser more than the accused.

    Since 2019, the city of Los Angeles has paid out at least $11 million in damages for cases of discrimination, retaliation and other workplace strife based on gender brought by LAPD officers, according to a Times review of data obtained through a public records request. That figure doesn’t include at least $12 million in damages awarded by juries to women at the LAPD that the city is appealing after having been defeated in court.

    In addition, a dozen or so cases involving complaints by female officers about harassment and discrimination are pending. Several claims have previously gone unreported, including a sergeant who says she was denied a transfer in “direct retaliation” for cooperating with an Internal Affairs investigation into a former assistant chief accused of planting a tracking device on the car of his former domestic partner, a fellow LAPD officer.

    In another case, an auto theft detective says she was tormented by a male colleague after their relationship fell apart. And in the Hollenbeck Division, which has seen investigations and leadership changes in recent months, several sworn and civilian female employees alleged they faced retaliation for reporting misconduct.

    While some longtime LAPD observers argue that decades of damning reports and court orders have forced the department to confront the problem, others, including civil rights attorney Connie Rice, say a crude, misogynistic culture still exists and women in uniform continue to face obstacles to advancement.

    Much of the abuse has moved online to pro-LAPD social media groups that feature a “frat-boy sort of MAGA misogyny thing going on,” she said.

    “I think that the DNA of the culture is still ‘Women shouldn’t be here,’” Rice said. “There’s not a welcome mat, it’s more like a no-trespassing mat.”

    Toward the end of her time at Robbery-Homicide, Klotz said, she felt as though she had a target on her back.

    Klotz contends that she was ordered to perform menial tasks and forced to check in whenever she left the office, much like a high-schooler requesting a hall pass. If she stepped away to rinse out her coffee mug or use the copier, she said, her supervisor would text her demanding to know where she was. Then one day last summer, she showed up to work to find that her keycard access had been revoked.

    Determined not to take the humiliation “sitting down,” Klotz and a colleague, Det. Jennifer Hammer, wrote a letter to the Police Commission in September 2023 asking it to intervene in “the recent harassment, discrimination, and retaliation she and other female officers had endured.”

    “The misconduct has not stopped and has increasingly worsened,” the letter said. Hammer has filed her own complaint against the department.

    Klotz has been the subject of at least two internal investigations. She says the complaints against her — one for allegedly making an inappropriate gesture to another officer and the other for accosting a civilian employee — were “fabricated” as a way of punishing her for speaking out.

    In January, she was demoted to a lower-ranking detective position, sent to an auto theft unit in the San Fernando Valley. She took an 18% pay cut and now reports to a younger detective previously under her command.

    Even after years on the job, Klotz has maintained her uncommonly cheerful manner. But her jaw clenches and voice thickens with emotion when she describes the humiliation she felt walking into the Van Nuys police station for the first time earlier this year, and feeling the stares from her colleagues.

    The last few months have taken a heavy mental toll, she said. She started smoking again, nearly a decade after quitting cold turkey. More than once, she said, she has broken down and cried in her car outside of work.

    “I didn’t think at the end of my career I would be subjected to the ongoing harassment, the retaliation that I have endured by upper management and command officers,” Klotz said.

    Growing up in Long Beach on a steady diet of “Charlie’s Angels” reruns, Klotz dreamed of going into law enforcement from an early age. A high school class on courts and the law further piqued her interest. She said she had job opportunities at other area departments in her early 20s, but she held out for an offer from the LAPD.

    Her dream was always to work her way up to detective, preferably investigating murders. She eventually achieved her goal, joining a Valley-area homicide unit. That led to her first encounter with what she alleges is a toxic culture.

    Before blowing the whistle at Robbery-Homicide, Klotz was among a group of female detectives who sued over what they described as a frat-like atmosphere in the Valley, where some male colleagues were vulgar and abusive toward women in the office.

    Klotz and other women said they were routinely referred to as “tourists” who didn’t belong. One male detective allegedly boasted of sexual exploits with the wife of a now-deputy chief and was accused of sending an inappropriate email from his work account to a female Los Angeles County deputy district attorney.

    The city has denied the allegations raised in the suit, which remains under litigation.

    Klotz said the experience in that case taught her to document everything, including the numerous pleading emails she sent to department higher-ups asking them to intervene at Robbery-Homicide.

    Like other women who have reported misconduct, she said she has mostly learned to tune out the office gossip and rumors about her demotion. Some of the grapevine talk has gotten back to her — how she’s a loose cannon or stirring the pot to cover up for complaints accusing her of misconduct.

    None of it is true, she says. And she’s not looking for a payday either, she says, rebutting another common criticism of department whistleblowers.

    Corinne Bendersky, a UCLA professor of management and organizations who studied work culture across city of Los Angeles departments, said the poor handling of complaints by women and ethnic minorities is not isolated to the LAPD.

    “Race relations are worse in the Police Department, gender relations are worse in the Fire Department,” said Bendersky, who performed surveys, focus groups and interviews with thousands of city employees. She said the surveys revealed strong resentment across gender and racial lines toward the Police Department’s ongoing efforts to hire more women and officers of color.

    Klotz said the department conducted investigations into her complaints and deemed them unfounded, despite evidence she presented that she was the subject of retaliation for reporting misconduct committed by higher-ups.

    Last week — after The Times inquired about her case — Klotz was summoned to a meeting with Deputy Chief Emada Tingirides. Klotz says she was informed that she was being returned to her previous detective rank, which restores her pay. She remains stationed in the Valley, investigating car thefts.

    She is planning to retire at the end of the year, but Klotz said she will continue to fight in court to bring accountability after years of the LAPD failing to improve itself.

    “The damage is done, they have harmed me and they can never take it back. They will never be able to repair me,” she said before her old rank was restored. “They’ve ruined me at the end of my career.”

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    Libor Jany

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  • Family of Trader Joe’s store manager killed by LAPD receives $9.5 million settlement

    Family of Trader Joe’s store manager killed by LAPD receives $9.5 million settlement

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    The city of Los Angeles will pay nearly $40 million to settle three lawsuits alleging abuses by the LAPD, including a case brought by the family of a Trader Joe’s manager accidentally killed by a police officer who was firing at a fleeing suspect.

    Melyda “Mely” Corado was fatally shot in 2018 at the Silver Lake store where she worked. Her father and brother sued the city and the officers involved in the shooting, alleging that they opened fire recklessly into the crowded store.

    The $9.5 million settlement with the Corado family, which was previously negotiated but hadn’t been disclosed, was the smallest of three payouts the City Council approved on Friday.

    The others were:

    • $17.7 million for the family of Kenneth French, a 32-year-old mentally disabled man fatally shot by an off-duty LAPD officer inside a Costco in Corona in June 2019.
    • $11.8 million for James Simpson, an elderly man who sustained a traumatic brain injury after being struck by a traffic signal pole toppled in an accident caused by an LAPD detective who ran a red light.

    The council approved all three settlements unanimously.

    In a statement released through their attorneys, Corado’s family members said they would “keep her memory alive always.”

    “Nothing will bring Mely back to us and we are forever heartbroken by her violent death caused by those who are meant to protect and serve the community,” the statement read. “We hope this settlement sends a loud message to LAPD and all law enforcement agencies across the country that officers must account for their surroundings when firing their guns.”

    The family’s lawyers called the settlement the largest pretrial payout ever in an LAPD shooting case.

    “Mely’s death was entirely preventable if the officers had followed their training and accounted for their background while firing,” said attorney Neil Gehlawat. “Officers must look at the dangers posed to bystanders when using deadly force, and the officers here failed to do that.”

    Corado was fatally shot on July 21, 2018, as two police officers pursued Gene Evin Atkins, suspected of shooting his grandmother and his girlfriend and then taking the younger woman hostage. Atkins led police on a lengthy pursuit in his grandmother’s car, during which he shot at officers, ran red lights and collided with multiple vehicles, prosecutors alleged.

    The chase ended at the Trader Joe’s on Hyperion Avenue. Atkins stopped the car and ran toward the store, which was crowded with Saturday afternoon shoppers.

    Atkins shot at the officers, who returned fire as he entered the store. One of the officer’s bullets struck Corado, killing her. Atkins was wounded in the arm, but he held shoppers and employees hostage inside the store for three hours before surrendering. His trial is pending.

    The LAPD came under harsh criticism for shooting a bystander, which then-Chief Michel Moore described as “every officer’s worst nightmare.”

    In the French case, the $17.7 million payout is roughly the same amount awarded by a federal jury in 2021 after Officer Salvador Sanchez was found to have used excessive and unreasonable force. Sanchez, who was later fired, was off-duty when he and French got into a confrontation in a line to sample sausages.

    Sanchez’s attorney claimed during the federal trial that he was knocked to the ground during the encounter and believed that French was armed. Sanchez’s rounds killed French and wounded his mother and father.

    The Police Commission found that Sanchez violated department policy. Sanchez also faced criminal manslaughter and assault charges, but the prosecution ended in a mistrial earlier this year. A call to the French family’s attorney went unreturned on Friday.

    Simpson sued the city after sustaining numerous injuries when LAPD detective Alex Pozo ran a red light in Chino while driving a city-owned vehicle in August 2020. The driver of an SUV swerved to avoid colliding with Pozo and crashed into a traffic pole, which fell on top of Simpson, 70, as he walked on the sidewalk.

    The city council voted not to approve a settlement for an LAPD sergeant who sued after being repeatedly disciplined over controversial posts on his personal Facebook and Instagram accounts. The sergeant, Joel Sydanmaa, accused the LAPD of singling him out for punishment for expressing political viewpoints they didn’t like.

    “We rejected their suggestion, and we asked them to go to trial,” Councilmember Bob Blumenfield said.

    Sydanmaa’s attorney, Caleb Mason, said he was “disappointed” that city officials apparently backtracked on what he described as a signed settlement agreement.

    “My client waited three-and-a-half years for a trial date and then he agreed to vacate that trial date two weeks before his trial, based on the word of high level city attorney officials — he trusted them,” Mason said.

    Friday’s payouts add to the more than $171 million in taxpayer money spent since 2019 to resolve legal claims accusing the LAPD of wrongful death, excessive force, negligence, discrimination and more, according to records from the L.A. City Tttorney’s office.

    That figure could grow because the city is appealing several sizable payouts, including the $4 million that a jury awarded to then-Capt. Lillian Carranza, who sued over a nude photograph that was doctored to look like her and shared with coworkers.

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    Libor Jany, David Zahniser

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  • Los Angeles cracks down on copper wire thefts, warns of more arrests

    Los Angeles cracks down on copper wire thefts, warns of more arrests

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    Several people have been arrested and tens of thousands of pounds of copper recovered as part of a crackdown by Los Angeles police and staff on thieves and rogue recyclers that at times have left the city paralyzed and dark in the last few years, officials announced at a Tuesday news conference.

    Flanked by members of the Los Angeles Police Department and Caltrans, City Council President Paul Krekorian announced that 16,000 pounds of copper wire valued at $40,000 has been recovered during a recent two-month crackdown.

    “The consequences to the taxpayers of Los Angeles are far, far greater than that,” he said of the copper’s value. “The cost of repairs to replace that copper wire are estimated to be over a half-million dollars already.”

    As part of the push in enforcement, LAPD Deputy Chief Alan Hamilton said eight East Valley recyclers have been fined and arrests made, but he did not provide details on how many or for what charges. Police also made arrests at other facilities on suspicion of theft, failure to report and receiving stolen property.

    “We are aware of and have observed some of our businesses being less than honest brokers,” Hamilton said, adding that some area recyclers have been purchasing stolen wire from outside the city as well.

    Krekorian’s office said at least two people were arrested at a North Hollywood recycler on June 19, followed by more arrests, including a manager, three days later at another North Hollywood recycler.

    “We have refocused our efforts on the most egregious individuals and businesses that we’ve identified through our tracking system as continually having involvement in this illegal activity,” Hamilton said.

    Hamilton said that one time, the California Department of Transportation incurred a $150,000 loss from a single individual.

    “If you just multiple that over the course of a year, that can be very expensive for the taxpayer,” Hamilton said.

    More arrests are expected, the deputy chief said.

    Over its last three North Hollywood operations, the LAPD has reclaimed 1,668 pounds of stolen copper wire, along with hundreds of pounds of aluminum cable and backup batteries for roadway safety systems, it said. In late July, the city announced it had made 82 arrests and recovered 2,000 pounds of wire.

    City Councilmembers Kevin de León and Traci Park attributed the efforts to the city’s copper wire task force, a partnership between the LAPD and the Bureau of Street Lighting.

    In November, Krekorian acknowledged that copper wire theft had been seen “too often” as “a minor crime” despite recent spikes that left neighborhoods “darker and more dangerous.”

    That day Krekorian announced the city would target “unscrupulous” metal recyclers — the “upstream part of the problem” — who were not checking identifications of vendors or material provenance.

    City Atty. Hydee Feldstein Soto eventually sent letters to 600 recyclers throughout the city warning them they were subject to searches and inspections.

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    Andrew J. Campa

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  • Police Commission forwards three LAPD chief finalists’ names for mayor’s consideration

    Police Commission forwards three LAPD chief finalists’ names for mayor’s consideration

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    The Los Angeles Police Commission has forwarded the names of three finalists for LAPD chief to Mayor Karen Bass — but like much else about the search process, the identities of the front-runners have been kept a secret.

    The announcement came as the commission returned from closed session at the end of a special meeting Wednesday. Commission President Erroll Southers said the board had “discharged its duties as set forth in the city charter…and will be forwarding a list of recommended candidates to the mayor,” according to a recording of the meeting.

    He then made a motion to adjourn the meeting, without further comment. The brief announcement went largely unnoticed outside the commission, which did not issue a news release or otherwise publicly announce the decision.

    The move brings the city one step closer to ending what has been a months-long search for what is widely considered one of the most high-profile and challenging jobs in law enforcement. The post has been vacant since February, when former Chief Michel Moore retired.

    Under the city charter, the commission — a five-member civilian body that acts like a board of directors for the LAPD — is required to select three finalists for Bass to consider. But if the mayor is unsatisfied with the choices, she can ask commissioners to send additional names or continue the search. Whomever she picks will then need to be confirmed by the full City Council.

    Bass has declined through a spokesman numerous requests for comment from The Times about her priorities for chief, and she did not reschedule an earlier interview about the topic that she had canceled.

    Zach Seidl, a spokesman for the mayor’s office, said in a text message there was “[n]othing to share about the search at this time other than the Mayor is continuing to work with urgency on this search and her work to make LA safer.” He did not respond to a follow-up question about whether the mayor had started considering the finalists.

    Wednesday’s announcement squares with a previous timeline given by commissioners, who said they hope to finish evaluating what could be dozens of candidates and offer Bass their top three suggestions by the end of August.

    That hasn’t stopped fevered speculation among LAPD rank-and-file and command staff about who their next leader will be.

    There were at least 25 applicants for the job.

    Among the outside executives who received second interviews, according to sources, were Jim McDonnell, a one-time LAPD assistant chief and former Los Angeles County sheriff; former Houston and Miami chief Art Acevedo; and Robert Arcos, a former LAPD assistant chief who works for the L.A. County district attorney’s office. A high-profile former chief from a West Coast department was also said to have applied, but that name has never been confirmed.

    Those entries, confirmed by multiple sources, add another dynamic to what many consider a wide-open race to be the city’s next top cop.

    The department veterans who received second interviews, sources said, are: Assistant Chief Blake Chow, who oversees LAPD special operations; Deputy Chief Emada Tingirides, commanding officer of the department’s South Bureau; Deputy Chief Donald Graham, who heads the Transit Services Bureau; Deputy Chief Alan Hamilton, head of the Detective Bureau; and Cmdr. Lillian Carranza of the Central Bureau.

    Finding the city’s next police chief is one of the most closely watched decisions made by any mayor.

    Bass and commissioners have in recent months embarked on a citywide listening tour to canvass residents, officers and business owners about what they want to see in the next chief. The mayor has also made regular visits to police roll calls across the city.

    During the community forums, many attendees pushed for the selection of an insider who is attuned to policing in a city as vast and diverse as L.A.

    Others talked about the importance of picking someone who understands the complicated history between the department and the communities it policies. And yet, unlike in other recent chief searches, a growing number of people within the LAPD are pushing for an outside candidate to breathe new life into the organization.

    The process has been shrouded in an unusual level of secrecy.

    Although the names of candidates have occasionally been withheld to protect the identities of those working in other cities, officials this time have also declined to reveal how many people applied for the position, only saying that the number was “more than 25.” Sources have since told The Times that the number was more than 30.

    In the absence of information, the search has been the subject of almost daily rumors inside the department. A LinkedIn post by a former LAPD sergeant-turned-policing consultant went viral after it claimed to reveal a list of semi-finalists. Among those named in the post was Anne Kirkpatrick, the current police commissioner in New Orleans, who quickly issued denials of any interest in the LAPD job.

    At stake is the chance to lead the country’s third-largest local police force at a crucial time in its history. Whoever gets the job will be inheriting a wary department eager for clear leadership and a city worried about crime and the use of force.

    One of the key questions facing Bass is whether an outsider would be better at introducing reforms in the organization, rather than someone who has come up through the ranks here and already understands the political and labor landscape.

    The Los Angeles Police Protective League, the powerful bargaining body for the city’s rank-and-file officers, has not publicly staked out its position on the insider-outsider debate.

    One of Moore’s former assistant chiefs, Dominic Choi, was picked as interim leader. Moore has stayed on as a consultant on the chief search, and Choi has said he will not seek the job permanently.

    More risk management than crime-fighting, the job of running the LAPD — a vast, multibillion-dollar organization with more than 10,000 employees that operates under an intense microscope — involves balancing demands that are often at odds:

    Even though violent crime numbers have started to level out, with the exception of robberies, anxiety over public safety remains high among many Angelenos; the number of police shootings has also increased, raising concerns from the Police Commission. Meanwhile, any new leader, particularly one from the outside, will be expected to be a quick study and hit the ground running.

    Prognosticators have said Bass’ selection will indicate a lot about what direction she thinks the department is headed. Picking someone from within the organization to follow in Moore’s footsteps would signal that the mayor is looking to continue some of the reforms he started but would stop short of the wholesale changes that some have called for.

    Choosing an outside candidate would signal that the mayor is seeking a new direction for the department, some observers say. The city has hired only two outside chiefs in the past 75 years: Willie L. Williams and William J. Bratton. Both selections followed seismic scandals: the Los Angeles uprising in 1992 and the Rampart scandal of the late 1990s that saw more than 70 police officers implicated in unprovoked shootings, assaults and evidence-planting.

    Experts say the LAPD job is one of the toughest in law enforcement.

    Any serious candidate will have to have a proven track record as an experienced leader. The chief must be comfortable speaking extemporaneously — and often in front of cameras — about the work of the police department through the progressive lens of the city’s elected leaders, including the mayor and City Council.

    Whoever gets the job will need to navigate through many challenges at once, while dealing with the myriad issues confronting the city, including homelessness and the fentanyl crisis.

    The next chief will also have to recruit and inspire a new generation of officers, some of whom weren’t even born when the department was forced to undergo sweeping changes in the wake of the Rampart scandal and who grew of age in the Black Lives Matter era.

    The Olympics and the World Cup also loom as security challenges in coming years. Others are keen to see how the next chief will tackle a much-maligned discipline system that, depending on whom one asks, either lets too many bad cops off or has been weaponized to favor the well-connected.

    In March, the city hired the Northern California-based headhunter Bob Murray & Associates to conduct the nationwide chief search — the same firm that helped pick Bratton more than two decades ago.

    Joel Bryden, a vice president for the firm, said he could not discuss the search, referring questions to city officials.

    “It’s our hard and fast rule,” said Bryden, one of the two main recruiters on the chief search. “We at least have kept everything confidential even though leaks have occurred, some accurate, and some not.”

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    Libor Jany

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  • 4 people arrested in actor Johnny Wactor’s death, LAPD confirms

    4 people arrested in actor Johnny Wactor’s death, LAPD confirms

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    Investigators with the Los Angeles Police Department arrested four people related to the death of Johnny Wactor, who was fatally shot in downtown Los Angeles in May, the police department confirmed Thursday.

    The search warrants led to the arrested of Huntington Park resident, Robert Barceleau, Leonel Gutierrez of Los Angeles County, Sergio Estrada of Los Angeles County, Frank Olano of Inglewood.

    Scarlett Wator, the late actor’s mom, had confirmed to NBC4 that arrests had been made Thursday.

    “They can’t tell you anything. It’s frustrating but understandable,” Wactor said, explaining the officials with the Los Angeles Police Department thanked her for her patience as the investigation into her son’s death has been underway for nearly three months since the “General Hospital” was gunned down in late May in downtown Los Angeles.

    “I feel that they would not have made the arrest, had they not felt like they had good evidence, strong evidence,” she said. 

    As her son’s birthday approached on Aug. 31, Wactor remembered her “caring, compassionate” son.

    “They robbed us of a wonderful person,” the mother said. “We miss him dearly.”

    Wactor, who held a news conference Tuesday to criticize public officials, including Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón, for creating a “pro-criminal atmosphere,” once again pleaded with the public to be involved and demand change.

    “When they do come up for the preliminary hearing, show up. Make sure that they know that we expect the strongest, stiffest penalty,” she said.  

    Wactor, who died at the age of 37, was shot while trying to stop a group of three men attempting to steal his car’s catalytic converter.

    The shooting took place around 3 a.m. near the intersection of Hope Street and Pico Boulevard, according to the Los Angeles Police Department.

    Catalytic converters are popular targets for thieves because they are rich in precious metals that can be resold.

    Wactor starred on “General Hospital” for two years and appeared in numerous TV shows and films.

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    Helen Jeong

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  • LAPD releases video of officer fatally shooting 18-year-old from unmarked police car

    LAPD releases video of officer fatally shooting 18-year-old from unmarked police car

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    Newly released video from the Los Angeles Police Department on Monday shows how a confrontation last month between a plainclothes vice officer and an unarmed 18-year-old ended in a fatal shooting.

    The family of Ricardo “Ricky” Ramirez Jr. recently announced they were asking the state prosecutor to file criminal charges. They plan to sue the city for wrongful death.

    Around 10:25 p.m. on July 13, Ramirez was in a silver Cadillac with three other occupants, all wearing ski masks. Sgt. Michael Pounds began to follow them. Authorities believed they were “in a possible dispute with the driver of another vehicle,” according to a release from the department.

    The video shows the Cadillac blocking a Toyota Camry at 66th and Figueroa streets. All four of the Cadillac’s occupants get out, surrounding the Camry. Other cars behind the Camry begin to back up before it speeds away.

    “Follow that car because they were all masked up. Follow that car. Follow that car,” one officer says over radio traffic. There is a call for a marked police officer to pull the Cadillac over.

    Instead, Pounds — who was originally conducting a prostitution enforcement detail along Figueroa Street in South L.A. — followed the Cadillac 10 blocks without lights or sirens until it stopped, blocking both lanes of traffic on the 400 block of 66th Street near the intersection with Flower Street.

    Video shows Ramirez get out of the Cadillac and run toward the driver’s-side door of Pounds’ unmarked vehicle. Immediately, Pounds fires through the window, shooting Ramirez in the chest. Ramirez falls to the ground, crawls away and collapses in the street.

    Officers arrive and handcuff Ramirez before calling for an ambulance and starting CPR.

    Police said in a July 18 statement that two passengers exited the Cadillac and approached Pounds’ vehicle from either side, but only Ramirez is visible in the video.

    “It is a parent’s worst nightmare to hear their child has been killed, now seeing the video the horror worsens: Ricky was shot in cold blood with both of his hands outstretched with clearly no gun,” Ramirez’s father, Ricardo Ramirez Sr., said in a statement.

    “I saw my boy brought into this world and, horribly, I saw him taken out of this world by a trigger-happy cop,” Ramirez’s mother, Renee Villalobos, said in the same statement.

    The family’s attorney, Christopher Dolan, said there was no reason for Pounds to shoot, and the officer never announced himself as law enforcement. It was a “case of shoot and ask questions later,” Dolan said.

    “We will vigorously prosecute this case to bring Ricky and his family justice,” the attorney said.

    The incident is still under investigation, according to the LAPD.

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    Sandra McDonald

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  • LAPD releases video of officer punching handcuffed man in Watts

    LAPD releases video of officer punching handcuffed man in Watts

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    The Los Angeles Police Department released body cam video footage Thursday that showed an officer punching a handcuffed man during a confrontation over double parking in Watts on Sunday, just as another controversial use-of-force incident emerged.

    The video was released as officials grappled with another episode that occurred hours later on Sunday in South L.A. in which an LAPD officer was captured on video using an apparent chokehold while trying to restrain a 17-year-old boy during an arrest. Both incidents are under investigation.

    In the Watts case, video of the incident was originally captured on cellphone by a bystander. Brad Gage, an attorney for Alexander Donta Mitchell, 28, the man who says he was punched, said the officer’s actions left his client with a broken nose and jaw pain.

    The 56-minute police body cam video shows two officers approaching Mitchell’s silver Dodge Charger that is doubled parked and facing the wrong way near the corner of 113th Street and Graham Avenue.

    An officer uses a flashlight to look into the tinted windows of the driver side of the vehicle. A second officer stands by the front passenger-side door.

    Mitchell is later seen rolling down his windows, asking the officer next to him what the problem was. The officer tells him he’s double parked and facing the wrong way before opening the driver’s door.

    Mitchell then tells the officer he’s not on probation or parole and begins questioning why the officer opened his door.

    “Because you’re ignoring me,” the officer says.

    “I didn’t ignore you,” Mitchell says.

    The officer then asks Mitchell to step out of the vehicle, which he does. But things become hostile when the officer says he needs to pat Mitchell down.

    “For what, though?” Mitchell repeatedly asks the officer.

    “For weapons,” the officer tells him.

    “I don’t have anything on me.”

    At that point, the two officers grab Mitchell’s arm and place it behind his back as they attempt to handcuff him.

    “Get your hands off me,” he tells them. “I ain’t got nothing, I can sit in the car. I ain’t on no probation or parole …. I know my rights.”

    Nearly five minutes into the video, the officers repeatedly tell Mitchell to put his arms behind his back. The officers also instruct the crowd that has gathered to stand back. At that point, the crowd can be heard reacting to an officer’s punch, with at least one bystander saying she got it on video.

    The video also captures moments when Mitchell is telling officers he’s having trouble breathing before Los Angeles Fire Department paramedics arrived at the scene.

    Gage said the body cam video “demonstrates further why the police officer
    was not justified in handcuffing or striking Alex.” He said his client was simply on the phone while sitting inside his car.

    “There is no reason to arrest someone for double parking,” Gage said. “The officer opened the door for no reason. The whole thing could have been avoided if they asked him to move the car.”

    Gage said the video does not show other “punches that aren’t shown.”

    Mitchell was arrested on suspicion of obstruction and resisting arrest and was later released with a misdemeanor citation.

    Ed Obayashi, a law enforcement use-of-force expert, lawyer and deputy in Modoc County, said after viewing the video that the incident was easily avoidable, given that Mitchell was simply sitting in his vehicle double parked. But he said the officer decided to take a more aggressive approach.

    “The opening of the car door set it off; it escalated from that point on,” he said. “There is resistance and there is resistance. [Mitchell] isn’t fighting here.”

    Meanwhile, in the second incident in South L.A., video also shot by a bystander shows an officer with his arms wrapped around a shirtless teen’s head while rolling on the ground, police said in a news release.

    The incident occurred about 10:30 p.m. Sunday near the intersection of 70th and Main streets when officers saw people smoking marijuana and drinking alcohol next to a number of double-parked vehicles.

    The officers said they saw the teen appear to place an unknown object under the front passenger seat of the vehicle he was in and then run away. After a foot pursuit, “a noncategorical use of force occurred,” police said.”

    The officers struggled with the teen and at one point shocked him with a stun device, which was ineffective, according to the news release.

    Additional officers arrived on the scene and the subject was arrested, the release said.

    The teen was booked at Los Padrinos Juvenile Hall on suspicion of resisting a police officer, according to the department.

    It was not immediately clear whether he had an attorney. Two officers who were present were taken to the hospital with cuts to their hands, faces and knees, the news release said.

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    Ruben Vives, Richard Winton, Libor Jany

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  • Gas station robbery leads to chase and fatal crash, police say

    Gas station robbery leads to chase and fatal crash, police say

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    A gas station robbery set off a car chase down Los Angeles city streets that led to a crash and the death of one of the robbery suspects, police said.

    The incident unfolded Saturday evening on West Adams Boulevard, where police said a 21-year-old man was robbed at gunpoint while parked at a gas station.

    The man pursued the robbers as they drove away, and allegedly collided his black SUV into the back of their white sedan, police said. The sedan rammed into a light pole at the intersection with South West View Street, and two passengers jumped out, firing multiple shots at their pursuer.

    Paramedics arriving at the scene pronounced the driver behind the wheel, identified by LAPD as a man in his 30s, dead.

    The robbery victim waited at the scene of the crash for officers to arrive, an LAPD spokesman said. The case is being investigated by the homicide division, but the spokesman could not say if the robbery victim was taken into custody.

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    Paige St. John

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